Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1985
ZAIRE
President Mobutu Sese Seko, who seized power in 1965, heads
both the Governinent (appointing the Prime Minister and his
Cabinet) and the party, the Popular Movement of the Revolution,
(appointing the members of its highest organ, the central
committee) of Zaire. The President has the constitutional
power to promulgate laws by decree. In theory, authority is
shared with the popularly elected Legislative Council. In
practice, the Parliament rarely disagrees with presidential
decisions, although decrees are usually preceded by
consultations with party leaders and legislators. The single
party automatically includes all citizens as members. The
Executive Council (Prime Minister and Council of Ministers),
the Legislative Council (unicameral parliament), the judiciary,
and the only labor union (National Union of Zairian Workers)
are all organs of the party.
A complex of security organizations, notably the civilian
National Documentation Agency, the paramilitary gendarmerie and
Civil Guard, and the armed forces (particularly the military
intelligence action service and the Special Presidential
Brigade) share responsibility for identifying and controlling
potential internal and external threats to Zaire and the Mobutu
Government. These organizations wield broad powers and
influence, which allows arbitrary harassment and detention of
ordinary citizens as well as suspected political opponents of
the Government. Throughout 1985, continued instability
affected the region along Lake Tanganyika in Eastern Zaire,
from Uvira in Kivu region down to Moba, with rebel attacks
against Kalemie and, once again in May, Moba itself, which had
been a rebel target in 1984 .
Zaire has a mixed economy. Though major mining and
transportation activities are state-owned, private enterprise
is the rule in the other sectors, with the State often holding
a minority equity position in larger firms. Individuals are
permitted to pursue business interests in almost all sectors of
the economy and are allowed to own property. Zaire shares the
economic problems of most sub-Saharan African countries,
including low income levels and inadequate infrastructure and
health care. More than 10 years of low base metal prices have
had a severe effect in Zaire. After several unsuccessful
attempts, Zaire launched a serious, extensive economic reform
program in January 1983. That program achieved significant
progress in stabilizing the economy and continued in force
during 1985.
The changes in the human rights situation in 1985 were mixed.
The continuing instability in eastern Zaire led to a sharply
deteriorating human rights situation there, with many civilian
casualties caused by the fighting between government military
forces and the rebels. A number of members of a group
advocating a second political party were rearrested and banned
to the interior of the country in October and November.
Harassment of citizens by law enforcement personnel and
inordinate delays in processing of detainees remained serious
problems. There were, however, concerted efforts by the
Government to reconcile differences with political dissidents,
notably former prime minister Nguza Karl-I-Bond who returned to
Zaire, as well as signs of greater government awareness of
shortcomings in the judicial and penal systems. President
Mobutu took over the Minister of Justice portfolio early in the
year and named a commission to investigate prison and judicial
performance which did effect at least short-term reforms in
some parts of the country. Less successful but still positive
efforts were undertaken to end the corruption in prison
administration which permits poor conditions, beatings, and in
some cases prisoners to starve to death. Zaire continues to
provide sanctuary to over 300,000 refugees and displaced
persons from neighboring countries, primarily Angola.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including
Freedom from:
. a. Political Killing
The only substantiated reports of killing for political motives
were in eastern Zaire where there was fighting between
government forces and insurgents. There is credible evidence
that both government forces and the insurgents carried out a
number of summary executions early in the year, although it was
not always possible to differentiate clearly between such
killings and combat deaths.
b. Disappearance
There have been several reports of disappearance from detention
facilities during the year, at least two of which appear to be
credible. The situation was more serious in the insurgent area
in eastern Zaire early in the year. There, people have
disappeared and can be presumed to have been killed by
government security forces. It is difficult to estimate the
number of disappearances, as numerous individuals and entire
villages have been affected by the fighting and have fled or
relocated, making it virtually impossible to determine how many
moved or died in the fighting and how many have disappeared
under other circumstances. Although the situation appears to
have improved significantly in late 1985 due primarily to
better army leadership, there are reports that at least 100
people have disappeared from the Kalemie-Moba area as a result
of military reprisals.
c. Torture and Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or
Punishment
The Government claims not to condone torture and denies
allegations that torture is administered by its officials
during interrogation. However, Amnesty International maintains
that torture and physical mistreatment of detainees is routine
in most Zairian places of detention. There is little question
that mistreatment of detainees, particularly beatings at time
of arrest and during preliminary interrogation, is the rule
rather than the exception. Criminal penalties do not include
physical punishment or mutilation. In fact, however, abuses of
all kinds are endemic in Zaire's jails and prisons, with
reports of unsanitary and crowded facilities, malnutrition, and
starvation among prisoners. The reasons for this situation
include lack of concern at senior levels, incompetence,
corruption, and budget reductions imposed as a result of the
economic reform program. The Government has begun to take
steps to correct some of these abuses. President Mobutu took
personal charge of the Ministry of Justice early in 1985,
primarily in response to evidence of malfeasance in the
administration of justice and prisons. The Government has
taken steps, described in section Id, to remove and prosecute
corrupt prison officials and to speed up processing of criminal
cases, but there probably have been only limited improvements
in prison conditions. The underlying social and economic
conditions which lead to abuses in the prisions are ingrained.
Undisciplined and underpaid police and military personnel abuse
their authority by harassing and extorting money from
civilians. In 1985, there was a significant increase in
reports of civilians killed in such incidents. In spite of the
popular discontent these practices create, and some greater
attention given by the authorities to improve discipline,
security personnel are rarely punished for misconduct.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile
Arbitrary arrest and prolonged detention without charges remain
common occurrences, affecting most people who come into contact
with the criminal justice system. Although habeas corpus or
its equivalent and bail do not exist, by law those arrested
must be brought before a magistrate to hear charges within 48
hours of arrest. In practice, however, suspects are often
arrested and held for months without a hearing. Detainees with
financial resources are known to buy their way out of detention
without ever having charges formally filed.
The Government took serious steps during 1985 to begin coming
to grips with this problem. A high-level commission composed
of the Secretary of State for Justice, the President of the
Supreme Court, the chief public prosecutor, and a legal adviser
from the President's office was named in March to begin a
nationwide investigation of prosecution practices and the
status of the prison populations. The commission has completed
its review of detainees in Kinshasa, leading to the release of
numerous detainees, the dropping of charges against many
others, and faster processing of the remaining criminal cases.
The commission has not yet had a significant impact on the
interior of the country, where the situation is undoubtedly as
bad as in Kinshasa, and it remains to be seen whether it will
have any significant long-term effect. The Government and the
bar association continue to implement other programs begun in
1983 and 1984 intended to improve the system of administering
justice, to provide free legal counsel, and to educate people
on their legal rights. However, as is the case with poor
prison conditions, the underlying social and economic
conditions which lead to the abuses in the system are ingrained.
Advocacy of a multiparty system or opposition to the
party-state are both unconstitutional and illegal, as are
actions which question the authority of the President and the
political system. When formally arraigned, most political
detainees are charged with subversion or "attempts against the
internal security of the state." In addition to judicial
sanctions for such activity, nonjudicial sanctions against
persons suspected of threatening state security are authorized
by law, ranging from administrative detention and house arrest
to internal exile to native villages and restriction of
movement and travel. A number of militants of the group
seeking recognition as a second political party, the Union for
Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS), including their
spokesman, Tshisekedi Wa Mulumba, were arrested under these
provisions in October. Tshisekedi and another leader were
sentenced in January 1986 to 18 months in prison for insulting
the President. In practice, most individuals detained for
political reasons are held by means of these nonjudicial
sanctions and are not formally charged or tried, remaining in
detention or internal exile until the President chooses to
release them. Such arrests are made openly, and the
whereabouts of detainees is known, at least unofficially,
although it is sometimes not acknowledged by the Government.
There are security prisoners in Kinshasa who have not been
visited by family members for over a year and who can be
considered as being in incommunicado detention. There were no
known cases of exile or expulsion of Zairians from the country
in 1985.
Estimates of people detained or sentenced for essentially
nonviolent expression of political beliefs vary greatly and are
often out of date as detainees are released or others arrested,
often for short periods of time. Estimates early in 1985 ran
as high as 100 or more. An amnesty granted in June included a
large number of people associated with the UDPS who had either
been detained or relegated to native villages, including the
remaining members of the "group of 13." By mid-September, UDPS
officials believed that only about 12 sympathizers remained in
detention, most of them having been detained in Kasai Oriental
region in March after disturbances in a village to which a UDPS
leader was "relegated." That situation changed in October as a
number of additional UDPS sympathizers were held for varying
periods of time. In addition, as many as 10 people who were
arrested in connection with the 1984 bombing incidents in
Kinshasa remain in custody. The Government maintains that they
are terrorists but has never formally charged or tried them.
Many people remain in detention in the Kalemie-Moba area in
eastern Zaire, although it is difficult to distinguish
political detainees or prisoners from those detained for
participation in an armed insurgency. The best estimate of the
number of political detainees or prisoners at the end of 1985
was 50-60. The Government maintains that it holds no political
prisoners .
At its 1983 session, the International Labor Organization (ILO)
in Geneva cited the Government of Zaire for not being in
conformity with ILO Convention 29 pertaining to forced labor.
This citation stemmed from Zairian legislation providing for
compulsory civilian service for graduates from pedagogical and
technical institutes, as well as from a government ordinance
providing for imprisonment with compulsory labor for tax
defaulters . The Government responded that amendments to the
legislation were in process, although it is not clear whether
they have been passed. There are no known instances in which
tax defaulters have actually been sentenced to compulsory
labor, although imprisonment at hard labor is a common sentence
for those convicted of crimes.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
Defendants are guaranteed by the Constitution the right to a
public trial and defense counsel. In practice, however, most
citizens are not aware of those rights, and there are
insufficient lawyers in Zaire to provide adequate counsel to
most defendants. When available, defense counsel generally
function freely and without coercion from the Government. Most
defendants who are aware of their rights avail themselves of
the right to appeal. Decisions of the court of state security
involving national security, armed robbery, and smuggling are
not subject to appeal (appeal to the Court of Cassation is
permitted only on questions of law, not of fact), although all
other procedural protections of the criminal code do apply.
Military court procedures also do not provide for appeal.
While military courts generally try only cases involving
military personnel, in time of emergency or during military
operations (as was done in the Moba-Kalemie area in late 1984),
the President can suspend civilian courts and transfer
jurisdiction over all cases to military courts.
The fairness of trials is uneven. Poorly paid magistrates are
known to accept bribes, and it is essentially those unable to
pay such bribes who are subject to the full rigor of the
judical system. All judges are members of the sole political
party and are subject to party discipline. The result is that,
while judges are nominally independent and in fact perform
their function without political interference in the great
majority of cases, in sensitive or highly politicized cases the
judges operate under instructions from the executive or
security forces.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or
Correspondence
All Zairians are automatically members of the sole political
party, the Popular Movement for the Revolution (MPR) . The
ideology of the MPR, and thus the only acceptable profession of
political thought, comprises the views and policies of the
party's president and founder, Mobutu Sese Seko.
The party and state security organizations extend down to the
neighborhood level, and both maintain liaison offices in all
government agencies (including military units, universities.
Legislative Council, ministries, etc.). Party officials, civil
servants, armed forces personnel, parliamentarians, and
employees of state enterprises pay an obligatory tax to support
the activities of the party's major organs (cadre training,
mobilization, propaganda, and youth) . These party cadres are
also required to attend the party's training institute.
Nonattendance can result in reprimands and suspensions.
Government employees, market vendors, and blue-collar workers
are often required to participate in public events — parades,
official arrival and departure ceremonies, etc. — or risk being
suspended from their jobs.
Mail is opened sporadically by security services, some
telephone conversations are tapped, and government informers
monitor places of residence as well as of work. In line with
the party-state's ideology of "Zairian authenticity," Zairian
men are forbidden to wear ties and women to wear slacks or
wigs. Zairians are also forbidden to use non-African names.
Judicial warrants are required by law before the police are
permitted to search a home, except in cases of threats to
national security. In practice, however, police and security
authorities enter and search without such warrants. In civil
cases where defendants have been found guilty of fraud or
embezzlement from the Government, their property and homes can
be seized and confiscated without reimbursement.
Section 2 Respect for Civil Rights, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press
The Constitution guarantees the right of every citizen freely
to express his opinions and feelings, either orally or in
writing, but subordinates that and all other rights to the need
to ensure "public order and good conduct."
Radio and television are owned and operated by the State. The
major newspapers are privately owned but are believed to depend
upon significant government subsidies to survive. In addition,
they receive most of their news from the Zairian National Press
Agency (AZAP), a state-owned and -operated organization. AZAP
is also the principal source of information about news from
abroad (drawn primarily from the French and Chinese news
agencies' wire services) disseminated to Zaire's media. All of
the media are expected to promote the ideals and principles of
the sole political party. Publishers and editors are generally
active party members. Commentary on politically sensitive
internal issues as well as on foreign policy options is
discouraged, and direct criticism of the President is
forbidden. While journalists are circumspect in their
criticism of other high officials as well, criticism of certain
government practices, inadequate services, and corruption
frequently appears in print.
Media censorship tends to be self-imposed. Journalists must be
members of the press union in order to practice their
profession, and the threat of ouster from the union and
consequent loss of livelihood reinforces self-censorship.
There are several clandestine presses which operate
sporadically, printing flyers and handbills critical of the
Government and the ruling elite. The theater, songs, and
organized street gossip are important forms of communicating
popular opinions and news.
Artistic and academic freedom of expression are subject to the
same restrictions and self-censorship as the press. Mandatory
membership in professional organizations and we 11 -developed
informer networks serve to discourage dissent. From time to
time, books, records, films, and certain issues of magazines
are banned. Imported publications, including books and
periodicals, are subject to censorship if they are critical of
Zaire or its Government.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
Only the party and its affiliates may hold public meetings.
The Government permits the existence of nonpolitical
associations, but they must notify authorities when they plan
meetings or activities involving more than five people. The
Government can also prohibit meetings which continue after 9
p.m. Meetings of nonofficial organizations and of some
religious sects (see Section 2c below) have been disrupted on
occasion by government agents because of suspected political
activities .
The labor movement in Zaire is limited to one national union,
The National Union of Zairian Workers (UNTZA) , which is an
integral unit of the sole political party. The secretary
general of UNTZA is a member of the party's central committee,
and union officials at the regional level serve on regional
party committees. UNTZA has the right to bargain collectively
and provides significant social and educational services to
members and their families. It works with the Government to
improve worker benefits. However, it is unable to promote
worker interests or defend worker rights which differ from
those approved by the Government and party. The right to
strike is embodied in the labor law, but because the law
establishes lengthy and mandatory arbitration and appeal
procedures which result in the resolution of most labor
disputes, in practice officially authorized strikes do not
occur. There were numerous short, unauthorized but tolerated
strikes in both the public and private sectors during 1985
which generally succeeded in focusing government and management
attention on union concerns.
Membership in UNTZA is compulsory for civil servants, employees
of state enterprises, and employees of private firms with at
least 20 employees. Over 800,000 workers are dues-paying
members. However, the overwhelming majority of the work force
is self-employed, either in the unofficial sector or in
subsistence agriculture, and is not covered by the Union.
UNTZA participates actively in the ILO and the Organization of
African Trade Union Unity, and maintains ties with a number of
foreign labor confederations.
c. Freedom of Religion
Zairians enjoy freedom of religion, which is recognized in the
Constitution. The Government officially sanctions most of the
major world religions and provides procedures for new churches
to obtain government recognition. Traditional African
religious groups are tolerated but not officially recognized.
The major religions in Zaire are: Catholicism — 50 percent.
Protestantism (including Kimbanguism) — 36 percent, and Islam — 5
percent. The Government has at times banned or harassed
religious groups or activities considered to present a
political challenge. Although in recent years this has not
happened to the large recognized religious groups, there were
instances in 1985 of small sects being harassed or closed down
when they were suspected of pursuing political rather than
religious aims.
Recognized religions are free to establish places of worship
and to train clergy. Expatriate missionaries are allowed to
proselytize and to serve both Zairian and expatriate
congregations. Most churches maintain active links with
coreligionists outside the country. Religious affiliation
confers neither advantage nor disadvantage with respect to
secular status.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign
Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation
The Government at times imposes special documentation
requirements for travel to areas of unrest or security
concern. As noted earlier, the Government also imposes against
some dissidents the nonjudicial sanction of restriction to
villages of origin. All citizens, refugees, and permanent
residents must carry government-issued identity cards, and
police and military personnel often set up checkpoints along
major roads to inspect papers. Those whose papers are not in
order pay a fine or spend time in jail. In principle, any
Zairian citizen may obtain a passport and exit visa, although
on occasion government and security officials have impeded
issuance in order to prevent or disrupt travel of persons
suspected of political opposition. A married woman must have
her husband's permission before obtaining a passport but does
not need his approval to travel .
In May 1985, there were approximately 50,000 Zairians living as
displaced persons or refugees in neighboring countries. Many
refugees and displaced persons have returned under amnesties
declared in 1978 and 1983, and negotiations occur sporadically
with refugee groups or the countries where they reside for
additional repatriations. It is likely that many Zairian
displaced persons could return to Zaire if they wished. A
number of political opponents of the Government, however, live
in self-imposed exile in Europe and probably could not safely
return without renouncing their political views.
In May 1985, Zaire was providing a safehaven to approximately
330,000 displaced persons from neighboring countries.
Generally such people pass freely into Zaire and are allowed to
settle on the land or seek employment. They tend to become
self-sufficient and are often integrated into the Zairian
economic system within a few years of arrival. The Government
considers them to be resettled until such time as they decide
to return to their country of origin. Although the Zairian
Government generally accepts displaced persons, it does not
have the resources to provide assistance beyond free land, and
international agencies play an active role in providing
humanitarian assistance. At times, displaced persons from
neighboring countries (particularly Angola) have been detained
or harassed by security forces on suspicion of illegal
political activity.
Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens
to Change Their Government
The key instruments of political power in Zaire are highly
centralized and controlled by the President, who makes all
important decisions. Under Zaire's Constitution, the state is
essentially the executive organ of the country's sole political
party, the Popular Movement of the Revolution. Party
congresses meet every 5 years under the guidance of the
President to set national political guidelines which are then
supplemented by resolutions of the party's central committee.
These policies are executed by the Prime Minister and Cabinet,
who are appointed by the President.
Suffrage is universal over age 18 and voting is mandatory,
enforced by penalties including fines or arrest. The national
Parliament, municipal councils, rural and urban zone councils
are chosen by direct popular elections which take place every 5
years, with the most recent having been in 1982. All
candidates are members of the party (as are all citizens of
Zaire) and are screened by party committees at the appropriate
level, but voters generally have a choice of candidates (in the
1982 parliamentary election there were an average of five
candidates per district). The President is popularly elected
for a 7-year term, after nomination by the party central
committee. President Mobutu was reelected in 1984 to a third
term in office.
Citizens have no right to change their government through
present institutions. Since 1980, a group of former
parliamentarians has been involved in an effort to establish a
second political party, the Union for Democracy and Social
Progress (UDPS) . Their efforts have generally been rebuffed by
the official party and by the President, and they have suffered
arrest and detention at various times over the past 5 years.
Most members of the group, including all of its leaders, were
released from internal exile in June 1985 and later entered
into a dialogue with President Mobutu. That dialogue succeeded
neither in convincing the UDPS members to rejoin the official
party nor in convincing the President to open up the political
system to another party. Later in 1985, a number of UDPS
members were again arrested and banished to the interior.
Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and
Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations
of Human Rights
The Government maintains that Zaire has nothing to hide in
terms of human rights policies, and it denies charges of
systematic or serious violations. Its attitude toward external
investigation of alleged human rights violations has been
mixed. Zaire allows the International Committee of the Red
Cross (ICRC) to visit detention places and prisons. The ICRC,
which has had a permanent representation in Zaire since 1978,
continued its efforts in 1985 to gain access to all detainees
held for security reasons. In 1985, the ICRC visited detention
centers and prisons in Kinshasa, Kasai Oriental, Shaba, and
Kivu. Moreover, the ICRC was given access to evaluate the
situation in the subregion of Tanganyika following the
insurgent attacks in the Kalemie-Moba area.
Amnesty International's 1985 Report levels harsh criticism at
Zaire, although most of the examples used in that report date
from 1984 and earlier. In April, Amnesty International
submitted information on its human rights concerns under the
U.N. procedures for confidentially reviewing communications
about human rights violations. The Government contends that
Amnesty International's reports are inaccurate, biased, and
derived primarily from misinformed Zairian dissidents in
Europe. Zaire has not allowed its representatives to visit the
country since July 1982. The Government has consistently
maintained that international action in the field of human
rights should be strictly circumscribed by the principle of
noninterference in the internal affairs of sovereign states. A
local organization purports to study human rights issues, but
it does not address itself to specific Zairian problems,
concentrating instead on general issues. Freedom House rates
Zaire as "not free."
ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, AND CULTURAL SITUATION
Zaire is sub-Saharan Africa's second largest country in area
and third largest in population (32 million). The annual
population growth rate is approximately 2.7 percent, and the
per capita gross domestic product was estimated at only $170 in
1983. Because of low capital investment and poor maintenance,
Zaire's basic infrastructure, particularly transportation,
marketing, and communications, has deteriorated steadily since
independence .
At the end of 1982, the Government instituted a stringent
economic and financial recovery program developed with the
assistance of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Zaire has
adhered to that program for 3 years, implementing measures to
liberalize its economy and instituting management reforms.
Price liberalization has encouraged greater food production.
Limiting public expenditures and employment is another reform
measure. While there are now signs that the economy is
beginning to recover after more than a decade of decline, the
short-term social and economic effects of the measures have
aggravated the already precarious economic circumstances of
many urban people. Major structural problems in
transportation, public health, and education will be overcome
only with time.
Unemployment and underemployment are serious problems. Since
independence, the percentage of rural population engaged in
subsistence agriculture has increased to 75 percent. During
the past several years, industry has operated at only 30 to 40
percent of capacity. Since remuneration in the public service
sector is inadequate and sporadic, many civil servants must
supplement their incomes through commercial activities. Low
salaries and job insecurity have also contributed to corruption
in the Government and military. Low wage levels remain a
problem, although government reforms include a new minimum
agricultural wage, a higher minimum industrial wage, and
revision of the Government's personnel system to provide
comparable pay for comparable work throughout the military and
civil service.
Reflecting malnutrition and other health problems, the infant
mortality rate in 1985 was 106 per 6,000 live births, and the
life expectancy at birth was 51.6 years. Health care is
curative rather than preventive and is extremely limited in
quality and availability in both urban and rural areas. In
1979, the population per physician was 14,780 and per hospital
bed was 350. Access to safe water is limited, especially in
rural areas.
The literacy rate in Zaire for persons over 15 varies
regionally but was estimated at 55 percent nationally in 1930.
Approximately 37 percent of women are literate. Lack of books
and supplies, high dropout rates at all levels, teacher
strikes, poor teacher quality and, most recently, serious
reductions in teaching and research staff have contributed to a
declining quality of education at all levels throughout the
country. Unofficial regional and ethnic quotas designed to
protect various ethnic groups from exclusion are implemented in
the university system.
Worker rights are protected by law, but the fact that such a
large percentage of the work force is in the unofficial sector
limits the effectiveness of those laws. The minimum age for
employment in Zaire is 14 years. However, many children
younger than 14 engage in various income-earning activities and
are often a major source of family income. The same is true
with regard to conditions of work. Workers employed in the
public and organized private sector have generally acceptable
conditions of work: working hours are set by law and
collective bargaining and do not exceed 48 hours a week;
workers enjoy a full 24-hour rest day per week, and many have a
48 hour weekend; paid holidays and vacations are required by
law and are included in all labor contracts; and workplaces are
required to meet minimum health standards set by law. While
wages are generally above the minimum wage, that minimum, by
itself, is insufficient to provide a decent living for a
worker. In the official private sector, benefits often make up
more than half of the total wage package, but in the public
sector total remuneration does not provide a decent living.
The results are corruption and workers taking on second jobs,
often in the unregulated informal sector.
The role of women in Zairian society is given great emphasis in
party doctrine. Women's rights to own property and participate
in the political and economic sectors are protected by law, and
a growing number of women work in the professions, government
service, and the universities. Nevertheless, custom,
tradition, and existing ,law continue to constrain women from
attaining a position of complete equality in society. Women
generally earn less than their male counterparts in the same
jobs. In addition, married women must obtain their husband's
authorization before opening a bank account, accepting a job,
and renting or selling real estate.
