Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1990
ETHIOPIA
The People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia is a single-party
state headed by President Mengistu Haile-Mariam, who led a
military takeover in 1977. The Leninist-style Constitution
adopted in 1987 provided for a Council of State, a Council of
Ministers, and a Parliament (Shengo) . In 1990 President
Mengistu rhetorically abandoned Marxism-Leninism, but the
Workers' Party. of Ethiopia (WPE) remains the most powerful of
the country's political institutions. Power remains in the
hands of President Mengistu, who is Chief of State, General
Secretary of the WPE, and Commander-in-Chief of the armed
forces.
Ethiopia's armed forces are the largest in sub-Saharan Africa,
numbering well over 300,000 troops and assisted by Soviet and
North Korean advisers. An extensive security apparatus under
the Ministry of Internal Affairs attempts to control the
population through a combination of surveillance and
informers. The Government justifies its security and defense
expenditures (at least 60 percent of the government budget) on
the basis of a civil war involving various insurgencies,
principally involving Eritreans, Oromos, and Tigrayans. The
insurgents' success in 1990, including taking the port city of
Mits ' iwa early in the year, led the Government to intensify
its coerced mobilization of .thousands of new recruits, many of
them under 16 years of age.
The Ethiopian economy is based on small-farm agriculture,
which employs 85 percent of the population. Coffee exports
provide 65 to 75 percent of foreign exchange earnings. In
March the Government announced potentially far-reaching
economic reforms, declaring in favor of free market policies,
including deregulation of inefficient state-sponsored
agriculture and privatization of money-losing state
enterprises. There has been very little progress toward
official implementation of these reforms, due substantially to
the Government's preoccupation with war mobilization.
However, changes have occurred in rural areas despite
Government inaction, as peasants have met little resistance in
dismantling producer cooperatives. Chronic drought conditions
in much of the country also continue to drain precious
resources from a nation that is among the poorest in the world.
Human rights in Ethiopia in 1990 continued to be affected
seriously by the long civil war, which again took an
extraordinary cost in lives and property. All sides engaged
in harsh conscription campaigns. The Government held
negotiations with the Eritrean People's Liberation Front
(EPLF), the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), and the
Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF), but at year's end there was
little progress toward a cease-fire, although there was
cooperation with relief organizations in moving food shipments
into famine areas . The Government and the EPLF agreed in
December to the World Food Program proposal to reopen the port
of Mits 'iwa to relief shipments.
Major human rights abuses by the Government included; the use
of, torture in interrogation; arbitrary, incommunicado
detentions; the lack of fair public trials; restrictions on
freedoms of speech, press, assembly, and association, and the
right of citizens to change their government; and limitations
on worker rights. On the positive side, Ethiopia officially
allowed increased rates of emigration for Ethiopian Jews,
especially after Ethiopia and Israel agreed in November to
implement new modalities for family reunification.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing
Ethiopia's 29-year-old civil war continued to cause great
numbers of casualties, including among civilians (see Section
i.g.).
In May, 12 generals convicted of mounting a coup against
President Mengistu in 1989 were executed after a 5-month trial
that did not meet accepted standards of fair trial.
b. Disappearance
There were no reports of political disappearances by the
Government this year. Amnesty International noted in its 1990
report (covering 1989) that detainees arrested after the May
1989 coup attempt were held incommunicado and that unconfirmed
reports indicated at least one detainee "disappeared" while in
custody. There are frequent disappearances of party and
government officials in areas that fall under the control of
the TPLF insurgents.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
The 1987 Constitution notably omits a passage from the 1955
constitution prohibiting cruel and inhuman punishment. The
Ministry of Internal Affairs maintains numerous interrogation
and detention centers, such as the Central Prison and the
notorious "Third Police Station" in Addis Ababa and the Mariam
Gimki Center in Asmera. Physical abuse and torture are common
for those detainees suspected of affiliation with an
opposition or insurgent group, or harboring antigovernment
sentiments, although since the advent of negotiations there
has been a sharp drop in the number of reports of torture.
These groups have included members of the EPLF, TPLF, Oromo
Liberation Front (OLF), ELF, and the Ethiopian People's
Revolutionary Party (EPRP) . Common methods of torture have
included beating on the soles of the feet, suspension from a
rope in a contorted position, death threats, mock executions,
sleep deprivation, and submergence to the point of
unconsciousness in tanks of water.
The 12 generals sentenced to death for alleged involvement in
the 1989 coup attempt were reportedly tortured before their
executions (see Section i.e.).
In May the authorities arrested an estimated 350 students for
demonstrating in Addis Ababa against the execution of the 12
generals. They were taken to a police training camp outside
the capital, detained for 1 week, made to walk barefoot over
sharp stones, and given minimal food rations.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile
The 1987 Constitution provides for arraignment in court within
48 hours, arrest warrants, a fair trial, protection against
self-incrimination, and the right to counsel. However,
Ethiopians suspected of antigovernment actions or sentiments
continue to be subject to arrest or detention by the police
without charge or judicial review. In politically sensitive
arrests, the Government generally prefers to operate
furtively, taking the suspect from home at night.
Door-to-door searches at night have also been a common feature
of the Government's forced conscription campaigns.
The 1988 state of emergency declared for Eritrea and Tigray
remains in effect and permits security forces to stop, detain,
and hold indefinitely at any time, without court or
prosecutor's warrant, any person who has violated or is
suspected of having violated the special emergency decree or
who in any manner disturbs law and order within the emergency
areas. In these war-torn areas, both sides in the conflict
often detain persons on the slightest suspicion.
The Government freed 620 persons, described as "legal and
political prisoners", from Eritrean prisons in September.
Reportedly the "political" prisoners covered by the release
were predominantly those arrested while resisting
conscription. Government forces in Eritrea have been
encircled by the EPLF since February, and lack of food was
believed to be the major factor in the Government's decision
to release the large number of prisoners.
While precise information is difficult to obtain due to
government secrecy, reports suggest that up to 500 political
detainees may remain in Ethiopia. The Government's use of the
term "political prisoner" extends to those resisting
conscription and to those arrested for possible connection to
rebel movements. Many detainees are students or former
government officials arrested during the Red Terror of the
late 1970 's. Most have never been charged and are Oromos,
Eritreans, and Tigrayans. The Government arrested four
Ethiopian Jews in 1987 who were sentenced to 5-year terms and
are being held in Gonder . Three others were jailed in Gonder
this fall for alleged involvement with the TPLF . The
Government does not use exile as a means of political control.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
Ethiopia's judicial system remains bifurcated in practice if
not in theory. While nonpolitical civil and criminal
offenders are usually granted fair public trial, military and
political cases are subject to official manipulation and
executive meddling. The definition of what constitutes a
"political" case is broadly interpreted by the Government but
usually relates to the Government's preoccupation with
internal security or alleged political opposition. Prisoners
cleared of charges or whose terms have been completed may not
be promptly released from prison.
While the Supreme Court is at the apex of the judicial system,
other judicial bodies include a Supreme Court Council, a
Worker's Control Committee, and military courts in contested
areas. Since the 1974 revolution, the kebeles (urban
neighborhood organizations controlled by the WPE) have been
the primary local units of judicial decisionmaking and law
enforcement. In recent years, their role has been reduced
somewhat (except for conscription drives), but the kebeles
still inspire fear owing to their past influence and their
official status in the government/party structure.
In 1990, in two separate 5-month trials before the
specially-constituted military tribunals, the Government tried
14 generals and 22 lower-ranking officers implicated in the
1989 coup attempt. In the early trial stages, the accused
were permitted legal counsel, and the proceedings were open to
the press and family members of the accused. However, the
court proceedings were held in secret once the evidentiary
stage was reached, and some reports indicate that a third
trial for other coup suspects may have been held entirely in
secret. President Mengistu reportedly intervened to insist on
death sentences for 12 of the 14 generals. The executions
were carried out secretly, and the 12 were allegedly tortured
before their executions.
f.
Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or
Correspondence
The 1987 Constitution provides for the "inviolability of the
house" and protects against unlawful entry into private
homes. In reality, warrants are not used for searches of
offices or private homes. In Eritrea, Tigray, and other
war-torn areas, the state of emergency affords the armed
forces great latitude in searching or even confiscating
suspected premises. In their own areas of control, rebels
also use such tactics.
Surveillance of persons, both visual and electronic, is not
subject to legal restraints. All mail is subject to
government monitoring. Ethiopian citizens can be called in at
any time for questioning by authorities and for mandatory
kebele meetings, political rallies, or marches. Refusal to
appear for kebele meetings, however, no longer results in
serious sanctions.
Local kebele association officials monitor the activities of
urban Ethiopians; peasant association leaders perform the same
function in the countryside (see Section 6.a.). The scope of
such surveillance and petty interference in the private lives
of Ethiopian citizens depends heavily on the makeup of the
individual kebele and its leadership. In 1990 the kebeles had
a central role in fulfilling quotas for the military
conscription campaigns.
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law in Internal Conflicts
Civil war continues as the primary factor affecting human
rights in Ethiopia. Both the Government and the various
insurgent movements, notably the EPLF and TPLF, have practiced
forced conscription, imprisonment without recourse, violence
against civilian populations, torture, and extrajudicial
killing. Women have fallen victim to rape and abuse by
government and rebel soldiers, as both sides loot and
pillage. Human rights monitors accused both the Government
and the EPLF of using civilians as human shields to protect
troops and military installations. These abuses of
humanitarian law have taken place under a declared state of
emergency and civil war in the northern half of Ethiopia.
Sporadic, less intense, violence also affects areas in eastern
and western Ethiopia. There are no reliable estimates of the
number of civilian casualties in the nearly 30-year-old
conflict.
At the end of the year, rebel groups controlled most of
Eritrea, Gonder, Tigray, and Welo regions, that is, most of
the north. The main insurgent groups, the EPLF, TPLF, and, to
some extent the OLF, are fighting groups that, like the
Government, violate humanitarian laws with varying degrees of
impunity, severity, and cruelty. EPLF hit teams assassinated
WPE officials in Eritrea. The TPLF executed a local
administrator in Karakore (north Shewa) in public in April.
There are credible reports of atrocities by OLF insurgents
against civilians of ethnic Amhara origin—in Asosa in
January, and in east Harerge in March.
In Eritrea, EPLF shells killed over 100 civilians in attacks
on the Eritrean capital of Asmera, while a number of civilians
were killed in government attacks on Mits'iwa. The EPLF
accused government warplanes of having singled out densely
populated neighborhoods in attacks on the towns of Afabet and
Mits ' iwa in April.
In 1990 the Government, fearing a military collapse, stepped
up its mobilization campaign, recruiting over 100,000 new
troops from urban and rural areas during the year. Despite
guidance that the new recruits be aged 18 years or older, some
14- to 16-year-olds were caught in the indiscriminate sweeps.
The government call-up also extended to veterans, retired
police and security officers, and reservists, some in their
50 's and 60 's. In the roundups, some fatalities were
reported. In at least two instances in eastern Ethiopia, a
number of Somali refugees were included in the roundups. The
Government sent the refugees to the front in spite of the fact
that some of the refugees had documents issued by the United
Nations High Commissioner of Refugees (UNHCR) that attested to
their status. Rebel groups also engaged in forced
conscription.
In one of the more egregious acts by rebel forces, the OLF,
with assistance from the EPLF and perhaps the Sudanese Army,
attacked the refugee camp at Asosa in January. This camp near
the Sudanese border was home to nearly 43,000 Sudanese
refugees who were forced to abandon the camp. In May many
began arriving in alarming physical condition at the Itang
camp in southwestern Ethiopia. In October OLF troops ambushed
a German aid worker and his family, seriously injuring him.
The OLF also attacked and burned two UNHCR trucks transporting
food to the Fugnido refugee camp.
Little information is available on the numbers and treatment
of prisoners of war (POW's). The Government usually holds
insurgents in jails or detention centers. The EPLF has been
holding three Soviet POW's since early 1988 and has refused to
negotiate their release. The OLF held six Cuban medical
workers prisoner for several months. The TPLF usually
releases ordinary soldiers upon capture, after disarming them
and confiscating their footwear. The International Committee
of the Red Cross (ICRC) remains barred from access to
prisoners by both government and rebel sides. The Government
has, however, allowed ICRC medical teams to assist with
medical treatment of war wounded in Asmera, Dese (Welo), and
Bahir Dar (Gojam), areas that have seen heavy fighting in the
last year.
Throughout the year, both the Government and the insurgents
engaged in protracted negotiations with international and
local humanitarian groups that delayed badly needed food
relief shipments to civilians. The Government has engaged in
military attacks on relief shipments, and an unknown quantity
of relief supplies was destroyed in the EPLF ' s February attack
on Mits'iwa. There have been reports of malnutrition-related
deaths among children in EPLF-besieged Asmera, but extensive
relief efforts have prevented a repeat of the great famine of
1984-85.
Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press
There is no freedom of speech or press in Ethiopia. The
Government closely monitors the pronouncements of public
officials, academicians, and clergy. Academic freedom,
although seriously circumscribed, may have gained some new
life in 1990 as courses in Marxism-Leninism were no longer
required after the reforms announced in March.
The Government owns and operates all information media and
maintains censorship boards under the Ministry of
Information. Expression of unauthorized political opinions or
of views at variance with the official government line has
resulted in imprisonment. Self-censorship is a fact of life.
Only governmental political, economic, and social policies are
disseminated in the official media. In 1990, in the wake of
military defeats, government media stressed the struggle for a
united Ethiopia. Coverage of the civil war itself remains
tightly controlled and is centered around continuous calls to
arms and sacrifice in defense of the motherland.
In October Ethiopian television aired the first part of a
two-part interview by a well-known professor and outspoken
government critic, who found fault with the Government's
handling of the war. The last part of the interview was
canceled.
Several citizens expressed an interest in starting new,
independent publications since the announcement of the March
economic reforms. The Government did not, however, respond to
their applications for permission to publish.
Foreign magazines and newspapers are not readily available
since foreign exchange is not granted to purchase them.
Occasionally, publications are confiscated. Foreign radio
transmissions and broadcasts of the opposition groups are
widely listened to by Ethiopians. Western embassy news
releases, statements, books, magazines, and other media
material are generally allowed to circulate without censorship.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
Notwithstanding constitutional provisions, assembly of any
sort not previously approved by the Government is severely
restricted. In contrast, attendance at government-sponsored
rallies, meetings, and parades is frequently mandatory.
Frequent or close association with foreigners no longer
results in government harassment or detention. Professional
associations, such as the Rotary and Lions Clubs, are allowed
to operate, although their membership and activities may be
monitored by the Government. Trade and professional
associations were reorganized in 1986 by the WPE and new
boards selected from members approved by the party.
In May, 3 days of student demonstrations followed the
Government's execution of 12 generals implicated in the coup
attempt. The students confined their action to the area
around Addis Ababa University and adjacent secondary schools.
They burned President Mengistu's effigy, shouted slogans
demanding a change of government, and carried signs denouncing
the Government's "shameful" behavior. The protest ended when
students were rounded up and held in a police training camp
for about a week. Unlike demonstrations in May 1989, no one
was killed, but there were reports of a few serious injuries
(see Section i.e.).
c. Freedom of Religion
Ethiopian nationalism and traditional values, including
religion, are an integral part of the national culture.
Government policy no longer ignores or tries to suppress
religion. The Government nationalized most property
controlled by the Ethiopian Orthodox Church (EOC)—thought to
include as much as 30 percent of all land holdings in Ethiopia
at the time—when it took power in 1974, and the EOC
reportedly is dependent on annual government compensation
payments to cover clerical salaries. The Government actively
participates in selection of EOC officials to ensure church
conformity with its policies. The Government extensively used
the EOC in 1990 as a conduit for its national mobilization
message to the lowest levels of society.
The Government has been increasingly willing to permit worship
and proselytism by Muslims and Ethiopian Orthodox Christians.
Protestant churches, including Ethiopia's Mekane Yesus Church
and foreign evangelical organizations, pursue their missions
in a generally tolerant environment and are increasingly
praised for their social and humanitarian works. However, the
Jehovah's Witnesses remained banned. An official ban on
worship by government officials is not enforced. Officials
still occasionally schedule mandatory kebele meetings on
Sunday mornings but do little else actively to discourage
church attendance.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation
Freedom of movement within Ethiopia was hindered mostly by the
expansion of control by rebel groups to most of Eritrea,
Gonder , Tigray, and Welo. While there have been recent
Western visitors to Gonder, areas in the northern half of
Ethiopia remain inaccessible to foreigners. Foreigners
wishing to travel within Ethiopia must still obtain travel
permits, and access to areas of conflict remains restricted.
Despite occasional delays, the permit process has become
largely a formality for foreign diplomats.
Emigration remains highly restricted, though marriage to, or
adoption by, foreign nationals is allowed. Illegal emigration
remains punishable by imprisonment or, in exceptional cases,
by death. However, with the resurgent war, increasing numbers
of Ethiopians from all levels of society emigrate illegally,
either under the subterfuge of travel abroad for business or
to visit relatives or by overland treks and surreptitious
crossing of borders.
The Government issued a record number of passports in 1990,
continuing a trend begun in 1989. A daughter and two
grandchildren of former Emperor Haile Selassie received
passports and were allowed to travel abroad. They had been
released from prison in 1988. The process can be arbitrary,
however, with few if any issuances to males between 14 and 45
years of age during periods of conscription. Even during
these clampdowns, passports were reportedly available for
bribes of up to $3,500. The processing of legitimate passport
applications nevertheless remains a long and laborious
process. Exit visas must be used within 15 days of issue and
renewal can be difficult.
Restrictions on emigration have made the plight of Ethiopia's
22 , 000-strong Jewish population an urgent human rights
concern. The community, known as Beta Israel but often
referred to by other Ethiopians as "Falashas" (a word meaning
immigrant or outsider), has traditionally been concentrated in
rural areas o€ Gonder and Tigray. During the past year,
however, most have abandoned their former habitat and traveled
to Addis Ababa to await permission to emigrate to Israel.
The Government has stated publicly its commitment to free
emigration for family reunification among Ethiopia's Jewish
population. Departures in the spring briefly reached 500
people a month before the Government erected procedural
impediments that reduced the figure by more than two-thirds.
However, an agreement between Israel and Ethiopia reached in
November increased emigration to earlier levels.
Around 22,000 Falashas are registered with the Israeli Embassy
in Addis Ababa awaiting emigration. In the meantime, the
Jews, having given up their homes in the countryside (which
were immediately taken over by their non-Jewish neighbors),
face exorbitant prices for scarce housing and rising prices
for food in Addis Ababa. As a result of reestablished
relations between Israel and Ethiopia, their situation has
been ameliorated to a great extent through assistance from the
Israeli Government and from Israeli and American Jewish
philanthropic groups. Ethiopian authorities have not
prevented these organizations from establishing health and
education facilities for the Jewish population. The United
States Government continues to press the Government of
Ethiopia to put into practice its stated commitment to the
principle of free emigration.
The Government recognizes the right of voluntary repatriation,
and its proclamation of amnesty for Ethiopians living abroad
(numbering more than 1 million) remains in effect. UNHCR
repatriation programs have successfully repatriated
approximately 16,000 Ethiopians from Djibouti, Somalia, and
Sudan since 1986. During 1990, the Government cooperated,
with UNHCR and ICRC, in the repatriation of approximately
4,000 refugees from Borama, Somalia. There were no reports of
any forcible repatriation of refugees by the Government.
Instability in neighboring countries has stimulated a
large-scale refugee movement into remote areas of Ethiopia,
with approximately 750,000 people fleeing from both Somalia
and Sudan. The Government's Administration for Refugee
Affairs (ARA) , under the Ministry of Internal Affairs, has
been cooperative with the UNHCR and other international
agencies, and it generally adheres to international norms for
refugees. Refugee protection, though, is problematic. Areas
between Ethiopia, Sudan, and Somalia which house refugees
remain sites of recruiting efforts by the various liberation
fronts operating within and across the borders. The
Government has not allowed 24-hour access to refugee camps by
international relief workers, arguing that their security
cannot be guaranteed.
While no official announcements were made, the Government's
controversial internal resettlement and villagization
campaigns have ceased with the announced plans to return
agriculture to a free market basis and to allow peasants to
till the land they now occupy. Rural authorities have not
prevented peasants from returning to their traditional
homesteads. Most of those forced to resettle came from areas
of Welo and Tigray and could probably return to their home
lands but for the war.
Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens
to Change their Government
Citizens of Ethiopia are not free to change the government.
The Constitution institutionalizes all power in the WPE, the
President, his advisers, and the 33-member Council of State.
Political and economic policies are still dictated to the
populace with little opportunity for public debate. The WPE
and its mass organizations purport to offer Ethiopian citizens
a means of participation in government. Official pressure on
higher level government officials to join the WPE has eased in
recent years, however, and many members of the bureaucracy
have declined party membership without an adverse effect on
their careers.
President Mengistu's March speech dealt mainly with economic
reform, but it made passing reference to the creation of a
new, inclusive, voluntary, and democratic party, the Ethiopian
Democratic Unity Party. However, by year's end the Government
had taken no steps to implement political reform.
The Constitution mandates the formation of local parliaments
(shengos) in the 25 administrative regions and the 5
autonomous regions. However, the massive mobilization of 1990
brought a new division of the country into seven "zones,"
presided over by high-ranking military officials or Mengistu
civilian supporters. These new zonal commanders have been
given wide latitude over all activities, military and civil,
in their respective areas of control. They report directly to
President Mengistu in Addis Ababa. Local elections and
elaborate plans for the autonomous regions of Aseb, Dire Dawa,
Eritrea, the Ogaden, and Tigray, intended to solidify WPE
authority and politicize the populace, have fallen victim to
the war.
Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and
Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations
of Human Rights
There is no governmental or private body to investigate
alleged human rights violations, and it is unlikely the
Government would permit an independent group to form. The
Government resists attempts by international and
nongovernmental organizations to investigate human rights
cases.
Section 5 Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion,
Language, or Social Status
The Constitution provides for the equality of all Ethiopians
irrespective of nationality, sex, religion, occupation, social
or other status. High government offices are no longer the
exclusive province of the Amhara ethnic group and include many
Oromos and a few Eritreans and Tigrayans. Almost all senior
government and political figures are of Christian origin,
although the population is approximately 50 percent Muslim.
The Government's appeal to Ethiopian nationalism in its
struggle against the EPLF and TPLF has resulted in cases of
harassment and pressure tactics against those of ethnic
Eritrean and Tigrayan origin. This is not, however, believed
to be part of a systematic campaign by the Government.
The rights of women are protected and promised additional
government support by the Constitution. However, various U.N.
studies indicate traditional practices persist, including
marriages at very young ages, hard and time-consuming labor,
inadequate employment opportunities, and subaverage wages in
urban areas.
Village leadership, both traditionally and in the rural party
apparatus, is invariably male, and all clergy are male.
However, women in major Ethiopian groups (Oromo, Amhara,
Eritrean, and Tigrayan) enjoy certain economic and legal
rights equal to those of men. They may inherit, sell, or buy
property, and many engage actively in business. However,
women remain poorly represented at the top echelons of
government.
The Revolutionary Women's Association (REWA) , a mass
organization created in 1980, has the proclaimed goal of
improving the status of women. Problems with money,
membership, and political priorities have forced REWA to take
a back seat to coordinated ministerial and international
organization efforts in bettering the lot of women in
Ethiopia. The media give ample coverage to conferences and
other events which concern women.
Neither the Government nor REWA has specifically addressed the
issue of domestic violence, but Ethiopian women have redress
to police protection if subjected to beatings by husbands.
However, such abuse remains common, with tremendous cultural
impediments to police interference or the official prosecution
of instances of domestic violence. Compliant attitudes add to
sexual discrimination as many Ethiopian women may choose to
remain cowed by abuse, rather than face the loss of economic
and social security that marriage affords in Ethiopia. Among
urban, mostly elite Ethiopian women, divorce and desertion are
increasing. In some rural areas, women have a subservient
status within the home, and child marriages are especially
common, despite government efforts to curb such practices.
The Government, in conjunction with international
organizations, has actively pursued educational efforts,
warning women of the dangers of female circumcision (including
inf ibulation) , nutritional taboos, and traditional birth
methods. The Ministry of Public Health has established a
National Committee on Traditional Practices, composed of
representatives of various government ministries, religious
groups, and international agencies, to help educate and train
health and social workers to combat these practices.
Initially reluctant religious groups, including the Ethiopian
Orthodox Church and the Muslim supreme council, now actively
discuss—and discourage—female circumcision. These efforts
often coincide with AIDS education targeted at both urban and
rural groups.
Section 6 Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association
There is no independent labor movement in Ethiopia. The labor
force (outside agriculture) is organized into a single trade
union federation under the control of the WPE . The right to
strike is not recognized, and strikes are rare.
The Ethiopian Trade Union (ETU) , founded in 1975 to replace
the Confederation of Ethiopian Labor Unions (CELU), is the
sole federation to which all trade unions must belong. Union
jurisdiction is based on work sectors, and there are nine
industrial unions in the ETU. Only one union is permitted per
work site. The approximately 370 local unions in the ETU
comprise 318,000 members (1988). Structured along traditional
Soviet lines and with many leaders trained in Eastern Europe,
the ETU ' s range of permissible activities has now shrunk to
the point where it is little more than a "transmission belt,"
carrying to workers the message of the government and party
leadership. The right to affiliate internationally is
recognized exclusively for the ETU. The ETU is a member of
Africa's continent-wide official trade union body, the
Organization of African Trade Union Unity, and is affiliated
with the Communist-controlled World Federation of Trade Unions.
Agricultural workers are organized under the Ethiopian
Peasants' Association (EPA), which officially has between 4
and 7 million members. The EPA is an umbrella organization of
some 20,000 small peasants' associations. In addition to
being an implement of Governinent control, the EPA has promoted
literacy and advances agricultural techniques. In some areas
the local peasants' associations have had tax collection and
militia responsibilities. Local peasants' associations bore
the brunt of rural discontent during 1990. In areas of
Harerge, some peasant leaders were forcibly removed, even
killed, by farmers seeking a return of property confiscated
during the land reform of the late 1970 's. Approximately 400
producer cooperatives in the Bale and Arsi regions have shut
down over the last 2 years as a result of farmer discontent.
There has been no official reaction to these events from the
Government.
Despite the guarantee of freedom of association in the 1987
Constitution, workers and farmers are not permitted to
organize outside of the ETU and the EPA. The EPA is not a
trade union and is not covered under the 1975 labor code,
which was drafted with the assistance of Cuban experts.
The Committee of Experts of the International Labor
Organization (ILO) has criticized Ethiopia's 1975 Labor
Proclamation as being contrary to ILO Convention 87 on freedom
of association and Convention 98 on the right to organize and
bargain collectively, both of which Ethiopia has ratified. A
new labor code, written in 1987 after extensive consultations
with the ILO, would permit collective bargaining and allow
national unions to form their own federations—independent of
the WPE . However, the new code has not been passed due to
reported resistance at high levels of the Government.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively
Ethiopia signed 894 collective bargaining conventions between
1984 and 1986. However, collective bargaining does not in
fact exist in Ethiopia's public sector. Ethiopia allows
private enterprise, though government control over supply
allocations and its strict licensing procedures ensure state
enterprises a virtual monopoly in areas such as coffee.
Private sector wages are independent of the Government's
official tiered wage system. The Ministry of Labor and Social
Affairs has official responsibility for ratifying any
collective bargaining agreements and for adjudicating wage
disputes in the private sector. While there is no antiunion
discrimination policy, ETU's monopoly on worker membership has
been criticized by the ILO.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor
Ethiopia has ratified neither of the ILO's Conventions on
forced labor. Slavery was officially abolished in Ethiopia in
1942, but other than this the legal code does not address the
issue of forced or compulsory labor. The Constitution
mentions both the right to work and the duty to work.
Citizens are sometimes called on to perform certain civic
obligations, including "volunteer" assistance in community
work projects such as road-building and emergency repair. In
factories, workers are also expected to volunteer extra hours
at no pay, so production quotas can be met.
d. Minimum Age for Employment of Children
The contract employment of persons under the age of 14 is
prohibited. This restriction appears to be respected in
factories, shops, and among domestic workers. The Ministry of
Labor and Social Affairs is fairly effective in enforcing
child labor restrictions. However, underaged children are
frequently seen selling or begging on city streets or working
in the fields in rural areas.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work
Current working conditions vary according to occupation and
region, but hours are generally long, conditions poor, and
wages low. The statutory minimum wage, which has not changed
in 16 years, is 93 cents per day (at the official rate of
exchange) and is not sufficient to provide a decent standard
of living for an urban worker and family. On the other hand,
only unskilled day laborers usually command such a low wage.
In addition, fringe benefits not required by law
(transportation, meals, shelter) raise the effective minimum
wage. Low-paid workers often supplement their income by
holding multiple jobs, with help from the extended family, and
with subsistence farming.
Government wages have been frozen for 15 years. Internal
government surveys reveal that perhaps two out of every five
salaried government workers earn less than what is required to
purchase a typical Ethiopian "grocery basket" . The law
establishes 8-hour workdays and 48-hour workweeks. The
maximum legal workweek is generally respected in practice, but
as noted there is much uncompensated "volunteer" labor to meet
factory or office quotas.
The current Labor Code's miscellaneous provisions section
gives the Minister of Labor and Social Affairs powers "to
determine protective devices" and to "establish an advisory
committee" with regard to the health and safety of workers.
Compensation for occupational injuries and disabilities is
mandatory. The Ministry's effectiveness in enforcing health
and safety standards is hampered by a lack of resources.
