Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada

1. Overview

Sources indicate that there are 5 million Anglophones in Cameroon (BBC 2025-05-26; Afrik.com 2025-08-28). They constitute approximately 20% of country's population (RFI 2025-06-08; HumAngle 2024-09-20). The Africa Report, a pan-African news organization, notes that although the Anglophone Northwest and Southwest regions comprise "nearly" 20% of Cameroon's population, they constitute only 3% of its territory (2025-03-26). A 2024 report by the UN Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat) [1] describes Cameroon as linguistically "divided into two zones": The "'Anglophone zone', which borders Nigeria and encompasses two of the ten Regions of Cameroon (North-West and South-West) … and the 'Francophone zone' which includes the rest of the country" (UN 2024-11, 22). The same report indicates that the Anglophone regions represent 14% of Cameroon's total population (UN 2024-11, 22).

The constitution of Cameroon of 1972, amended in 2008, provides the following:

The official languages of the, [sic] Republic of Cameroon shall be English and French, both languages having the same status. The State shall guarantee the promotion of bilingualism throughout the country. It shall endeavour to protect and promote national languages. (Cameroon 1972, Art. 1(3))

In their joint submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review, Franciscans International (FI) [2] and the Denis Hurley Peace Institute (DHPI) [3] indicate that Anglophones in Cameroon have been "historically marginalized and discriminated against" (2023-03-30, 3). In an article in the Oxford Political Review (OPR), a publication at the University of Oxford that covers global affairs, Elena Frogameni, a PhD student in politics at Oxford University whose research focuses on "language grievances in intrastate conflict" (University of Oxford n.d.), notes that Anglophone regions of Cameroon and the country's "English-speaking citizens" experience "widespread marginalisation, discrimination, and violent oppression in public and political life" (Frogameni 2024-08-14). Bertelsmann Stiftung's Transformation Index (BTI) 2026, which "assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of governance in 137 countries," reports that English-speaking regions "have long expressed a sense of linguistic and cultural discrimination dating back to colonialism" (2026, 2, 5).

Sources report that in 2016, protests led by Anglophones [over the national government's decision to transfer French-speaking judges and teachers to "Anglophone-majority regions" (USCRI 2025-03-28)] were "violently broken up" by military forces (USCRI 2025-03-28) or were met with a "violent crackdown" by security forces (GCR2P 2026-03-16). According to the same sources, in October 2017, Anglophone separatists declared independence (USCRI 2025-03-28; GCR2P 2026-03-16). The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect (GCR2P), a research and advocacy organization working on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) [4] further indicates that separatists declared "a new state of 'Ambazonia'" in the Northwest and Southwest regions (2026-03-16). The same source reports that since this declaration of independence, clashes between "separatist" armed groups and government security forces "have escalated, resulting in widespread atrocities against the civilian population" (GCR2P 2026-03-16). Similarly, Amnesty International notes that following the "self-proclaimed independence of 'Ambazonia' by separatist leaders" in October 2017, the population has been "caught" between "various actors" in a "situation of armed violence" in the Anglophone regions (2023-07-04, 6). According to an article by International Crisis Group (Crisis Group), the Anglophone conflict "has dragged on … causing over 7,000 deaths, displacing a million people and depriving 600,000 students of schooling at the peak of disruption" (2026-04-16). The Africa Report states that "more than 6,000 people have been killed, thousands remain missing, and hundreds of thousands have been displaced" (2025-03-26).

2. Situation of Anglophones within Anglophone Regions

A report by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) indicates that "approximately" 45% of schools in the Anglophone regions "remain non-functional" due to "protracted insecurity, recurrent lockdowns, targeted attacks on education, and widespread school closures" (UN 2026-02-26, 31).

Freedom House reports that the conflict between government security forces and "separatists" in the Anglophone regions "is ongoing and has resulted in widespread civilian deaths and displacements" (2025-02-26, Overview). A human rights assessment mission carried out in Cameroon by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) in December 2024 notes a "reduction in the intensity of hostilities" between state security forces and armed groups, adding that "grave human rights violations and abuses continue to be committed by both sides, leaving the population exhausted and largely unprotected" (2026-01-05, 7). Belgium's Centre for Documentation and Research (Cedoca) [5] cites March 2024 correspondence with the Cameroonian NGO Human Is Right Cameroon (HSR-Cmr) reporting that in the Anglophone regions there was a "'considerable decrease in the number of killings'" and a "'decrease'" in "'combats between state defence and security forces and non-state armed groups'" (Belgium 2024-06-28, 14). The same correspondence indicated that "'[i]nsecurity'" was "'higher'" in rural areas than urban areas, with "'major towns like Bamenda, Santa, Kumbo, Buea, Limbe, Kumba and Tiko'" offering "'more security than the villages situated in the rural areas'" (Belgium 2024-06-28, 25).

2.1. Treatment by Armed Groups within Anglophone Regions

A 2023 report by Amnesty International describes: "the people of the North-West and South-West regions have found themselves caught between the Cameroonian army, armed separatists (whose distinction from criminal groups has become increasingly blurred) and militias" (2023-07-04, 16). A report by OCHA produced with help from "humanitarian partners" indicates that between January and March 2026, the "humanitarian situation" in the Anglophone regions "remained severe" due to "armed conflict, insecurity, and deteriorating protection conditions for civilians," adding that clashes between government security forces and armed groups "continued across most divisions" (UN 2026-04-30, 1). The GCR2P reports that despite a "declin[e]" in "deadly attacks by separatists" in "recent years," the conflict "continues to pose a risk to civilians" (2026-03-16).

The information in the following paragraph was provided by a UN Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) report:

From January to September 2025, 1,327 "protection incidents" [6] were recorded in the Northwest region, including "offences against liberty and security (34%)," violations against property (27%), and physical and psychological harm (27%). During the same period, 1,200 protection incidents were reported in the Southwest region, including "property-related abuses (34%)," physical and psychological harm (24%) and "offences against liberty and security" (24%). In both regions, "unidentified armed groups" were the "primary perpetrators, contributing to persistent insecurity, extortion, intimidation, and movement restrictions." Further, 175 of the 430 cases of gender-based violence identified in the same period and in the areas monitored happened in the Northwest and Southwest regions, with the "frequent" forms being physical assault (30%), rape (29%), psychological trauma (20%) and denial of resources (17%) (UN 2025-09-30, 4, 5).

A research analyst at the Nkafu Policy Institute, a Cameroonian think tank that provides policy recommendations (Nkafu Policy Institute n.d.), notes that sexual violence, including "rape, forced marriages, sexual assault, abductions and other forms of violence based on gender," has "reportedly" been perpetrated by both the state and by armed groups in the Anglophone regions (2024-07-17). The same source notes that patterns of sexual violence "frequently target entire communities" to "bring about fear and maintain population control" (Nkafu Policy Institute 2024-07-17). The OHCHR report indicates that armed groups members have reportedly carried out "cases of rape, forced and early marriage and other forms of sexual violence in their positions … predominantly in rural areas" (UN 2026-01-05, 3).

According to Belgium's Cedoca report, [translation] "separatists particularly target civilians suspected of collaborating with government forces and those that refuse to submit to imposed orders" (Belgium 2024-06-28, 38). The 2023 Amnesty International report details that separatist armed groups have killed civilians, including public servants, employees of state-controlled companies, people accused of being traitors, and people who have disobeyed orders (2023-07-04). In correspondence with the Research Directorate, a representative of Human Is Right Cameroon (HSR-Cmr), stated that "teachers, students, traders, traditional leaders, journalists, clergy, and humanitarian workers" have "frequently" experienced "intimidation, violence, extorsion, abductions, and restrictions on movement from armed separatist groups" in the Anglophone regions (HSR-Cmr 2026-05-09). The OHCHR report indicates that "over the past five years," armed groups have "deliberately targeted and unlawfully killed" schoolchildren, teachers, judicial staff, traditional leaders, and individuals defying "lockdown orders" (UN 2026-01-05, 2). African Security Analysis (ASA), a Sweden-based intelligence consultancy firm that provides security monitoring for Africa, indicates that in September 2025, armed groups imposed lockdowns in Bamenda, Buea, and Kumba to "undermine state authority," which resulted in the closure of schools, markets, public transport, and businesses (ASA 2025-09-21). The representative of HSR-Cmr noted that civilians "attempt[ing] to resume normal life, open businesses, or send children to school have at times reportedly been threatened, assaulted, or killed" (2026-05-09).

Sources describe the following incidents in the Anglophone regions:

• Killings (USCRI 2025-03-28; RFI 2024-05-27);
• Destruction of property (GCR2P 2026-03-16; UN 2024-04-15, 70);
• Restrictions on movement imposed by separatist armed groups (HSR-Cmr 2026-05-09; UN 2026-04-30, 2; ASA 2025-09-21);
• Kidnappings for ransom (GCR2P 2026-03-16; UN 2026-01-08, 2);
• Extortion (GCR2P 2026-03-16; GI-TOC 2025-11-10, 3).
  
  

2.2. Treatment by Authorities within Anglophone Regions

The GCR2P indicates that during the conflict, government security forces have committed "extrajudicial killings and widespread sexual and gender-based violence and burned Anglophone villages" (2026-03-16). A December 2025 article by the Nkafu Policy Institute states that security forces in the Anglophone regions "face recurring allegations of committing violations against civilians" (2025-12-23). The representative of HSR-Cmr indicated that, on a "daily" basis, government security forces carry out "systematic arrests, detention[s] and extortion" of young men and women in Buea, Limbe, Kumba, Mamfe, Bamenda and in "most towns and villages in the Anglophone and French-speaking regions" (2026-05-09).

The US Department of State's Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2024 notes a "decline in civilian fatalities due to improved respect for human rights by government security forces" in the Anglophone regions (2025-08-12, 1). However, citing human rights NGOs, the same source adds that government security forces "often targeted Anglophone citizens with warrantless arrest and detention and subjected them to abuse" to "extract information or confessions" (US 2025-08-12, 18−19). The OHCHR report notes that "arbitrary arrests" and "detention" by security and defense forces were "reported" to be "widespread" and "frequently accompanied by ill treatment and torture" (UN 2026-01-05, 2). The same source states that, while security and defence forces have provided "some protection," they have also committed "serious human rights violations" such as "unlawful killings, arbitrary arrests and enforced disappearances," adding that they "often fai[l] to distinguish between civilians and armed actors" (UN 2026-01-05, 1).

Citing "multiple sources," the OHCHR report indicates that "reported cases of rape and other forms of sexual violence" in Anglophone regions are "alarmingly frequent," adding that "[c]ases are reportedly perpetrated by members of state security and defence forces" and armed groups (UN 2026-01-05, 3). The same source notes that the reported cases of sexual violence perpetrated by government security forces happened "around their positions" and in "urban areas" (UN 2026-01-05, 3).

The OHCHR notes cases of "summary executions" by government security forces of "persons they suspect of belonging to non-state armed groups" (UN 2026-01-05, 2). As per the same source, the OHCHR's assessment team "received information" according to which government security forces have "arrested, detained, and forcibly disappeared" medical staff in "cases where they have been transporting or treating patients with gunshot wounds that these forces assume to be injured fighters" (UN 2026-01-05, 5). Citing a father in Buea whose son was "framed as a separatist fighter by the military in 2021, arbitrarily detained and later tortured to death," HumAngle Media (HumAngle), a digital news outlet that covers conflict and development issues in Africa, reports: "'At times, soldiers disguise themselves in civilian attire to arrest anyone they suspect has links to the separatist fighters'" (2024-09-20). In correspondence with the Research Directorate, an adjunct lecturer at the University of Baltimore who conducts research on governance and conflict in Africa, including in Cameroon, indicated that the authorities' treatment of Anglophones "varies depending on location, perceived political affiliation, and security context," adding that civilians "in conflict-affected areas" are "often vulnerable to suspicion, harassment, arbitrary arrest, detention, intimidation, and mistreatment where authorities perceive them as sympathetic to separatist groups" (2026-05-07).

Sources describe the following operations by government security forces:

• In April 2026, Cameroon's Ministry of Defence announced that its forces killed 14 alleged members of an armed separatist group in the village of Ndzerem-Nyam [Dzerem-Nyam], Northwest Cameroon (StopBlaBlaCam.com 2026-05-02; RFI 2026-05-01). However, according to [translation] "many local sources and civil society" groups, the operation resulted in "at least" 15 civilians killed and "many" people reported missing (RFI 2026-05-01).
• In May 2025, residents in Malende, a village in Southwest Cameroon, protested against "abus[e]" by military personnel including extorsion, physical abuse (Le Bled Parle 2025-05-17; MMI 2025-05-16), and sexual abuse (MMI 2025-05-16).
  
  

In April 2025, according to the head of the Southwest branch of the Cameroon National Commission on Human Rights, a number of soldiers, gendarmes and police officers "tortured" a civilian and "extort[ed]" Central African CFA francs (FCFA) 400,000 [C$971] from him (MMI 2025-04-17; The Guardian Post 2025-04-22). A publication by the English-language Cameroonian newspaper the Guardian Post (as captured in 2025 by the Wayback Machine, a digital archive of the Internet) reports that officers had "accused" the victim "without evidence" of being a "separatist fighter" (The Guardian Post 2025-04-22).

In follow-up correspondence, the representative of HSR-Cmr stated that access to justice is a "big concern" for Anglophones because "most" military personnel and military judges "are biased when dealing with cases of Anglophones brought to their attention," adding that authorities "easily arres[t], detain, torture [and] remand" Anglophones in custody (HSR-Cmr 2026-05-20).

According to a June 2024 report on military courts by the American Bar Association (ABA) Center for Human Rights (CHR), which organizes lawyers to defend and protect advocates and "vulnerable communities," in response to the Anglophone Crisis, the Cameroon government has adopted counter-terrorism laws allowing for the trial of human rights defenders, lawyers, and journalists in military courts, as a means of "cracking down on civic space" (ABA CHR 2024-06-21, ii, 1). The ABA CHR states that this practice "denies" such individuals the right to a "fair trial and appeals process" and has led to "incommunicado and lengthy pre-trial detention[s]" (2024-06-21, 1). The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) notes that Tsi Conrad, a filmmaker from the Northwest Region was arrested in 2016 by military officers while filming a demonstration and sentenced in 2018 to 15 years in prison by a military court (CPJ [2026]). Upon examining Conrad's case in 2021, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention deemed him to have faced an "unreasonably prolonged" delay for a trial, "torture and ill-treatment during his detention," as well as "arbitrary" detention for his "political opinions" (2021-07-29, para. 78, 80, 83, 85).

2.3. Access to Public Services within Anglophone Regions

The Adjunct Lecturer indicated that Anglophones face "serious barriers to accessing public services" in Anglophone regions, adding that these are "often caused by a combination of conflict, insecurity, displacement, weak state presence, linguistic grievances, and mistrust of state institutions rather than a simple formal policy of denial" (2026-05-07). In correspondence with the Research Directorate, Mimi Mefo Newuh, a journalist who reports on the Anglophone conflict and who is the editor-in-chief of the news platform Mimi Mefo Info (MMI), stated that patients "sometimes avoid hospitals because traveling through military checkpoints or conflict zones carries risks" (Mefo Newuh 2026-05-19). The same source noted that "[ot]hers struggle to obtain official documents" because administrative services are "inaccessible" to them or they "fear" going to urban centres (Mefo Newuh 2026-05-19).

3. Situation of Anglophones Outside Anglophone Regions, Including Yaoundé and Douala

The Adjunct Lecturer indicated that "many Anglophones function successfully" in Douala and Yaoundé, adding that these cities have "bilingual institutions, universities, hospitals, private services, and Anglophone communities" (2026-05-07). According to Mefo Newuh, Anglophones outside Anglophone regions "generally enjoy greater physical security"; however, "many report social discrimination, stereotyping or political suspicion" (2026-05-19). In correspondence with the Research Directorate, a research associate at the Nkafu Policy Institute, indicated that the experiences of internally displaced Anglophone women in Francophone regions vary, adding that "[s]ome report receiving sympathy and assistance from host communities, while others report discrimination, marginalization, or suspicion" (Research Associate 2026-05-19).

The representative of HSR-Cmr stated that the "mass exodus" of internally displaced people (IDP) from conflict-afflicted areas into French-speaking regions has led to an increase in rental housing prices, adding that "most" landlords do not want to rent their houses to internally displaced Anglophones out of "fear [that] too many people will occupy" their homes (2026-05-09). In correspondence with the Research Directorate, an international development consultant whose doctoral research concerned peacebuilding in Cameroon, identified "reports of landlords either refusing to rent to Anglophones or increasing rental prices for them" owing "partly" to "concerns about frequent security checks targeting Anglophone residents" (Consultant 2026-05-08). Mefo Newuh indicated that Anglophone IDPs face "economic hardship, housing insecurity and social stigma," adding that "some landlords are reluctant to rent" to displaced Anglophones (2026-05-19).

In correspondence with the Research Directorate, the Executive Director of the Centre for Human Rights and Peace Advocacy (CHRAPA) [7] indicated that "landlords are reportedly discriminatory in offering housing to Anglophones … especially female IDPs who are at times sexually exploited" (Executive Director 2026-05-22). The Research Associate at the Nkafu Policy Institute indicated that "many" displaced women have informal employment, such as domestic work, and while there are "some reports" of "survival sex," its "prevalence is difficult to quantify" (2026-05-19). Following a question about the situation of Anglophones outside Anglophone regions, particularly in Yaoundé and Douala, the consultant noted "reports of cases of exploitative practices," particularly affecting vulnerable women, in which individuals demand sex in exchange for housing (2026-05-08). A report by OCHA states that "survival sex" by internally displaced women and girls from the Anglophone regions who "fled to urban centers" of the Littoral and the Centre regions [of which Douala and Yaoundé are the regional capitals respectively] "continues to be reported as a major protection concern" (UN 2024-04-15, 36). According to another report by OCHA:

In areas with high concentrations of displaced people[,] particularly in Douala, most landlords have increased rents over the past three years. As a result, most displaced people stay in overcrowded houses or find accommodation arrangements that turn into patterns of (sexual) exploitation or forced labour. (UN 2025-01-31, 44)

3.1. Access to Public Services Outside Anglophone Regions, Including Yaoundé and Douala

The Adjunct Lecturer indicated that barriers, such as "struggling to pay rent, obtaining documents, finding work, enrolling children in school, or accessing healthcare" are "often linked to economic hardship, weak social protection, language, and the burden of displacement" (2026-05-07). Mefo Newuh stated that "poverty and displacement resulting from the conflict" accentuate the barriers that Anglophone IDPs face to "enrolling children in school, obtaining civil documents, accessing stable employment and securing housing" (2026-05-19).

In correspondence with the Research Directorate, an assistant professor in international relations at the University of Aberdeen in Scotland who has published on the Anglophone conflict noted that "health, education, or housing is not routinely denied to people simply because they are Anglophone" (2026-05-14). Citing a [translation] "researcher and expert on West Africa and Cameroon," Cedoca notes that there is "no deliberate policy of discrimination by the authorities" (Belgium 2024-06-28, 31). In response to a question about whether Anglophones outside Anglophone regions, particularly in Yaoundé and Douala, have access to public services, the Adjunct Lecturer noted that "public administration" in both cities is "often-French dominant in practice," adding that Anglophones who are not fluent in French "may experience delays, poor treatment, exclusion, or difficulty navigating government offices, courts, police stations, schools, hospitals, or administrative procedures" (2026-05-07). Mefo Newuh noted that access to public services in Yaoundé and Douala is "often unequal in practice," adding that French "dominates most administrative procedures, courts, police stations and hospitals" (2026-05-19). The Assistant Professor stated that in Yaoundé and Douala, an "inability" to speak French "restricts economic and social opportunities and therefore indirectly affects access to education, healthcare, and good housing" (2026-05-14).

Citing a November 2024 interview with an international NGO supporting displaced persons, Cedoca states that unlike Yaoundé, Douala has a [translation] "strong English-speaking atmosphere," adding that public services are "generally offered in both French and English" (Belgium 2025-06-11, 37). Responding to a question by Cedoca on discrimination faced by Anglophones, the director of the IOM office in Douala noted being "unaware" of "potential discrimination in access to housing and education" in Douala (Belgium 2025-06-11, 38). However, the same report, again citing the director of the IOM office in Douala, also indicates that accessing public services [translation] "can be complicated" for IDPs (Belgium 2025-06-11, 38).

UN-Habitat notes that the "arrival" of IDPs from the "English-speaking minority" in "informal settlements and underdeveloped areas" has "pu[t] great pressure on the already saturated public services" in the subdivision (2024-11, 14).

4. State Protection

The Nkafu Policy Institute article states that "protection" for survivors of sexual violence is "mostly provided by humanitarian and non-governmental organizations" (2024-07-17). Citing correspondence in February 2024 with a Yaoundé-based human rights organization, Cedoca states that the [translation] "Cameroonian authorities have no specific programs for IDPs or displaced Anglophones" (Belgium 2024-06-28, 30).

The OHCHR report indicates that people filing complaints of human rights violations are "frequently required to pay bribes at various stages of the legal process" (UN 2026-01-05, 6). The same source notes, citing "legal professionals," that a "fear of reprisals and career setbacks deters magistrates from prosecuting state agents" (2026-01-05, 6). The representative of HSR-Cmr indicated that investigations into "alleged abuses" by the authorities are "often slow, opaque, or ineffective," adding that "few perpetrators are held accountable" (2026-05-09). Citing "field experience," the same source stated that "many victims and witnesses are reluctant to report abuses" due to "fear of reprisals, lack of confidence in the authorities, insecurity, and perceptions of widespread impunity" (HSR-Cmr 2026-05-09).

The consultant stated that there is "limited accountability among predominantly Francophone security personnel deployed to the Anglophone regions" (2026-05-08). The OHCHR report indicates that "[v]ery few" state agents are "held accountable" for "rape or other forms of sexual violence" and "perpetrators from state security and defence forces are often reassigned to a different location before any trial takes place" (UN 2026-01-05, 3). As reported by the same source, survivors of sexual violence by state agents "almost never" receive "any" compensation and while "[r]eferral pathways" for survivors exist, service providers "struggle to respond to the scale of the problem" due to a "lack of long-term funding" (UN 2026-01-05, 3). The Research Associate at the Nkafu Policy Institute stated the following:

In practice, access to protection and justice can be limited, especially in conflict-affected areas where institutions may not function fully. Stigma, fear of reprisals, lack of trust in authorities, and practical barriers (including language barriers for some displaced persons in Francophone areas) can discourage reporting and reduce the likelihood of effective legal follow-up. (2026-05-19)

According to the OHCHR report, there is also "very limited state capacity to provide adequate support" to address the "profound effect on the mental health of many people" caused by the crisis in the Northwest and Southwest regions (UN 2026-01-05, 5). The same source notes that the state provides "insufficient" socio-economic assistance to IDPs (UN 2026-01-05, 5). The representative of HSR-Cmr stated that existing state protection mechanisms are "insufficient and ineffective" owing to "difficulties" in "accessing them in some remote areas," and the fact that "most of these mechanisms are understaffed and underpaid" (2026-05-09).

The OHCHR report indicates that "[m]any" IDPs from the Anglophone regions living in a "very precarious socio-economic situation" receive "insufficient" state assistance, adding that authorities have provided "some ad-hoc assistance" at the "local level, typically through mayors' offices" (UN 2026-01-05, 5).

This Response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the Research Directorate within time constraints. This Response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim for refugee protection. Please find below the list of sources consulted in researching this Information Request.

Notes

[1] UN-Habitat carried out the survey between 24 and 27 July 2023, interviewing 110 people from the IDP community in the neighbourhoods of Ndogpassi, Espoir and Yassa in the Douala 3 subdivision (UN 2024-11, 165).^[back]

[2] Franciscans International (FI) is a religious NGO that amplifies cases of discrimination and violence against marginalized groups, as reported by their local partners, to the UN (FI & DHPI 2023-03-30, 2). The organization has global offices in Geneva, Switzerland, and New York (FI n.d.). ^[back]

[3] The Denis Hurley Peace Institute (DHPI) is a South African Catholic organization that advocates for peace, democracy, and human rights in a number of African countries, including Cameroon (FI & DHPI 2023-03-30, 2).^[back]

[4] The GCR2P indicates that the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) is an "international norm" developed in 2001 that aims to ensure that the international community halts "the mass atrocity crimes of genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity" (GCR2P n.d.).^[back]

[5] Cedoca is the research unit of Belgium's Office of the Commissioner General for Refugees and Stateless Persons (Belgium 2025-06-11, i).^[back]

[6] The UNHCR defines a "protection incident" as a situation where "an individual has experienced or is at risk of serious harm, violence, abuse, exploitation, a severe form of discrimination, or a violation of their rights which is impacting on their safety and dignity, meaningful access, participation and empowerment, or otherwise their well-being" (UN 2021-11-30).^[back]

[7] The CHRAPA is a Bamenda-based human rights organization that "works with local communities" in Cameroon, including in the Anglophone regions, to "promote human rights and peace" (CHRAPA n.d.).^[back]

References

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Additional Sources Consulted

Oral sources: Academic at a university in Germany who has published on Anglophone IDPs' access to housing in Cameroon's Littoral region; academic at a university in the UK who has published on the Anglophone conflict; Cameroon Association of English-Speaking Journalists; Cameroon Human Rights Commission; conflict research coordinator at #defyhatenow; Hope Advocates Africa; International Crisis Group; Mission 21; Norwegian Refugee Council; Nouveaux Droits de l’Homme – Cameroun; PhD student at a university in the UK who has published on the Anglophone conflict; Reach Out Cameroon; Réseau Camerounais des Organisations des Droits de l'Homme; Réseau des Défenseurs des Droits de l'Homme de l'Afrique Centrale; senior researcher at the Central Africa Observatory on Organized Crime and Violence; The South West and North West Women's Task Force; UN – International Organization for Migration; Un Monde Avenir.

Internet Sites, including: L'Action; Adonai Beyond Borders International; Al Jazeera; Association for Catholic Information in Africa; Atlantic Council; Austrian Red Cross − Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation; BaretaNews; Cameroon News Agency; Cameroon Tribune; Deutsche Welle; L'écho des Droits Humains; Eurasia Review; EU – EU Agency for Asylum; Fédération internationale pour les droits humains; France 24; Genocide Watch; Geopolitical Intelligence Services; Jeune Afrique; London School of Economics and Political Science – Firoz Lalji Institute for Africa, Africa@LSE; Mapping Territorial Transformations in Africa; Minority Africa; Mongabay; Médecins sans frontières; Norwegian Refugee Council; News-Lens; Pan African Visions; Robert and Ethel Kennedy Human Rights Center; Robert Lansing Institute; UN – International Organization for Migration, UNICEF; University of Toronto – International Human Rights Program, Cameroon Anglophone Crisis Database of Atrocities; Xinhua News Agency.