Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1989
CAMBODIA
.
The regime in place in Cambodia's capital is widely known as
the People's Republic of Kampuchea (PRK) although it now calls
itself the State of Cambodia. The PRK regime is headed by
Council of State Chairman Heng Samrin and Prime Minister Hun
Sen. The regime was installed by the Vietnamese army after it
drove the Khmer Rouge Communists from Phnom Penh in 1979. The
PRK is not recognized by the majority of the international
community. In September Vietnam apparently withdrew virtually
all of its main force units. However, Vietnam continues to
exert considerable influence over the PRK regime's policies.
Recently, the PRK regime has begun to pursue a set of
increasingly liberal economic policies.
PRK political institutions tend to follow the Vietnamese
model. Power is wielded by the Communist Kampuchean People's
Revolutionary Party (KPRP) , but the KPRP's control over
Cambodia has been challenged by the Coalition Government of
Democratic Kampuchea (CGDK) , composed of two non-Communist
resistance groups, and the Khmer Rouge. As in previous years,
resistance forces continue to wage a guerrilla war against the
PRK, operating primarily from areas along the Thai-Cambodian
border and in small enclaves in western Cambodia. Occupying
Cambodia's seat at the United Nations, the CGDK was formed in
1982, when the non-Communist resistance groups joined with the
Khmer Rouge in a loose political alliance.
In August 1989, all four Cambodian factions, along with
Vietnam, the ASEAN countries, the permanent members of the
U.N. Security Council, and several other nations, met in Paris
in an attempt to work out a negotiated settlement to the
conflict. After a month of discussions, the conference
recessed without an agreement, but efforts to reach a
diplomatic settlement continue.
The Khmer Rouge, with between 30,000 and 40,000 men under
arms, is considered the most effective fighting force in the
resistance coalition. While in power from 1975-1979, the
Khmer Rouge compiled one of the worst records of human rights
violations in history as a result of a thorough and brutal
attempt at restructuring Cambodian society. More than
1 million people, out of a total population of approximately
7 million, were killed or died under the Khmer Rouge's
genocidal reign.
Although the Khmer Rouge has intensified a major public
relations effort aimed at convincing the world that it has
abandoned its past genocidal policies, its authoritarian and
brutal treatment of Cambodians under its control continues in
camps along the Thai-Cambodian border not accessible to
international agencies and in parts of Cambodia under direct
Khmer Rouge control. Conditions are better at Site 8--the
first Khmer Rouge camp accessible to international
agencies--and two other open camps, but Khmer Rouge
administrators of all camps go to great lengths to prevent the
departure of people from their control. (See Section 2.6. for
an explanation of the various types of Khmer Rouge camps.)
The Khmer Rouge top leadership from the 1975-79 period remains
in power and is reliably reported to retain its ultimate goal
of regaining control over Cambodia.
The non-Communist resistance (NCR) is made up of two groups.
The first is the National United Front for an Independent,
Neutral, Peaceful, and Cooperative Cambodia (FUNCINPEC) whose
de facto leader is Prince Sihanouk, Cambodia's formerCAMgQPIA
hereditary king and head of state. FUNCINPEC's military force
is the Sihanoukist National Army (known as the ANS, an
abbreviation of its name in French).
The Khmer People's National Liberation Front (KPNLF) is the
older of the two NCR groups. Its political leader is former
Prime Minister Son Sann who espouses a parliamentary form of
government for Cambodia. It was formed in 1979 with the
merger of several existing NCR groups, many led by former
soldiers from the pre-1975 period of the Khmer Republic.
While these two groups have been comparatively free of human
rights violations, there have been some credible reports of
violations committed by their respective armed forces.
The PRK's economic system began to change significantly in
1989 when the regime began to permit citizens to own land and
operate private businesses. There have been reports that the
official exchange rate was abolished in 1989, permitting the
market to determine the value of the riel against hard
currency. Hundreds of privately owned businesses are now
flourishing in Phnom Penh and, on a smaller scale, in
provincial towns. Lured by the prospect of commercial
opportunities, many foreign investors, particularly from
nearby Southeast Asian countries, are already doing business
in Cambodia or making plans to do so. Many visitors also
report growing corruption among PRK officials.
Reliable reports from travelers to Cambodia and Cambodians who
have left the country indicate that widespread and serious
human rights violations by the PRK regime continued in 1989,
despite evidence of improvement in some areas. The PRK
continues to discourage efforts to monitor its human rights
record.
During 1989 the human rights situation began to improve in
many of the displaced persons camps located along the
Thai-Cambodian border, in part because the United Nations
began a program of assigning security liaison officers to each
camp to train camp police and to institute a code of justice
and a court system.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing
The few Cambodians who departed the country in 1989 did not
report political killing by the PRK or Vietnamese in
regime-controlled areas of Cambodia.
Political killings by the Khmer Rouge appear to have been
reduced, but information on what happens in Khmer Rouge camps,
especially in those of its camps not open to international and
humanitarian organizations (where at least 50,000 people
reside), is sparse. One defector from a closed Khmer Rouge
camp reported that the Khmer Rouge, in an effort to regain
popular support, now imprison or attempt to "reeducate"
violators of their policies rather than kill them. He said,
however, that serious offenders are sometimes placed in jails
where they are starved to death.CAMBQPIA
Khmer Rouge defectors report that civilians from the border
camps and prisoners from Khmer Rouge jails have been killed by
mines while performing forced labor, such as transporting
supplies for guerrilla forces in Cambodia. They also report
that those who attempt to flee Khmer Rouge closed camps run
the risk of being shot. One 1989 defector from a closed Khmer
Rouge camp reported that those accused of selling weapons or
associating with the NCR sometimes receive the death penalty.
Civilians continue to be killed during attacks by the Khmer
Rouge on towns, lines of communication, and economic targets
within Cambodia. Often the Khmer Rouge, before attacking a
town, have threatened all residents with death if they
resist. The Khmer Rouge policy of killing captured Vietnamese
troops and some PRK officials does not appear to have changed.
KPNLF and ANS units were not generally accused of political
killings during 1989. Murders by NCR troops did occur in
camps run by both factions, but these appear to have been the
result of domestic conflicts. In September, however, a
section leader in the major FUNCINPEC camp of Site B was
assassinated in what was believed to be retaliation for
alleged spying activities.
NCR forces attempt to avoid civilian casualties as much as
possible during their military operations. This was
especially evident during its major offensive launched
September 30 when the safety of civilians who occupied the
area attacked was a high NCR priority.
b. Disappearance
Reports of disappearances in Cambodia increased during 1989,
but it appears that most of these cases involved the PRK's
forced induction into the armed forces of young men between
the ages of 18 and 30. There were also sporadic reports of
residents from the displaced persons camps along the
Thai-Cambodian border being impressed for the resistance armed
forces. Disappearances from closed Khmer Rouge camps were
also reported.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
Prisoners who were released or escaped from PRK prisons during
late 1988 or 1989 reported that the use of torture by PRK
authorities, who took over administration of the prisons from
their Vietnam advisers, has been reduced. Some prisoners
report that, in lieu of being tortured, prisoners are
sometimes just shown the tools of torture which could be used
against them unless they confess their alleged crimes.
Article 35 of the new PRK Constitution, promulgated in April,
specifically prohibits the use of coercion or physical abuse
against prisoners.
According to reports gathered by Amnesty International (AI),
in the past, persons suspected of being involved with the
resistance ran the highest risk of torture. Recent reports
indicate this continues to be true. This category has been
defined by the PRK authorities to include persons alleged to
have expressed opinions critical of regime policies or the
role of the Vietnamese, as well as those thought to be trying
to leave or return from areas under the control of the
resistance.
According to AI and prisoners recently released from PRK
jails, beatings have been inflicted on political suspects
detained for interrogation. PRK authorities have been known
to use various forms of torture, but recent information on
such practices is unavailable. The PRK refuses to permit
outside inspection of its prison facilities.
As in previous years, some detainees undergoing interrogation
continue to be held incommunicado in small and completely dark
solitary confinement cells that are poorly ventilated and
unsanitary. They are constantly immobilized by shackles on
both legs; sometimes they also are handcuffed. They are
allowed no bedding or mosquito netting. To intensify
ill-treatment during interrogation, some detainees are also
deprived of food and water to progressively undermine their
physical strength and resistance to illness. They may not
bathe or go outside their cells to relieve themselves and are
permitted neither medication nor medical attention.
Although it is rarely reported that a suspect has been killed
during the actual interrogation, the indefinite period of
detention without charge or trial that usually follows
interrogation exposes detainees to the risk of death from a
combination of injuries sustained during interrogation,
unattended diseases, and inadequate diet.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile
As a rule, PRK authorities often detain, interrogate, and jail
resistance sympathizers for extended periods without formal
charges. Estimates of the number of political prisoners held
by the PRK, including the estimates of AI, range up to several
thousand, but reliable figures are not available.
In April an AI current report noted that an additional 430
people had been detained by PRK authorities for political
reasons in 1988. Much of this information has come from
official PRK broadcasts reporting the arrests of people
accused of being "agents" of the CGDK or merely "political
enemies." AI has repeatedly urged the PRK "to provide details
about the fate of people reportedly arrested on political
grounds," but has received no response.
Separate sections within the police are responsible for the
investigation of activities by the non-Communist (KPNLF and
ANS) and Communist Khmer Rouge resistance groups. The
Ministry of Interior maintains at least three prisons in which
suspected supporters of the resistance are held without formal
charges. Provincial police and military internal security
units maintain additional detention and interrogation
centers. Regime regulations call for the arrest and
"reeducation" of "any person carrying out propaganda campaigns
to sabotage internal unity and Kampuchea-Laos-Vietnam
solidarity." Such "reeducation" means indefinite detention to
force a change in political thought.
In general there has been a virtual absence of legal process
for those detained. Detainees have seldom been informed of
the charges against them, or given access to lawyers, or
informed of any rights or legal protections. There has been
no requirement that officials notify anyone of a person's
arrest. The same PRK authorities have been responsible for
arrests, interrogation, decisions on a subject's guilt or
innocence, and prison administration.
Since 1981 the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC)
has unsuccessfully sought permission to visit prisoners
captured in combat. It has also not yet been able to gain
access to Thai prisoners reportedly held in PRK prisons.
During the October offensive against the PRK in northwestern
Cambodia, NCR troops captured 600 prisoners of war (POW's).
These prisoners are being detained for interrogation and
political orientation and, if they do not wish to join the
resistance forces, the NCR says it will release them. In
addition to these 600 POW's, the NCR forces also detained and
later released additional PRK soldiers, providing them with
money so they could return home. The Khmer Rouge also
captured POW's during 1989. The Khmer Rouge presented some
POW's they claimed to be Vietnamese to the press in October as
"evidence" that Vietnam still had troops in Cambodia. No
information is available as to what has since happened to
these prisoners.
With regard to forced or compulsory labor, see Section 6.c.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
Article 85 of the 1989 PRK Constitution guarantees defendants
the right to lawyers at all trials. In addition, this
Constitution states that "all stages of court proceedings
shall be held in public. Nevertheless, cases may be held in
secret if provided for by law." In past years, political
prisoners were regularly denied fair trials. There are no
indications that this situation has changed since the new
Constitution was adopted.
The PRK has used trials primarily for propaganda or public
intimidation, with verdicts decided in advance. There are few
procedural safeguards for defendants. Defendants have been
required to memorize carefully and rehearse in advance all the
questions and answers to be presented in court, even in cases
where the interrogators had already decided to release them;
if these defendants satisfactorily recited their testimonies
as rehearsed, they were released. Other reports indicated
that prisoners who had been arrested by PRK authorities for
alleged cooperation with the resistance were incarcerated, not
as a result of judicial proceedings, but rather because they
confessed to their crimes under interrogation. There are no
indications that these practices changed in 1989.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence
PRK authorities search whenever and wherever they wish.
Networks of informers report to the secret police. Almost all
villages in Cambodia close to the Thai-Cambodian border in the
northwest provinces have been relocated inside a border
security zone, especially those near known infiltration
points. There are also numerous reports, confirmed by former
PRK district officials, that the regime confiscates rice and
other foodstuffs from villagers in some parts of the country
in an effort to prevent cooperation with the resistance.
In most of their camps along the Thai-Cambodian border,
especially in the south, the Khmer Rouge maintain strict
control on the social activities of those under their
control. The rules appear to differ little from those imposed
by the Pol Pot regime of 1975-78. For instance, the Khmer
Rouge punishes persons who marry without permission or forbids
marriages altogether. If a marriage is permitted, the bride
and groom are often not allowed to live together. Contacts
with foreigners are restricted, and listening to unauthorized
radio broadcasts can result in punishment. Relief workers who
visit those Khmer Rouge camps open to outsiders report that
residents require permission to visit the health clinics run
by voluntary agencies or the ICRC's surgical facility at
Khao-I-Dang. One Khmer Rouge defector during 1989 reported
that in his camp, which was closed to international access,
between 5 and 10 children and adults died each month because
of the absence of medical care and the refusal of the Khmer
Rouge leaders to allow camp residents to leave to seek help
from international relief organizations.
Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press
The press and radio within Cambodia are wholly controlled by
the PRK regime. Criticism of the regime is not generally
tolerated. Possession of foreign books and periodicals can
result in arrest, but it is doubtful that such regulations are
strictly enforced. Some limited criticism of the regime was
tolerated in 1989 in publications such as the newspaper
Kampuchea. On one occasion, this criticism took the form of a
comparison implying that the PF.K regime's armed forces
sometimes engaged in undisciplined behavior similar to that of
Pol Pot's soldiers.
In some areas of the country, people can listen to foreign
radio broadcasts relatively freely, while in other areas,
people are discouraged from listening to these broadcasts and
threatened with arrest if they persist. The PRK makes a
nominal attempt to control what types of movies the population
sees, but widespread smuggling of video tapes has made movie
censorship virtually impossible.
The PRK has, in the past, controlled individual contacts with
foreigners. Rcently, however, visitors to Cambodia have noted
that Cambodians appear to be free to talk with anyone they
wish, including foreigners.
In Site 8, a Khmer Rouge camp open to international
assistance, residents have access to a relatively wide range
of foreign publications and can listen to the radio with
relative freedom. However, this was not the case during 1989
in the closed Khmer Rouge camps where, defectors report, those
who listen to foreign broadcasts, or even those of the
non-Communist resistance groups, are imprisoned. Residents of
closed camps also lack access to foreign publications. In
areas of Cambodia seized by the Khmer Rouge, the schools are
closed. The non-Communist groups do not have similar
restrictions.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
The only associations permitted by the PRK are those created
to support the regime, such as those for farmers, women, and
youth. These are usually headed by ranking party or regime
officials.
For a discussion of freedom of association as it applies to
labor unions, see Section 6. a.
c. Freedom of Religion
Article 6 of the PRK's 1989 Constitution made Buddhism the
state religion of Cambodia. The regime also announced in May
that all men were free to enter the monkhood, provided the
ordination was approved by the regime and carried out by
designated senior monks.
Interviews with Cambodians who left the country in 1989
indicate that in many parts of the country there is now
considerable freedom to practice Buddhism and enter the
monkhood. There are reports, however, that in some areas, men
are still discouraged from entering the monkhood. Sometimes
this involves a requirement to pay a bribe to obtain the
necessary permission.
Generally, PRK authorities attempt to use Buddhism as one of a
number of organizations for "mass mobilization" to implement
party policies. Religious affairs are overseen by the
National United Front for Construction and Defense, the same
government agency that seeks to organize women, youth,
workers, and religious groups to support the State.
Communities that wish to construct Buddhist temples must apply
to the local front committees for permission. The most senior
monk is a Vice Chairman of the National Assembly, indicating
the subordination of the Order of Buddhist Monks to political
ends.
When in power in Phnom Penh, the Khmer Rouge disestablished
Buddhism as the state religion and systematically murdered
much of the Buddhist monkhood. Since being driven from power,
the Khmer Rouge has tried to give the impression of reform.
This is most noticeable in the large Khmer Rouge camp at Site
8, which has been accessible to international organizations
and relief workers since it was established as an evacuation
site in 1985 for people fleeing a Vietnamese offensive. This
camp has a temple with monks in residence. However, defectors
from other Khmer Rouge camps, and those relief workers
occasionally allowed into those camps, reported in 1989 that
Buddhism is still repressed by the Khmer Rouge outside of Site
8. Christianity and Islam were even more ruthlessly
suppressed by the Khmer Rouge when it controlled the country
and are not known to have been revived in Khmer
Rouge-controlled areas.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation
The PRK has attempted to control tightly all travel within
areas under its authority through systems of neighborhood
surveillance, family registration, and identification
documents. Despite formal regulations governing movements of
families and individuals, there is a growing ability to travel
within Cambodia as evidenced by the expanding domestic trade.
However, checkpoints are still ubiquitous, and bribes as well
as passes are required to pass through them.
Permission is required to travel abroad, and it is rarely
granted except for official business. Cambodians seeking to
leave the country to escape the conflict flee to the Thai
border or to U.N. -supported refugee or displaced persons camps
in Thailand. The regime routinely imprisons those caught
attempting to flee as well as those believed to be returning
from border camps affiliated with the CGDK.
Most of the several hundred thousand Cambodian refugees who
fled to Thailand before 1980 have been approved for
resettlement and have departed for Western countries.
However, over 11,000 Cambodians approved for refugee status
but deemed "non-resettleable"—generally because of close
contacts with the Khmer Rouge regime before 1978—remain at
the Khao-I-Dang holding center in Thailand. Another 291,000
Cambodians—generally those who have fled since 1980—are
considered "displaced persons" and remain in other camps on
the Thai-Cambodian border. The PRK regime has agreed in
principle to accept returning displaced persons from camps in
Thailand. During 1989, 20 displaced persons were repatriated
from Thailand to Cambodia.
The Khmer Rouge tightly controls movement within areas under
its control. During 1989 some Khmer Rouge nonassisted camps
were relocated, in some cases to "hidden" locations closer to
the border. There are indications that these moves may be
only interim steps to the Khmer Rouge objective of
transferring some of its population back into Cambodia.
Defectors reported in 1989 that the civilian populations in
some closed Khmer Rouge border camps, especially in the south,
are not allowed to leave the camps. Those attempting to
escape run the risk of being shot by Khmer Rouge guards.
Along the northern border, however, many Khmer Rouge were seen
walking freely along roads on their way to new camps,
including the U.N. -assisted camp of Au Trao. Also, residents
of the Khmer Rouge camp at Site 8 are often allowed to leave
the camp each day to work for Thai farmers.
The Khmer Rouge limits access by international organizations
and voluntary agency personnel to camps under its control in
Thailand. International organizations continued their appeals
to the Thai Government in 1989 for greater access to
Cambodians in closed camps. In January the Thai Government
agreed to create U.N. -assisted camps for civilians under Khmer
Rouge control in the northern and southern sectors of the
border—at Au Trao and Site K respectively, similar to Site 8
in the central area. This decision resulted in the number of
Khmer Rouge civilians in U.U. -assisted camps rising to around
73,000 in October, up from 51,500 at the end of 1988.
Freedom of movement is also restricted i-n the non-Communist
camps. Residents wishing to move to a camp controlled by a
different faction must obtain permission from the camp
leadership or leave surreptitiously. International
organizations and voluntary agencies have good access to
NCR-af f ilrated camps in Thailand.
Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens
to Change Their Government
Cambodians do not have the right to change their government.
The Kampuchean People's Revolutionary Party controls political
life in the majority of the country. Elections have been
staged by the PRK regime to attempt to demonstrate legitimacy
as well as the relative status of leaders by varying reported
percentages of the "vote." Although National Assembly members
are supposed to serve terms of 4 years (the second round of
elections should have been held in 1986), no elections have
been held since 1982. There were various announcements by the
regime during 1989 that elections would take place before the
end of the year. At year's end, no date for elections had
been set. The PRK regime has asserted that the scheduling of
elections is pending external diplomatic developments.
Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Human rights violations in Cambodia have been the subject of
intense international attention since 1978, when the United
Nations Human Rights Commission and its Subcomraission on the
Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities
began investigating the Khmer Rouge record of atrocities. In
February 1988, the Commission adopted the latest in a series
of resolutions on Cambodia, reiterating its condemnation of
persistent violations of human rights and reaffirming that
Cambodia's occupation by foreign forces deprives the people of
Cambodia of their right to self-determination.
With the exception of a brief visit in August 1989 by the
Cambodia Documentation Commission to investigate past Khmer
Rouge atrocities, the PRK authorities have not permitted
investigations of alleged human rights violations. The regime
has not responded to requests by the Lawyers Committee for
Human Rights and by AI to visit regime-controlled areas.
Repeated requests by the ICRC to visit detainees under PRK
control have never been granted. Local Red Cross
organizations exist, but neither they nor any other groups
have a role in the protection of human rights. The Khmer
Rouge also does not permit investigations of the human rights
situation in areas under its control, except in U.N . -assisted
camps.
Section 5 Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Language, or Social Status
Directives issued by the PRK regime in 1982 seemed to accord a
privileged status to Vietnamese immigrants; there have been
reports of Vietnamese taking advantage of this privileged
status to force Cambodians out of desirable occupations or off
of property. Cambodians arriving on the border in 1988
frequently reported that Vietnamese in the cities continued to
supplant Cambodian merchants, and this privileged status
appeared to continue to be backed by the Phnom Penh
authorities. Many Vietnamese moved into Cambodia to join
other returning residents who had been expelled during the
Khmer Republic or Khmer Rouge periods. Most are traders or
fishermen, but a large group of Vietnamese farmers have
settled on rich marshland in Takeo Province.
In 1989, however, with the announced departure of Vietnamese
troops, many Vietnamese merchants and settlers began to leave
for Vietnam, apparently believing that the regime would not or
could not protect them. The CGDK has repeatedly claimed there
are up to 1.2 million Vietnamese settlers in Cambodia and
demands that they must all depart the country before a peace
settlement can be reached. There is no independent, verified
data on the number of Vietnamese settlers in Cambodia.
There is no specific information available on discrimination
of other types, including violence against women.
Section 6 Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association
Workers in Cambodia do not enjoy the right of association and
have no right to establish and join organizations of their own
choosing. Organized labor is totally under the PRK's control,
and industries have organized branches of the official "Trade
Union for National Salvation." The "Kampuchean Federation of
Trade Unions" is an official mass organization headed by
Communist Party politburo member Mat Ly. As far as can be
determined, there is no right to strike.
Cambodia became a member of the International Labor
Organization (ILO) in 1969 but has ratified neither ILO
Convention 87 on Freedom of Association nor Convention 98 on
Collective Bargaining. The PRK regime has not supplied any
information on unratified Conventions to the ILO in 5 years.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively
There is no right to collective bargaining in Cambodia. The
PRK has not established any economic incentive zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor
Forced labor is commonly used by the PRK, although not
primarily as a sanction or means of racial, social, or other
discrimination. Although the use of forced labor appeared to
decrease in 1989, the regime still conscripted thousands of
laborers to clear brush, cut timber, and build roads.
The decrease in the number of forced laborers during 1989
appeared to result from the institution of a nationwide
military draft. There were many reports of young men being
taken forcibly and sent directly to the front, with minimal or
no training. One student who fled to Thailand to escape the
draft reported that the authorities deliberately failed
students in his school to force them into the military. This
mass conscription policy has resulted in many of those subject
to the draft fleeing to Thailand. On one day in 1989, 119 PRK
defectors crossed into Thailand.
The Khmer Rouge also requires labor from all persons under its
control, including women, children, and the handicapped.
Khmer Rouge civilian defectors continued to report in 1989
that they were forced to carry supplies and ammunition into
the interior of Cambodia in support of military operations,
saying they were punished if they failed to comply.
d. Minimum Age for Employment of Children
There is no known minimum age for the employment of children.
Children are regularly employed as soon as they are physically
able to perform the tasks required.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work
No attention appears to have been given by PRK authorities to
ensure acceptable conditions of work, and there is little
information on this subject. Wage scales for the few
industrial and government workers are set by the regime and
are universally regarded as insufficient, forcing employees to
supplement their wages in other manners
