11. Mai 2012

UNHCR nennt in einer Publikation anlässlich der internationalen Konferenz zu Lösungsstrategien für afghanische Flüchtlinge, die von 2. bis 3. Mai 2012 in Genf stattgefunden hat, die Zahl von 900.000 afghanischen registrierten Flüchtlingen im Iran.

“The majority of Afghan refugees residing in the Islamic Republic of Iran arrived during the 1980’s. The 900,000 Afghan currently registered refugees consist of approximately 274,000 families, of whom 97% reside in urban areas, and 3% in settlements mostly in rural areas. Hazara and Tajiks represent over 70% of the Afghan refugee population. The rest are of other ethnic groups, including Pashtun. Based on Government statistics, 57% of Afghans live in the provinces of Tehran, Khorasan Razavi and Esfahan, 22% in the provinces of Kerman, Fars and Qom, 13% in Alborz, Semnan and Markazi and 8% in the provinces of Qazvin, South Khorasan, Baninajar settlement in Khuzestan, Gilan and Mazandaran17. Based on registration data for 2011, almost half of the registered Afghans are below the age of 18 years.” (UNHCR, Mai 2012, S. 34)

Auf der Website von UNHCR wird hingegen die vom Juli 2011 vom iranischen Einwanderungsamt stammende Zahl von 1.019.700 registrierten Flüchtlingen genannt

“The Islamic Republic of Iran hosts one of the largest and most long-staying refugee populations in the world, comprised of Afghans who have been in the country for more than 30 years. As of July 2011, according to the Bureau for Aliens and Foreign Immigrants' Affairs, the total number of refugees registered with the authorities stood at some 1,061,500, including 1,019,700 Afghans and 41,800 Iraqis. […] Most refugees in the Islamic Republic of Iran reside in urban areas, with only some 3 per cent living in settlements.” (UNHCR, undated)

Im Global Report vom Juni 2011 beziffert UNHCR die von der iranischen Regierung registrierten afghanischen Flüchtlinge, die Identitätsdokumente (sogenannte Amayesh-Aufenthaltsbewilligungen) besitzen, mit 1.022.000 Personen. UNHCR habe sich für eine Neuregistrierung aller InhaberInnen von Amaesh-Karten eingesetzt:

“As of January 2010, some 1,022,000 Afghan refugees were registered with the Government and held individual identity documents (Amayesh residence permits). UNHCR advocated for an inclusive re-registration of all Amayesh card holders, and provided financial support for vulnerable individuals to ensure their re-registration.” (UNHCR, Juni 2011, S. 214)

Im selben Dokument nennt UNHCR die Zahl von 1.027.600 Flüchtlingen und 1.600 Asylwerbern aus Afghanistan, die vom Mandat von UNHCR umfasst seien. Außerdem habe die Regierung zwei Millionen zuvor nicht dokumentierte afghanische Staatsbürger registriert (UNHCR, Juni 2011, S. 213).

 

Die Organization for Defending Victims of Violence spricht hingegen in einer Stellungnahme an den Menschenrechtsrat der Vereinten Nationen vom September 2011 von zwei Millionen illegal aufhältigen afghanischen StaatsbürgerInnen im Iran:

“According to published figures from the Afghan refugees registration programme Amayesh by the Interior Ministry’s Bureau for Aliens and Foreign Immigrants Affairs (BAFIA), the number of registered Afghan refugees in Iran is over one million. […]. This is while nearly 2 million Afghan nationals are illegally residing in Iran.” (Organization for Defending Victims of Violence, 9. September 2011, S. 2)

In einer Studie des Middle East Institute vom Februar 2011 wird ebenfalls von zwei Millionen nicht dokumentierten AfghanInnen neben einer Million Flüchtlingen gesprochen. Viele Menschen würden sich für kurze Zeiträume von ein oder zwei Jahren im Iran aufhalten, andere würden zwischen Afghanistan und Iran pendeln:

“At the peak of the Afghan refugee crisis in 1991 and 1992, the Iranian government hosted more than three million Afghans. Nine years after the overthrow of the Taliban regime, just over one million Afghan refugees remain, [siehe Fußnote 5 unten] as well as approximately two million undocumented, or in other words, illegal Afghans.

The majority of these Afghans live in urban areas among Iranians though in primarily Afghan-dominated neighbourhoods in provinces specifically condoned by the Iranian government for their residence. These Afghan colonies tend to be located in geographical areas that have a high demand for manual labor, particularly in the fields of agriculture, construction, brick-making, stone-cutting, etc. Only approximately 3% (i.e., circa 25,000 Afghans) are accommodated in refugee camps.” (Middle East Institute, 4. Februar 2011)

“Fußnote 5: The exact figure is 1,036,212; UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Press Release (June 30, 2010). These are the results of the 2008/2009 Amayesh IV registration exercise by the Iranian Ministry of Interior’s Bureau of Aliens and Foreign Immigrants Affairs. Results of the more recent Amayesh V and VI have not yet been released.” (Middle East Institute, 4. Februar 2011, Fußnote 5)

“Both available statistics and anecdotal evidence indicate that undocumented Afghans living in Iran represent more than twice the number of registered Afghan refugees. The Iranian government estimates that between 1.5 and 2 million illegal Afghans live in Iran, 340,000 to 480,000 of whom live in Tehran province alone. [24] These Afghans are primarily single men originating from areas in Afghanistan with high unemployment. While most come to Iran for a short stay of one to two years, many move backwards and forwards between the two countries over longer periods of time.” (Middle East Institute, 4. Februar 2011)

Das US Committee for Refugees and Immigrants (USCRI) nennt in seinem letzten verfügbaren World Refugee Survey aus dem Jahr 2009 die Zahl von 406.000 abgeschobenen AfghanInnen im Jahr 2008. Obwohl sowohl die Regierung als auch UNHCR die Abgeschobenen als illegal aufhältige MigrantInnen einstufen würden, hätten in einem Aufnahmelager in Kabul die meisten Menschen Flüchtlingsdokumente vorweisen können. Iranische Soldaten hätten Berichten zufolge ganze Flüchtlingssiedlungen geräumt, ohne den rechtlichen Status der BewohnerInnen zu prüfen. Viele seien ohne Vorwarnung abgeschoben und dabei von ihren Familien getrennt worden. Es habe Berichte darüber gegeben, dass Behörden die Betroffenen geschlagen, festgehalten oder zur unbezahlten Arbeit gezwungen hätten:

„Iran deported over 406,000 Afghans in 2008 and over 720,000 over the past two years. Although both the Government and UNHCR characterized the deportees as illegally present economic migrants, in the Chamany Babrak reception camps in Kabul, most could produce refugee documentation. Iranian soldiers also reportedly evicted entire refugee settlements without checking for status. Authorities deported many without warning, separating them from their families, with little time to collect belongings and wages. Others claimed that authorities beat, detained, or required them work unpaid for days before deportation.” (USCRI, 17. Juni 2009)

Das Middle East Institute nennt in seiner Studie vom Februar 2011 die Zahl von 286.662 AfghanInnen ohne dokumentierten Aufenthaltsstatus, die im Jahr 2010 abgeschoben worden seien. Die durchschnittliche Zahl von täglichen Abschiebungen von afghanischen StaatsbürgerInnen sei damit von 2.000 im Jahr 2007 auf 785 im Jahr 2010 gesunken. Es gebe täglich Abschiebungen, gleichzeitig würden aber ebenso viele AfghanInnen versuchen, illegal in den Iran einzureisen, um Arbeit zu finden:

“According to sources in Afghanistan, at least 286,662 undocumented Afghans were deported from Iran between January 1 and December 31, 2010. In 2010, the average number of daily deportations was 785 Afghans as compared with 937 in 2009 and circa 2,000 in 2007. It is important to bear in mind that while deportations are being conducted on a daily basis, an equal number of Afghans are attempting to enter Iran illegally in the hope of finding employment.” (Middle East Institute, 4. Februar 2011)

Die afghanische Nachrichtemagentur Pajhwok Afghan News (PAN) berichtet in einem Artikel vom Februar 2011, dass der Iran seit 21. März 2010 rund 160.000 AfghanInnen repatriiert habe. In den letzten Jahren habe der Iran eine große Anzahl afghanischer Flüchtlinge, die keine Ausweispapiere gehabt hätten, zurückgeführt. Im Jahr 2009 hätte eine große Rückführungsaktion von AfghanInnen bei kaltem Wetter Proteste gegen den Iran ausgelöst. Da die Demonstrationen fortgesetzt worden seien, hätten iranische VertreterInnen der Botschaft mitgeteilt, dass die Rückführung von AfghanInnen eingestellt werde:

„Iran repatriated about 160,000 Afghans since March 21, 2010, Khatibi said.

In recent years, Iran has repatriated a large number of Afghan refugees, who had no legal documents.

In 2009, a large scale repatriation of Afghans in cold weather sparked protests against Iran.

As the demonstrations continued, Iranian embassy officials said that the repatriation of Afghans had been stopped.“ (PAN, 7. Februar 2011)

Seit 2002 habe die Flüchtlingspolitik des Iran hauptsächlich auf freiwillige Rückkehr gesetzt, die niedrigen Zahlen freiwilliger Rückkehr von afghanischen Flüchtlingen seit 2008 habe die Regierung jedoch zu einer Neupositionierung bewegt, so das Middle East Institute in seiner Studie. Im Jahr 2010 sei ein Plan gebilligt worden, den Aufenthalt von illegal im Land befindlichen AfghanInnen zu legalisieren, um weitere illegale Migration zu verhindern:

“Since 2002, Iran’s main refugee policy has been voluntary repatriation. However, the low voluntary return of Afghan refugees since 2008 has led the Iranian government to modify its position. The Tripartite Commission meetings, which served as a mechanism to advance voluntary repatriation, were first initiated in 2002 between the governments of Iran and Afghanistan and UNHCR and were then held regularly until 2008. After a stalemate of almost two years, a Tripartite Commission meeting was again held in Mashad on June 28, 2010. As with previous tripartite meetings, the Iranian government reiterated its main refugee policy, that is, the continued voluntary repatriation of refugees to Afghanistan. Among a range of other outcomes, this meeting resulted in an agreement for UNHCR to reopen four voluntary repatriation centers.

In addition, since 2009 and reflecting its recognition of the low rate of repatriation and the likelihood that some Afghans living in Iran may not be willing to return, the Iranian government has explored new approaches to address issues related to refugees and undocumented Afghans. While Afghan refugees in Iran have been managed with the minimal involvement of the international community, that is, mainly through assistance provided by UNHCR, WFP, and IOM, in the last year and a half, BAFIA has convened two international symposia on refugees and repatriation. As an outcome of these conferences, the Iranian government is in the process of accrediting two international NGOs (Norwegian Refugee Council and the Danish Refugee Council), to implement some Afghan refugee-related programs in Iran.

Even more noteworthy, however, was the announcement on 1 November 2009 by Brigadier-General Esmail Ahmadi-Moghaddam, the former Secretary-General of Iran’s Drug Control Headquarters (April 2007–August 2010) and current Chief of Iran’s Police (since September 2005), of plans to legalize the presence of Afghans via Iran’s Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs.

Following this statement, the Iranian government signalled its further interest in advancing this issue and finding alternative options to the ongoing illegal entry of Afghans into Iran. On June 29, 2010, BAFIA’s Director-General Ghaemi stated that the Iranian Supreme National Council had approved a plan for BAFIA to regularize the presence of illegal Afghan immigrants in Iran and thereby prevent further illegal migration. Many Afghans who cross the Afghan border illegally attempt to evade Iran’s disciplinary forces by using the services of human smugglers, at a current rate equivalent to circa 300 Euros. Seeking to clamp down on this illegal trade, the Iranian government is contemplating legalising the entry of Afghan workers and regularizing work and labor permits.” (Middle East Institute, 4. Februar 2011)

Das deutsche Auswärtige Amt (AA)[1]Rückführungen illegaler Migranten nach Afghanistan: schreibt in seinem Bericht vom November 2011 zum Thema

„Die Zahl der Rückführungen illegaler Migranten nach Afghanistan, die bisher offiziell mit 20.000 pro Monat angegeben wurde, beträgt nach offiziellen Angaben ca. 4.000-5.000 täglich, um ein Anwachsen der Zahl der illegalen Einwanderer zu verhindern. UNHCR ist derzeit nicht in der Lage, diese Angaben zu überprüfen. Dort geht man für 2010 jedoch eher von einer Zunahme der Anzahl der Flüchtlinge aus. Dem Auswärtigen Amt liegen keine eigenen belastbaren Erkenntnisse hierzu vor.“ (AA, 4. November 2011, S. 47-48)

Das Middle East Institute erwähnt, dass sich afghanische Flüchtlinge (frühere Inhaber von Amayesh-IV-Karten) bewusst seien, dass eine Weigerung, in eine andere Provinz zu übersiedeln, einen Grund für eine Abschiebung darstellen könne:

“With the identification in 2007 of many Iranian provinces, especially those near the Afghan border, as ‘No-Go’ areas, many Afghan refugees (former Amayesh IV card holders) were instructed to relocate to provinces specifically designated for their residence. The Iranian government has thus far been patient with refugees’ subsequent attempts at relocation, given that some Afghans who were not accepted by their new host provinces, were compelled to return to their original residence in a ‘No-Go’ area. Nevertheless, all Afghans are aware that non-compliance with relocation may be grounds for deportation.” (Middle East Institute, 4. Februar 2011)

„Abdullah was left catatonic and almost mute by the electric shocks meted out to him by Iranian police before they bussed him to the border and sent him back to Afghanistan. His arms marked with slashes of red paint to identify him as a deportee, the 18-year-old lies on a bed of cushions in an otherwise bare hut that has become his temporary home, uttering only his name and that of his home province Tahir. ‘He was deported from Iran, we don't know what's wrong. Sometimes he speaks,’ says one UN worker tasked with giving him board until aid workers can find his family to send him home. ‘We have a lot of cases like this.’

Up to three million Afghan refugees settled in Iran during the Soviet occupation in the 1980s, making Tehran responsible for one of the largest refugee populations in the world. At first Afghans were permitted to live in their neighbouring country with ease, with women in particular enjoying a higher social status as well as better education, work opportunities and security. But since the 1990s Tehran has clamped down on the refugees, tightening rules that allow Afghans to pursue education and work, and in 2007 launching a massive deportation programme that sent home up to half a million. Some say that the size of the exodus was politically orchestrated - used as a tool to exert pressure on the Western-backed government in Kabul to take a more anti-Western stance. ‘Whenever Afghanistan's policies displease Tehran, the Iranian government threatens to expel all Afghans living in Iran,’ wrote Ahmad Majidyar and Ali Alfoneh in a 2010 report on the issue for American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, a right-wing US think tank. ‘Tehran understands that the fragile Afghan government lacks the capacity to absorb a large number of returnees under current security and economic conditions.’

One million Afghan refugees now officially live in Iran, with estimates of up to another one million living there illegally, more than 10 years after US troops invaded Afghanistan and brought down the Taliban regime. According to figures compiled by the UN refugee agency (UNHCR), a total of 18,152 Afghan refugees returned from Iran in 2011, well over double the number in the previous year.

Iran recently lent its approval, along with Afghanistan and Pakistan, to a new UN strategy designed to help Afghans who return, trying to focus on more sustainable reintegration to stop them becoming destitute. But in western Afghanistan, tales of mistreatment of Afghan refugees by Iranian authorities abound - as do reports of deportees being forced to pay bribes to escape an apparently brutally run detention centre across the border. Hamidullah Hatibi, who runs the provincial refugee agency in Herat, says that last year one man beaten by Iranian authorities succumbed to his wounds once he had crossed the border, while another had a mental breakdown. ‘Broken hands, arms, beaten bodies -- there are a lot. The Iranian government treats the refugees badly and these people cannot go back,’ he said, adding that the government relies on UN aid to help the refugees return home. Several calls to the Iranian embassy in Kabul for comment went unanswered.” (AFP, 22. Februar 2012)

Das Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN) berichtet am 27. Februar 2012, dass täglich Hunderte AfghanInnen, darunter auch unbegleitete Minderjährige, vom Iran nach Afghanistan zurückgeschoben würden. An einem einzigen Tag hätten laut Beobachtern 44 Busse mit Deportierten die Grenze passiert. IRIN berichtet in dem Artikel ausführlich vom Fall eines 15-jährigen Afghanen, der von den Bedingungen erzählt, unter denen er abgeschoben worden sei, so sei er von der Polizei brutal geschlagen worden:

„In an attempt to find long-term solutions for the estimated 1.4 million unregistered Afghans living within its borders, Iran adopted a legalization scheme last year that paved the way for Afghans to enter Iran legally with work visas. Observers say few Afghans have taken advantage of the new programme, and instead Afghan migrants continue streaming into Iran illegally every day in search of jobs. And every day, hundreds - including unaccompanied minors - are sent back to Afghanistan. Some say the deportations are politically motivated. ‘The Ahmadinejad government successfully uses the refugee issue to increase its leverage over Hamid Karzai's government in Afghanistan,’ the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research wrote in 2010.

‘Whenever Afghanistan's policies displease Tehran, the Iranian government threatens to expel all Afghans living in Iran. Tehran understands that the fragile Afghan government lacks the capacity to absorb a large number of returnees under current security and economic conditions. At times, it has dumped thousands of Afghans into lawless areas in western Afghanistan without advance coordination with either Afghan authorities or international organizations. Such mass deportations trigger humanitarian crises, undermine security in southern and western Afghanistan, and cause political turmoil in Kabul.’

IRIN was at the Iran-Afghanistan [border] one day last month when 44 buses of deportees crossed the border, according to aid workers who track crossings, along with the bodies of four Afghans who died in Iran. Among those deported was 15-year-old Mehdi. He told IRIN his story:

[…] ‘My cousin told me to go to the nearby shopping mall with him so that he could buy some stuff. I said yes. When we got out of the bus near the shopping mall, the Iranian police caught us and handcuffed us. I asked him why he was doing it, but he started swearing at me and kicked me as well. Then we both were taken to a detention centre and thrown into a room, which was full of other Afghans including adults and teenagers as old as me or even much younger than me.

’My hands were hurting because the handcuffs were too tight. I begged the Iranian policeman to loosen them, but instead, he grabbed my ears and started banging my head against the wall.

‘They beat me, my cousin and many other Afghans in that detention centre. They had a long piece of metal in their hands and they used it to beat people up.

‘The room was very small, but the number of detainees inside was huge. I can say there were at least hundreds of us in one room and especially at night we were all sleeping while sitting because there wasn’t enough space. The weather was cold and they did not giving us warm enough blankets.

‘Until a few days back, I had the marks of that long metal thing on my body. You weren’t there to really understand the pain. They don’t care who you are and how old are you they just beat you up like an animal.

‘I was taken to different detention centres and police stations for eight days before they brought us all to the Sang Safid detention centre which is on the other side of the border and then deported us.” (IRIN, 27. Februar 2012)

Das American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research (AEI) berichtet in einem ausführlichen Artikel vom August 2009 unter der Überschrift Flüchtlingsangelegenheiten, dass die zwangsweisen und verfrühten Ausweisungen und die Misshandlung von afghanischen Flüchtlingen durch den Iran weiterhin ein Reibungspunkt zwischen Teheran und Kabul seien. Der Gouverneur der afghanischen Provinz Nimroz habe behauptet, dass der Iran täglich rund 800 afghanische Flüchtlinge ausweise. UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) habe berichtet, dass der Iran im Jahr 2008 über 1.000 – darunter viele stark verarmte und der Gefahr des Missbrauchs ausgesetzte - Kinder nach Herat abgeschoben habe. Die Abschiebungen Anfang 2009 hätten trotz einer mündlichen Vereinbarung zwischen afghanischen und iranischen VertreterInnen Anfang Dezember 2008, in der der Iran signalisiert habe, dass Abschiebung afghanischer Flüchtlinge bis März 2009 ausgesetzt würden, stattgefunden. Es würden rund 900.000 afghanische Flüchtlinge legal im Iran leben. Darüber hinaus würde eine unbekannte Anzahl illegaler Flüchtlinge ebenfalls im Iran sein, darunter viele ArbeitsmigrantInnen, die bereits mehrfach abgeschoben worden und wieder eingereist seien. Das iranische Innenministerium habe behauptet, dass sich über eine Million afghanischer Flüchtlinge illegal im Iran aufhalten würde. Die iranische Regierung habe in den letzten drei Jahren über eine Million illegale afghanische Flüchtlinge abgeschoben. Die iranischen Behörden würden die Abschiebung häufig unter dem Vorwand rechtlicher Angelegenheiten vornehmen und damit die Maßnahme rechtfertigen. Die rechtliche Begründung sei in manchen Fällen umstritten und afghanische VertreterInnen hätten öffentlich die Ermessensentscheidung zur Ausweisung auf der Grundlage des Aufenthaltsstatus durch die iranischen Behörden in Frage gestellt. Der Gouverneur der Provinz Nimroz habe behauptet, dass die meisten Flüchtlinge gültige Aufenthaltsgenehmigungen für den Iran hätten. Der Iran habe sie aber trotzdem zwangsweise abgeschoben. Die iranische Regierung habe darüber hinaus die Beschränkungen für legale afghanische Flüchtlinge im Iran verschärft:

„Refugee Issues

Iran’s forced, and often untimely, expulsion and mistreatment of Afghan refugees remain a point of friction between Tehran and Kabul. Nimroz governor Azad, in January, claimed that Iran expelled almost eight hundred Afghan refugees every day into Afghanistan’s Nimroz province. A spokesman for Afghanistan’s Ministry of Refugee Affairs stated early in January 2009 that more than 9,000 Afghan refugees had been expelled from Iran. The United Nations Children’s Fund reported that Iran deported over one thousand child refugees to Herat in 2008, many of whom were extremely impoverished and vulnerable to abuse. The expulsions in early 2009 occurred despite a verbal agreement between Afghan and Iranian officials in December 2008 that signaled Iran would suspend its expulsion of Afghan refugees until March 2009. Roughly 900,000 Afghan refugees are legally living in Iran. An unknown number of illegal refugees also reside in Iran, many of them migrant workers who have been deported multiple times after reentering the country. Iran’s interior ministry claims that over one million Afghan refugees in Iran are considered illegal immigrants. The Iranian government has deported illegal Afghan refugees in one million cases over the past three years. Iranian authorities often frame the expulsion of Afghan refugees in the context of legal issues, justifying the measures based on the illegal status of many Afghan refugees in Iran. The legal justifications, in certain cases, are debatable and Afghan officials publicly question the discretion taken by Iranian authorities in expelling refugees on the basis of their legal status. Nimroz province governor Azad, following a November 2008 expulsion of Afghan refugees, stated that most of the refugees ‘…possess legal resident permits to live in Iran. But, Iran expelled them by force. These Afghans are in a very bad condition in the capital of Nimroz.’ The Iranian government has also heightened restrictions on legal Afghan refugees in Iran. Iranian security forces arrested thirty Afghans in June for their alleged involvement in recent violence in Zahedan city; the arrests prompted Afghanistan’s Foreign Ministry to order a probe into the incident. Iran’s Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, in May 2009, imposed an employment ban on Afghan women in a move that was condemned by Afghan parliamentarians.“ (AEI, 21. August 2009)

Im November 2010 erwähnt das AEI in einem Artikel, dass der Iran die zwangsweisen Abschiebungen von afghanischen Flüchtlingen als Druckmittel zur Steigerung des Einflusses in Afghanistan zu Lasten US-amerikanischer Interessen einsetze. Flüchtlingswellen würden humanitäre Krisen verursachen und dazu verwendet, die Einreise ausländischer Terroristen nach Afghanistan zu verhindern. Diese Perspektive beleuchte, dass die iranische Regierung zwangsweise Rückkehr von im Iran lebenden AfghanInnen systematisch dazu verwende, die US-amerikanischen Bemühungen zur Stabilisierung Afghanistans zu untergraben und Zugeständnisse von der afghanischen Regierung zu erhalten:

„As the United States and its allies target the Taliban in Afghanistan, Iran is using the forced return of Afghan refugees to leverage its influence in Afghanistan at the expense of U.S. interests. Waves of refugees cause humanitarian crises and are used to shield the movement of foreign terrorists into Afghanistan. This Outlook examines how the Iranian government systematically uses forced repatriation of Afghans living in Iran both to undermine U.S.-led efforts to stabilize Afghanistan and to extract concessions from the Afghan government.“ (AEI, 5. November 2010, S. 1)

Die afghanische NGO Rawa berichtet auf ihrer Website in einem Artikel vom März 2011 von der Geschichte des 12-jährigen Afghanen Abdul Majid aus dem Flüchtlingscamp Ansar in der afghanischen Provinz Herat. Der Bub habe erzählt, dass er alleine in Afghanistan sei und dass seine gesamte Familie im Iran sei. Er sei mit seinen Freunden in einem Park in der Nähe seines Hauses in der iranischen Provinz Semnan gewesen, als er inhaftiert worden sei. Die Polizei habe ihn geschlagen und ihn gefragt, ob er Mitglied in einer gewalttätigen Gruppe sei, was der Junge abgestritten habe. Nach acht Tagen sei der Junge nach Afghanistan abgeschoben worden. Abdul Majid sei einer von hunderten afghanischen Flüchtlingskindern, die aus dem Iran abgeschoben worden seien. Einige dieser Kinder seien davor noch nie in Afghanistan gewesen und es scheint, dass sie ohne das Wissen ihrer Eltern aus dem Iran abgeschoben worden seien. Die unabhängige afghanische Menschenrechtskommission (AIHRC) habe mitgeteilt, dass sie im vergangenen Jahr mehr als 2.000 ähnliche Fälle registriert habe:

„Abdul Majid, 12, sits crying quietly in a corner of the Ansar refugee camp in Herat province. He is alone in Afghanistan; his parents and seven siblings are all back in the Iran. He said he was out with some friends in a park near his home in Semnan province one evening when he was detained. "The police beat me up," he said. "They asked me whether I was involved in violent groups. I swore I wasn't connected with any. They finally deported me after eight days, and sent me to Afghanistan." Weeping bitterly, Abdul Majid said he did not know anyone in Afghanistan. "I dream every night that my parents and brothers and sisters are looking for me. I wake up every morning crying," he said. Abdul Majid is one of hundreds of Afghan refugee children deported from Iran and taken from the Islam Qala crossing to camps such as Ansar, funded by the International Organisation for Migration, IOM, and the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, UNHCR. Some of these children have never been to Afghanistan before and appear to have been removed from Iran without their parents' knowledge. Observers from the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission, AIHRC, and the UN children's agency UNICEF wait at the Islam Qala border point every day to register deported children as they come across and monitor where they are sent. AIHRC says it has interviewed and registered more than 2,000 such children over the past year.“ (Rawa News, 17. März 2011)

Laut dem im April 2011 veröffentlichten Menschenrechtsbericht 2010 des US Department of State (USDOS) würden die Gesetze des Landes die Gewährung von Asyl oder Flüchtlingsstatus vorsehen, und die Regierung verfüge Berichten zufolge über ein System, um Flüchtlingen Schutz zu bieten. UNHCR habe jedoch keine Informationen darüber, wie das Land Asylverfahren durchführe. Die Regierung biete keinen konstanten Schutz gegen Ausweisungen oder Rückführung von Flüchtlingen in Länder, wo ihr Leben oder ihre Freiheit aufgrund ihrer Rasse, Religion, Nationalität, Mitgliedschaft in einer bestimmten sozialen Gruppe oder politischen Überzeugung bedroht wäre. Anders als in vergangenen Jahren gebe es keine Berichte darüber, dass registrierte Flüchtlinge von Massendeportationen betroffen seien. UNHCR würde im Rahmen eines nach drei Jahren wieder in Kraft getretenen Abkommens mit dem Iran und Afghanistan an der freiwilligen Rückkehr von afghanischen Flüchtlingen mitwirken:

„The country's laws provide means for granting asylum or refugee status to qualified applicants, and the government reportedly had a system for providing protection to refugees, but the UNHCR did not have any information as to how the country made asylum determinations. The government did not consistently provide protection against the expulsion or return of refugees to countries where their lives or freedom would be threatened on account of their race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion. Unlike in the previous years, there were no reports of registered refugees included in mass deportations.

As of March, according to information provided by the country's Bureau for Aliens and Foreign Immigrants' Affairs, 1,065,000 refugees were registered with the authorities, of whom approximately 1,021,600 were Afghans and 43,800 were Iraqis. Approximately 70 percent of the Afghan refugees and their children had lived in the country for 20 to 30 years. There were 3,590 Iraqis registered with the UNHCR at year's end. The UNHCR assisted with the voluntary repatriation of Afghan refugees under a tripartite agreement between the Islamic Republic of Iran, Afghanistan, and the UNHCR, which came back into force on June 28 after three years of suspension.

Twenty-two of 30 provinces were partially or fully closed to refugees; therefore, authorities generally required registered Afghan refugees in these "No-Go Areas" to choose either to relocate to refugee settlements, sometimes in other parts of the country, or to repatriate. However, the UNHCR noted that some of these refugee settlements needed rehabilitation. The limited number of resettlement locations is a major constraint for the UNHCR to assist refugees with relocation within the country. Of the 7,922 Afghans who repatriated from January 1 to November 7, the vast majority said they were under pressure to return due to the government's No-Go Areas policy.” (USDOS, 8. April 2011, Section 2.d)

Die Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU) nennt in einer Studie aus dem April 2008 unterschiedliche Karten zum Zweck des Identitätsnachweises von afghanischen StaatsbürgerInnen im Iran, diese hätten unter anderem die Farben blau, pink, rot und gold [SC(1] gehabt:

“Since the arrival of Afghans in the late 1970s, BAFIA has issued several identification cards in a variety of colours. For example, from 1979–92, most Afghans entering Iran were issued with “blue cards” which indicated their status as involuntary migrants or mohajerin. Blue card holders were granted indefinite permission to stay in Iran legally. Until 1995, blue card holders had access to subsidised health care and food, and free primary and secondary education, but were barred from owning their own businesses or working as street vendors, and their employment was limited to low-wage, manual labour. ID cards are required to register children at school and to travel outside of the place of residence registered on the card. Respondents had been issued with various coloured ID cards from BAFIA (pink, red, green, gold), each colour representing a certain year of issue and period of validity (see Table 13).” (AREU, April 2008, S. 43)

Laut der Studie des Middle East Institute vom Februar 2011 habe die Regierung im letzten Jahrzehnt regelmäßige Registrierungen von Flüchtlingen durchgeführt, seit 2003 seien diese unter dem Namen Amayesh bekannt. Im Dezember 2010 sei Amayesh VI durchgeführt worden, für Mai 2011 sei Amayesh VII geplant. Bei der Registrierung würden verlängerbare Karten ausgestellt:

“Over the last decade, the Iranian government has regularly registered its refugee population in order to maintain up-to-date statistics. An initial identification and registration of refugees was held in 2000, then followed by frequent registration exercises. Beginning in 2003, these registrations came to be known as Amayesh. The latest registration, Amayesh VI, concluded in December 2010; preparations are currently underway for Amayesh VII which is expected to commence in May 2011. This process of sequential registrations has enabled BAFIA to provide refugees with adequate assistance and to be able to monitor emerging trends, including the growth rate of the Afghan refugee population. Renewable registration cards are issued by BAFIA once an Afghan refugee re-registers and pays the necessary registration fees and municipality taxes.” (Middle East Institute, 4. Februar 2011)

UNHCR berichtet in seinem Iran Fact Sheet vom Februar 2012, dass nach der Wiederregistrierung im Jahr 2011 die Amayesh VII Flüchtlingskarten erstmals mit einer Gültigkeit von einem Jahr ausgestellt worden seien. Mit 31. Jänner 2012 hätten 775.000 Flüchtlinge ihre Amayesh-Karten verlängert:

“Following re-registration in 2011 Amayesh VII refugee cards were issued for the first time with a validity of one year. To obtain an Amayesh refugee card, refugees are obliged to pay the printing cost and municipality taxes. Municipality taxes vary based on the number of family members and the province where refugees reside. Furthermore, all male refugees between the ages of 18-60 have the possibility to obtain, against a fee, a temporary work permit valid for one year. As of 31 January 2012, over 775,000 refugees have renewed their Amayesh cards.” (UNHCR, Februar 2012)

Das deutsche Auswärtige Amt (AA) schreibt in seinem Bericht vom November 2011 zum Thema Registrierung und Ausstellung von Amayesh-Karten:

„Seit Juli 2010 wird eine Strategie zur Registrierung aller in Iran lebenden Flüchtlinge umgesetzt. Hierzu wurden alle illegal im Land lebenden Flüchtlinge aufgerufen, sich an landesweit eingerichteten Registrierungsstellen zu melden. Nach Mitteilung des iranischen Innenministeriums wurden bisher fast alle der ca. zwei Millionen illegalen Flüchtlinge registriert. Unklar bleibt, wie in Zukunft mit diesen Flüchtlingen verfahren werden wird. Registrierte Flüchtlinge erhalten bislang einen Registrierungsnachweis („Amayesh“-Karte), der ihnen den Zugang zu den Sozialsystemen und – soweit sie im schulpflichtigen Alter sind – zu Bildungseinrichtungen eröffnet. Die jüngste Generation dieser Karten („Amayesh-6“) wurde ab dem 12. September 2010 ausgegeben und ist für ein Jahr gültig.“ (AA, 4. November 2011, S. 47-48)

Bitte beachten Sie auch die folgenden Berichte zu dieser Fragestellung:

·      Landinfo: Afghan citizens in Iran, 14. März 2011

·      Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs: Algemeen Ambtsbericht Iran, 25. August 2011 (verfügbar auf ecoi.net)

 

In den ACCORD derzeit zur Verfügung stehenden Quellen konnten im Rahmen der zeitlich begrenzten Recherche keine weiteren Informationen dazu gefunden werden, in welchen Farben die Amayesh-Karten ausgestellt werden.

Das deutsche Auswärtige Amt (AA) schreibt in seinem Bericht vom November 2011 zum Thema Akzeptanz und wirtschaftliche Lage von afghanischen Flüchtlingen im Iran:

„Die Akzeptanz der afghanischen Flüchtlinge in der iranischen Bevölkerung ist in den vergangenen Jahren stetig gesunken. Es gibt einzelne Berichte über gewaltsame Übergriffe der einheimischen Bevölkerung auf Afghanen. Die ohnehin schwierige wirtschaftliche Lage der Flüchtlinge dürfte sich durch die im Dezember 2010 begonnene schrittweise Kürzung staatlicher Subventionen weiter verschärfen. Anders als für einkommensschwache iranische Staatsangehörige sieht die Gesetzesvorlage für ausländische Flüchtlinge keinen Ausgleich der erhöhten Lebenskosten durch direkte Ausgleichszahlungen vor.“ (AA, 4. November 2011, S. 47-48)

UNHCR nennt auf seiner Website die hohen Kosten von medizinischer Versorgung und Ausbildung und den eingeschränkte Zugang zu Beschäftigungsmöglichkeiten als Probleme afghanischer Flüchtlinge im Iran:

“In addition to pursuing voluntary repatriation and resettlement as durable solutions, UNHCR is giving priority to needs related to health, education and livelihoods. Based on the findings of recent participatory assessments and field visits, the most pressing difficulties faced by refugees in both urban and refugee settlements are the high cost of medical treatment and education, and limited access to employment opportunities.” (UNHCR, undated)

Die Studie des Middle East Institute vom Februar 2011 berichtet von Angaben des stellvertretenden iranischen Innenministers, wonach ungefähr zwei Millionen AfghanInnen mit und ohne dokumentierten Aufenthaltsstatus im Jahr 2010 am Arbeitsmarkt beschäftigt gewesen seien. Seit den späten 1980er Jahren konnten AfghanInnen in jenen Sektoren des iranischen Arbeitsmarktes unterkommen, die nicht leicht mit IranerInnen besetzt werden konnten. Wegen hoher Kosten und geringer Gültigkeitsdauer von Arbeitsgenehmigungen würden die meisten Flüchtlinge ohne gültige Bewilligung arbeiten. Die iranische Regierung würde versuchen, die Beschäftigung aller AfghanInnen im Land zu regulieren:

“According to Deputy Minister of Interior Ali Abdollahi, approximately two million documented and undocumented Afghans were employed in the labor market in 2010. [40] Even so, according to a 2006 ILO-UNHCR study, Afghans of working age in Iran ‘account for only 1.8 percent of the total active labor force in Iran.’

Since their influx to Iran since the late 1980s, Afghan refugees have been permitted to work in those sectors of the Iranian labor market which could not easily be filled by Iranian workers. Indeed, by and large, the Iranian government has ‘generally tolerated the presence of Afghans working in areas where labor shortages have existed.’ For the most part, these employment opportunities are generally in areas which are physically demanding, such as sectors pertaining to the construction industry, and often dangerous.

Given Iran’s extensive employment market, primarily in the construction, agricultural and general manual labor sectors, it is not surprising that many Afghans from regions of high unemployment in Afghanistan continue to be attracted to Iran. Indeed, for many decades even prior to the Soviet invasion, it was a tradition in many regions of Afghanistan to send young villagers to Iran as migrant workers. In remote areas such as Afghanistan’s Central Highlands comprising Bamian and Daikundi provinces, youths continue to travel to Iran during the long and harsh winter months to seek seasonal employment.

Iran’s 1990 Labor Law mandated the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs ‘to issue, extend, and renew work permits to the refugees, subject to the written agreements of the Ministries of Interior and Foreign Affairs’. By late 2008, the Ministry of Labor introduced the first work permits for refugees, with male refugees between the ages of 16 and 60 encouraged to apply. The Iranian government claimed that 300,000 of such work permits were issued.

On this basis, if Afghan refugees sought to find employment in Iran’s labor market, they were required to purchase short-term work permits at a cost of circa US$70. In March 2009, the Iranian government increased the cost of a new permit to US$500 or US$300 for a permit renewal. Given this increase in cost and the permits’ short validity, the majority of Afghan refugees working in Iran have opted to work without valid permits. Currently, while the Iranian government is still finalising its labor policies, authorities seem to be tolerating refugees’ expired work permits.

The Iranian government is now making serious attempts to regularize the employment of all Afghans living in Iran. In January 2010, the country’s Minister of Interior Mostafa Najjar suggested that foreigners may be able to work legally in Iran if they apply for a work visa from the Iranian embassy or consulates in Afghanistan and then deposit money with the Iranian embassy upon receiving the visa as a security bond (Ministry of Interior, 30 January 2010). This policy is yet to be finalized.

The Iranian government has also regularly assured the Afghan government that labor visas for Afghan workers in Iran will be issued. Most recently, in a meeting with her Iranian counterpart in Geneva in June 2010, Afghanistan’s Minister for Labor, Ameneh Afzali, reiterated President Ahmadinejad’s promise to President Karzai, during his visit to Kabul in March 2010, that action will be taken on this issue.

In July 2010, another plan was proposed by BAFIA, namely the idea of guardianship, whereby private recruitment companies may be mandated to organize the entry, occupation and residence of foreigners in Iran. If approved, Iranian employment companies would be responsible for all administrative paperwork related to Afghan migrant work applicants.

Further to this process, BAFIA announced in July 2010 that all undocumented Afghans could work legally in Iran in the future, if they participated in a registration process. A one month registration was conducted by BAFIA from July 24 to August 26, 2010 and approximately 1.5 million undocumented Afghans were registered. Details about the exact employment possibilities, however, are yet to be released. Newly registered undocumented Afghans are now awaiting further instructions as to how they may be able to obtain legal work permits.

The Iranian government needs to be commended for its attempts to regularize labor laws for Afghans and thereby curtail the black labor market and associated smuggling of Afghan workers into Iran. While these initiatives are extremely positive and welcome, the next step would be to ensure that all Afghan workers in Iran are safeguarded. A study commissioned by ILO-UNHCR in 2006 raised concerns about the social protection of Afghan workers in Iran, claiming that ‘more than 95% of Afghan employees do not have written employment contracts with their employers nor do they enjoy any benefits such as sick leave.’ Work-related insurance covering accidents, unemployment, and retirement is rarely, if at all, supplied to Afghan workers.” (Middle East Institute, 4. Februar 2011)

Das deutsche Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge (BAMF) schreibt in seinem Bericht zur Situation afghanischer Flüchtlinge im Iran vom Oktober 2011:

„Zwischen Januar und November 2010 kehrten 7.922 Afghanen freiwillig zurück. Aufgrund der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklungen im Iran war in den ersten zehn Monaten des Jahres 2011 jedoch ein deutlicher Anstieg freiwilliger Ausreisen nach Afghanistan zu verzeichnen (17.000 Personen). Dabei handelte es sich vorrangig um Familien, die nicht mehr in der Lage waren, die Lebenshaltungskosten im Iran zu tragen, und die sich deshalb trotz der prekären Wirtschafts- und Sicherheitslage in Afghanistan zur Rückkehr entschlossen ha-ben.

Seit 2007 sind 22 der 30 iranischen Provinzen für Flüchtlinge ganz oder teilweise gesperrt. Afghanen, die sich in diesen ‚No Go Areas‘ aufhielten, wurde angeboten, sich in Flüchtlingslagern in anderen Gebieten niederzulassen oder nach Afghanistan zurückzukehren. Von den o.g. 7.922 Rückkehrern gab die Mehrheit an, dass sie wegen der ‚No Go Area-Politik‘ unter Druck gestanden hätten.

Registrierte Flüchtlinge haben Zugang zu den Sozial- und Schulsystemen, nicht jedoch zu einem Studium. Diejenigen, die außerhalb der Städte in Flüchtlingslagern leben, erhalten keine weitere Unterstützung vom iranischen Staat. Jedoch ist auch dort eine gewisse Infrastruktur vorhanden. Es gibt Schulen, Sanitätsbereiche, Gemeinschaftsräume etc. Die Bewohner dieser Camps werden von UNHCR, UNWFP und anderen Organisationen unterstützt.

Der Zugang zu medizinischer Versorgung wurde 2011 durch eine Vereinbarung des UNHCR und der Islamischen Republik Iran mit einer örtlichen Versicherungsgesellschaft verbessert. Über eine medizinische Grundversorgung hinaus können Flüchtlinge nun zahlreiche Leistungen wie Krankenhausbehandlung, Rettungsdienste und Geburtshilfe in Anspruch nehmen. Voraussetzung ist, dass entweder ein subventionierter Beitrag von 16 US-Dollar pro Jahr oder 58% der tatsächlichen Versicherungsprämie bezahlt wird, wobei UNHCR dann die restlichen Kosten übernimmt. Für bedürftige Flüchtlinge bezahlt UNHCR den vollständigen Beitrag. Bisher war von der staatlichen Sozialversicherung lediglich die Behandlung der Blutkrankheiten Hämophilie und Thalassämie sowie Diabetes erfasst, im Übrigen mussten die Arztkosten beglichen werden.

Der Zugang zum Arbeitsmarkt steht allen registrierten Flüchtlingen offen. Nach Erkenntnissen des US-Außenministeriums ist es per Gesetz jedoch nur Männern erlaubt, zu arbeiten. Die Ausstellung einer befristeten Arbeitserlaubnis für Flüchtlinge ist allerdings nicht billig. Angesichts der gegenwärtigen Lage auf dem iranischen Arbeitsmarkt könnte es zukünftig schwieriger werden, Arbeit zu bekommen. Obwohl die Afghanen meist eher unbeliebte Arbeiten übernehmen, könnte es aufgrund der wachsenden Arbeitslosigkeit unter den Iranern zu einem Verdrängungseffekt kommen.

Die Akzeptanz der afghanischen Flüchtlinge in der iranischen Bevölkerung ist in den vergangenen Jahren stetig gesunken. Es gibt vereinzelte Berichte über gewaltsame Übergriffe der einheimischen Bevölkerung auf Afghanen. Die ohnehin schwierige wirtschaftliche Lage der Flüchtlinge dürfte sich durch die im Dezember 2010 begonnene schrittweise Kürzung staatlicher Subventionen weiter verschärfen. Anders als für einkommensschwache iranische Staatsangehörige sieht die Gesetzesvorlage für ausländische Flüchtlinge keinen Ausgleich der erhöhten Lebenskosten durch direkte Ausgleichszahlungen vor. Hierin dürfte ein Grund für den Anstieg der freiwilligen Ausreisen nach Afghanistan in der ersten Jahreshälfte 2011 liegen (s.o. S. 6).“ (BAMF, Oktober 2011, S. 6-8)

Bitte beachten Sie auch folgende ACCORD-Anfragebeantwortung zum Thema:

·      ACCORD - Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation: Anfragebeantwortung zum Iran: 1) Rechte afghanischer StaatsbürgerInnen im Iran (Wohn- und Bildungssituation, Zugang zum Arbeitsmarkt) 2) Aufenthaltsrecht afghanischer StaatsbürgerInnen im Iran [a-7372], 14. September 2010 (verfügbar auf ecoi.net)

 

 

Quellen: (Zugriff auf alle Quellen am 11. Mai 2012)

·      Middle East Institute: The Situation of Afghans in the Islamic Republic of Iran Nine Years After the Overthrow of the Taliban Regime in Afghanistan (Autor: Bruce Koepke), 4. Februar 2011

·      Organization for Defending Victims of Violence: Written statement submitted by the Organization for Defending Victims of Violence, a non-governmental organization in special consultative status; Iran [A/HRC/18/NGO/41], 9. September 2011 (veröffentlicht von HRC, verfügbar auf ecoi.net)

·      UNHCR - UN High Commissioner for Refugees: UNHCR Global Report 2010, Juni 2011 (verfügbar auf ecoi.net)

·      UNHCR – UN High Commissioner for Refugees: International Conference on the Solutions Strategy for Afghan Refugees to Support Voluntary Repatriation, Sustainable Reintegration and Assistance to Host Countries, 2.-3. Mai, Genf, Schweiz, Mai 2012

·      UNHCR – UN High Commissioner for Refugees: 2012 UNHCR country operations profile - Islamic Republic of Iran, undated

·      AA – Auswärtiges Amt (Deutschland): Bericht über die asyl- und abschiebungsrelevante Lage in der Islamischen Republik Iran (Stand: Juli 2011), 4. November 2011

·      AEI - American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research: Iranian Influence in Afghanistan: Recent Developments, 21. August 2009

·      AEI - American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research: Iranian Influence in Afghanistan: Refugees as Political Instruments, 5. November 2010

·      AFP - Agence France-Presse: Afghan refugees caught between Iran and a hard place, 22. Februar 2012 (verfügbar auf ReliefWeb)

·      IRIN – Integrated Regional Information Network: Mehdi, "My hands were hurting because the handcuffs were too tight, 27. Februar 2012

·      PAN - Pajhwok Afghan News: Iran expels thousands of Afghan refugees, 7. Februar 2011

·      Rawa: Iran Accused of Deporting Afghan Children, 17. März 2011

·      USCRI - US Committee for Refugees and Immigrants: World Refugee Survey 2009, 17. Juni 2009

·      USDOS - US Department of State: Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2010, Iran, 8. April 2011

·      AREU - Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit: Second-generation Afghans in Iran: Integration, Identity and Return, April 2008 (verfügbar auf ecoi.net)

·      Landinfo: Afghan citizens in Iran, 14. März 2011

·      Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs: Algemeen Ambtsbericht Iran, 25. August 2011 http://www.rijksoverheid.nl/bestanden/documenten-en-publicaties/ambtsberichten/2011/08/25/iran-2011-08-25/aab-iran-augustus-2011.pdf

·      UNHCR - UN High Commissioner for Refugees: Iran Fact Sheet February 2012, Februar 2012 (verfügbar auf ecoi.net)

·      ACCORD - Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation: Anfragebeantwortung zum Iran: 1) Rechte afghanischer StaatsbürgerInnen im Iran (Wohn- und Bildungssituation, Zugang zum Arbeitsmarkt) 2) Aufenthaltsrecht afghanischer StaatsbürgerInnen im Iran [a-7372], 14. September 2010 (verfügbar auf ecoi.net)

·      BAMF - Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge (Deutschland): Afghanistan - Die Situation afghanischer Flüchtlinge in Pakistan und Iran, Oktober 2011

https://milo.bamf.de/llde/livelink.exe?func=ll&objId=15105996&objAction=Open&nexturl=/llde/livelink.exe?func=ll&objId=14319842&objAction=browse&sortclsbrowse=dc_namefunc&sortclsitembrowse=dc_namefuncpromotedcmds(Gastzugang erforderlich)