DFAT Country Information Report Pappua New Guinea

CONTENTS ACRONYMS ................................................................................................................................................................... 2 GLOSSARY ..................................................................................................................................................................... 3 1.  PURPOSE AND SCOPE.............................................................................................................................................. 4 2.  BACKGROUND INFORMATION ............................................................................................................................... 5 COUNTRY OVERVIEW ................................................................................................................................................... 5 DEMOGRAPHY .............................................................................................................................................................. 5 ECONOMIC OVERVIEW ................................................................................................................................................. 5 POLITICAL SYSTEM ...................................................................................................................................................... 10 HUMAN RIGHTS FRAMEWORK ................................................................................................................................... 12 SECURITY SITUATION .................................................................................................................................................. 12 3.  REFUGEE CONVENTION CLAIMS ........................................................................................................................... 15 RACE/NATIONALITY .................................................................................................................................................... 15 RELIGION ..................................................................................................................................................................... 15 POLITICAL OPINION (ACTUAL OR IMPUTED) .............................................................................................................. 16 GROUPS OF INTEREST ................................................................................................................................................. 17 4.  COMPLEMENTARY PROTECTION CLAIMS ............................................................................................................. 25 ARBITRARY DEPRIVATION OF LIFE .............................................................................................................................. 25 DEATH PENALTY .......................................................................................................................................................... 25 CRUEL, INHUMAN OR DEGRADING TREATMENT OR PUNISHMENT .......................................................................... 25 5.  OTHER CONSIDERATIONS ..................................................................................................................................... 27 STATE PROTECTION .................................................................................................................................................... 27 INTERNAL RELOCATION .............................................................................................................................................. 30 TREATMENT OF RETURNEES ....................................................................................................................................... 31 DOCUMENTATION ...................................................................................................................................................... 31     ACRONYMS ABG    ARB   AUD    CSO   FSV   FSVU   GBV    IPO    LGBTQIA+  INGO    PGK   PNG    PNGDF   PO   RPNGC   SARV   UN    UNDP    UNFPA   UNICEF   UPR    WHO   Autonomous Bougainville Government Autonomous Region of Bougainville Australian Dollar  Civil society organisation Family and sexual violence  Family and Sexual Violence Unit Gender-based violence Interim protection order Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, Intersex or Asexual International non-government organisation  Papua New Guinea Kina (currency)  Papua New Guinea Papua New Guinea Defence Force Protection Order   Royal Papua New Guinea Constabulary  Sorcery Accusation Related Violence United Nations United Nations Development Programme United Nations Population Fund United Nations Children’s Fund Universal Periodic Review World Health Organization 2 GLOSSARY Payback Tribal affiliation Wantokism Wantoks Act of retaliation usually carried out when one group has been harmed by another, under which the perpetrator is obligated to pay financial or other compensation to the victim or their family. Papua New Guinea is home to more than 600 different tribes and in most instances, tribal affiliation passes from the father to child, although ‘informal adoption’ is widespread and affects a person’s tribal affiliation(s).  System of social kinship, welfare and mutual obligation, derived from traditional tribal-based society, which operates as a social support mechanism for members of the tribe (or wantok). In contemporary PNG, wantokism includes additional relationships, such as those between school classmates or work colleagues, with people gaining positions of power or responsibility, for example, as a politician, public servant or business owner,  expected to look after their wantoks. Wantokism as a concept applies equally to men and women. ‘One talk’, referring to a group that benefits from reciprocal exchanges of favours between other kin and community members.  Terms used in this report High risk  Moderate risk  Low risk  Official discrimination DFAT is aware of a strong pattern of incidents DFAT is aware of sufficient incidents to suggest a pattern of behaviour DFAT is aware of incidents but has insufficient evidence to conclude they form a pattern 1. legal or regulatory measures applying to a particular group that impede access to state protection or services that are available to other sections of the population (examples might include but are not limited to difficulties in obtaining personal registrations or identity papers, difficulties in having papers recognised, arbitrary arrest and detention) 2. behaviour by state employees towards a particular group that impedes access to state protection or services otherwise available, including by failure to implement legislative or administrative measures Societal discrimination  1. behaviour by members of society (including family members, employers or service providers) that impedes access by a particular group to goods or services normally available to other sections of society (examples could include but are not limited to refusal to rent property, refusal to sell goods or services, or employment discrimination) 2. ostracism or exclusion by members of society (including family, acquaintances, employers, colleagues or service providers). 3 1. PURPOSE AND SCOPE 1.1 This report was prepared for protection status decision makers by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT). It provides a factual overview distinct from Australian Government policy and does not contain policy guidance for decision makers. 1.2 1.3 According to Ministerial Direction 84 of 24 June 2019, issued under the Migration Act 1958: Where the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade has prepared [a] country information assessment expressly for protection status determination processes, and that assessment is available to the decision maker, the decision maker must take into account that assessment, where relevant, in making their decision. The decision maker is not precluded from considering other relevant information about the country. The report was prepared with regard to the current protection visa caseload without reference to individual applications. It provides DFAT’s best assessment at the time of writing.  1.4 The report draws on in-country knowledge and discussions. It takes into account reporting from a range of credible sources including: other governments, United Nations agencies, human rights and civil society organisations, local and international media and academia. Source details may be omitted to protect sources. 1.5 This Country Information Report replaces the previous DFAT report on Papua New Guinea published on 6 September 2022. 4 2. BACKGROUND INFORMATION COUNTRY OVERVIEW 2.1 Papua New Guinea, or PNG as it is widely known, achieved full independence on 16 September 1975. PNG comprises four broad subregions: Momase (northern coast and Sepik), Southern (lower coastal mainland), New Guinea Islands (north and east maritime and islands) and the Highlands (inland north-central ranges). PNG has 22 provinces, including the National Capital District and the Autonomous Region of Bougainville (ARB). 2.2 Large-scale resource extraction projects are the largest contributor to PNG’s economy. In some areas, mining has caused environmental degradation and contributed to pre-existing localised social and political disharmony. Revenue from illegal small-scale mining operations is responsible for financing tribal violence in the Highlands.  2.3 PNG’s geography contributes to its high susceptibility to natural disasters. In May 2024, a massive landslide in Enga Province killed close to 60 people and left up to several thousand people displaced.  2.4 The Bougainville region has long harboured independence aspirations and voted overwhelmingly in support of independence in a 2019 referendum. Post-referendum discussions between PNG and Bougainville have been protracted. Moderated discussions were ongoing at the time of writing. DEMOGRAPHY 2.5 The size of PNG’s population is uncertain. The latest population estimate endorsed by the PNG Government is 11,781,559 (2021). A nationwide census was undertaken in 2024, but the results had not been released at the time of writing. 2.6 Papua New Guineans are divided into over 10,000 ethnic clans, spread across 600 islands. PNG’s indigenous population is almost entirely Melanesian, although a small number of Polynesians live on atolls north of Bougainville. Ethnic Chinese have been present in PNG since the nineteenth century and their community comprises around 20,000 people. Other more recent migrant populations exist, most notably from Bangladesh and the Philippines.  2.7 PNG is  linguistically diverse, with over 850 indigenous languages spoken. PNG’s three official languages are English, Hiri Motu and Tok Pisin. 2.8 Almost all Papua New Guineans are Christians, predominantly Protestants and Catholics. Prayer and church attendance are part of daily life. There are very small communities of other faiths, including Baha’i and Muslims (see Religion). ECONOMIC OVERVIEW 2.9 PNG had a GDP per capita of AUD4,493 in 2023 (most recent data available). The World Bank classifies PNG a ‘lower-middle income country’. The United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP’s) Human Development Report 2023/2024 ranked PNG 154th out of 193 countries by Human Development Index (HDI) value, placing it in the category of countries with medium human development. 2.10 The spectrum of PNG society ranges from traditional village-based life, dependent on subsistence and small cash-crop agriculture, to urban life in the main cities of Port Moresby, Goroka, Lae, Madang, Mount Hagen, Rabaul, and Wewak. Minerals and energy extraction account for most of PNG’s export earnings and GDP. According to PNG's 2024 Mid-year Economic and Fiscal Outlook Report, GDP growth was 4.6 per cent in November 2024 based on strong performance in the agriculture, forestry and fishing sectors.  2.11 In the March quarter of 2025, headline inflation in PNG rose to 5.3 per cent. Depreciation of the PNG Kina (PGK) against the US and Australian dollars has led to higher import costs and increased the prices of basic food items and services such as utilities and transportation. To ease cost-of-living pressures, the PNG Government raised the tax-free income threshold for low-income earners from PGK12,500 to PGK20,000 (AUD7,995) in January 2024. 2.12 PNG was placed under a 12-month observation period through the Financial Action Task Force’s (FATF) International Co-operation Review Group review process in October 2024 for deficiencies in its anti-money 5 laundering and counter-financing of terrorism measures. FATF’s regional body, the Asia/Pacific Group on Money Laundering, identified significant money laundering risks in PNG related to corruption and bribery, fraud, illegal logging and fishing and tax offending.    Employment 2.13 PNG’s 2022 Socio-Demographic and Economic Survey showed a labour force participation rate of 52 per cent, with a large proportion of the workforce employed in the informal sector and subsistence agriculture. According to academics, unskilled workers in the informal sector earn much more than their peers in the formal sector. 2.14 PNG’s unemployment rate was 2.7 per cent in 2024, down from 3.2 per cent in 2021. In-country sources said metrics used to assess unemployment were misleading due to a focus on formal employment in urban areas and a failure to consider those engaged in subsistence agriculture.  2.15 Local media reported PNG’s population growth rate outpaced formal job growth. This trend has negatively impacted youth unemployment, increasing competition for limited job opportunities in urban areas. In-country sources identified rising youth unemployment as the primary reason for an increase in urban crime. Welfare 2.16 PNG has no formal welfare system. Churches, civil society organisations (CSOs) and the ‘wantok’ system through kinship ties and social bonds, provide informal and limited social protection during times of hardship.    Health 2.17 Average life expectancy in PNG was 66 years in 2022 according to the World Bank (most recent data available), with life expectancy slightly higher in urban areas. Mortality rates are highest for non-communicable diseases such as heart disease, stroke, pulmonary disease and diabetes. Neonatal conditions and tuberculosis also rank as leading causes of death according to the World Health Organization (WHO). PNG has an estimated maternal mortality rate of 215 per 100,000 live births, resulting in an estimated 580 mothers dying each year. 2.18 PNG’s infant mortality rate is 57 per 1,000 live births, with an estimated 15,400 children dying each year according to the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). Rural children are twice as likely to die before their fifth birthday compared to their urban peers. PNG also has a high rate of stunting (the impaired growth and development children experience from poor nutrition and repeated infection), affecting nearly every second child under the age of five. Full routine childhood immunisation coverage among one year olds is approximately 35 per cent. The 2025 polio outbreak highlights the increased risk of infectious disease resulting from low immunisation coverage in PNG.  2.19 PNG publicly funds 71 per cent of health services, delivered through a mix of government and faith-based organisations. Health services are decentralised to provincial authorities. In-country sources said 38 community health facilities constructed through the Rural Primary Health Services Delivery Project (a joint Asian Development Bank, Australia and Government of PNG partnership) were operating in PNG’s remote rural areas in 2024.  2.20 The PNG Government subsidises some specialised public hospital services, as well as 50 per cent of faith-based organisation-provided health services. In-country sources said sub-specialist care was often not available outside of large cities. Sub-speciality services and medications were difficult to access and generally not available outside urban areas. Traditional medicine and healers also play a role, particularly in rural areas.  2.21 About 20 private health facilities in PNG, mostly in Port Moresby and larger urban centres, provide inpatient and outpatient services. Some private companies, primarily in the mining sector, provide on-site basic health care for employees and their families. Private health care is available for those who can pay or have it provided by their employers. 2.22 PNG spends around PGK250 (AUD95) per person annually on health. The budget allocation in 2024 was PGK2.58 billion (AUD980 million), representing 9.5 per cent of GDP. Health sector spending in 2024 increased by 4 per cent from 2023 levels, in line with inflation. New funding was provided to tackle malaria, tuberculosis, and HIV/AIDS and to hire cancer specialists at Port Moresby General Hospital. The 2025 health budget increased by 10 per cent from 2024 levels. Most of the additional funding was allocated to Port Moresby General Hospital. 6 2.23 According to the Asian Development Bank, financial management within the health sector is generally weak, limiting efficient allocation and mobilisation of funds at the provincial level. Nominally 20 per cent of annual funding allocations for Members of Parliament through the District Service Improvement (currently PGK20 million per year or AUD7.6 million) and Provincial Service Improvement Programs (PGK5 million per district or AUD1.9 million) were earmarked for health in 2024. These funds are allocated at Members’ discretion and rarely support health service delivery according to in-country sources.  2.24 Government-provided primary health care services are offered free of charge, regardless of ethnicity, tribe or religion. Medical reports are available to patients upon request at no cost (see also Women). Some facilities charge patients small out-of-pocket fees including for medications, x-rays and mammograms. In-country sources said out-of-pocket fees were low, around PGK10 (AUD3.80) and generally did not result in household financial stress.  2.25 PNG has less than one medical doctor per 10,000 population, below the WHO’s recommended ratio, the global average of 21 and the Pacific region average of 12. PNG has 4.5 nurses and midwives per 10,000 population, behind the global average of 20 and the Pacific region average of 35. According to in-country sources, shortages of adequately trained doctors and nurses often resulted in poor health outcomes in PNG when compared to countries of similar income levels, especially in rural areas. Shortages of health care workers sometimes results in health facilities being unable to operate.  2.26 Accessing healthcare in rural areas may be difficult and people living far from district centres must rely on health care workers who sometimes lack sufficient training. According to the Asian Development Bank, rural access to health services is constrained by a number of factors including complex terrain, weather, natural disasters and issues of personal security. The unavailability of quality services close to where people live is reflected in PNG’s low ranking of 192nd out of 194 globally in Universal Health Coverage (UHC) in 2021. 2.27 PNG’s Department of Health is responsible for procuring and distributing drugs. PNG has no domestic pharmaceutical industry and no pharmacovigilance system to assess and improve the safety of drugs. Medicine distribution is outsourced to seven distributors. Shortages are frequent according to the Asian Development Bank. In-country sources said common drugs like antibiotics were regularly available in larger population centres but many specialist medications were not. In very remote areas, even basic medicines were frequently unavailable. An estimated 41 per cent of medical supplies expired on the shelf according to in-country sources. 2.28 DFAT assesses Papua New Guineans can access health care and basic medications without discrimination or significant out-of-pocket costs, although services are frequently limited due to economic pressures and staff shortages. Health care services are often more difficult to access in rural areas, where travel costs can be a barrier. Mental Health 2.29 There are gaps in the data regarding mental health conditions in PNG, largely because most people do not self-report or seek treatment. Our World in Data estimates 12 per cent of PNG’s population lives with a mental health condition. Local organisations offering counselling and support services, such as the 1-Tok Kaunselin Helpim Lain, have reported increases in the number of clients expressing symptoms of anxiety and depression. In-country sources said most mental health conditions were not perceived severe enough for people to seek professional assistance.  2.30 Administration of mental health services, including the protection of patient rights, is set out in the Mental Health Act 2015. PNG also has a National Mental Health Policy. According to local health experts, the PNG Government has not adequately resourced the mental health sector. Despite government plans for small psychiatry units in provincial hospitals, in 2024, most provincial capital hospitals did not have dedicated psychiatric facilities and only offered outpatient mental health care with nurses, if at all. For example, provinces like Jiwaka did not have a psychiatry ward or any trained staff to support those living with mental health conditions in 2024. 2.31 Government-provided mental health care services are offered free of charge where available. In-patient facilities and specialised medications are often only available in major urban centres and only to those experiencing the ‘most severe’ mental health conditions and self-harming or exhibiting violent tendencies. The 80 bed Laloki Psychiatric Hospital in Port Moresby is PNG’s only long-stay psychiatric facility. Accessing Laloki requires a referral. It is often overcrowded. Other provincial capitals in PNG, including Lae and Mount Hagen, have psychiatric wards in 7 hospitals with a limited numbers of beds. There is less than one psychiatrist per 100,000 population in PNG according to the WHO. In-country sources said there were only around 10 professionally trained psychiatrists in PNG in 2024.  2.32 International non-governmental organisations (INGOs), CSOs and faith-based groups operate a variety of counselling and informal mental health services throughout PNG. For example, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), under its Mental Health and Psychosocial Support Programme, organises more than 30 support groups across the Enga, Hela and Southern Highlands provinces aimed at capacity-building the ‘informal mental health system.’ The ICRC trains village health assistants to lead conversations related to mental health and psychosocial support in their communities. The Brothers of St John of God established Haus Bung, the first drop-in centre in PNG for people experiencing mental health issues, in Madang Province in 2017. 2.33 In rural areas, indigenous approaches towards those living with mental health conditions, based on traditional beliefs and cultural practices, are widespread. Traditional healers are often the main support for people living with mental health conditions. 2.34 There is a low level of awareness and lack of information regarding mental health conditions in PNG. In-country sources said those reaching out to family and friends to discuss mental health challenges were often told it was ‘all in their head’ and ‘to toughen up and get on with it’. A person’s mental health condition was often only taken seriously by family, friends or community members if perceived as ‘extremely severe’. Severe mental health conditions are sometimes seen as the acts of powerful witches and sorcerers, especially in rural areas.  2.35 There is stigma involved in publicly acknowledging living with a mental health condition, according to in-country sources. PNG society traditionally viewed those living with mental health conditions as ‘weak’, which often led to a lack of respect within the community. Those unable to hide severe mental health conditions may experience shunning or discrimination. DFAT is not aware of violence or accusations of sorcery/witchcraft being made against people living with mental health conditions based solely on their condition(s) or diagnoses. NGOs like Headstret work with communities to combat the stigma surrounding mental health conditions and raise awareness of mental health challenges through promoting well-being education. 2.36 DFAT assesses Papua New Guineans can access mental health services and specialist medications without discrimination or significant out-of-pocket costs where they exist. However, mental health services and specialist medications are often inadequate and largely limited to major urban centres. DFAT assesses people living with mental health conditions generally do not face official discrimination. DFAT assesses people who identify publicly as living with a mental health condition face a moderate risk of societal discrimination in the form of exclusion from community life. The frequency and severity of exclusion from community life are likely to be worse in rural rather than urban areas. People living with HIV 2.37 UNAIDS data indicated a prevalence of HIV in PNG of 1.5 per cent in 2025. HIV cases have continued to increase, with an estimated 11,000 new cases of HIV in 2024 (about 30 new infections each day). New HIV infections have increased by 53 per cent between 2023 and 2024. In-country sources ascribed the increase to low community awareness of HIV, exacerbated by budget cuts to HIV health promotion programs.  2.38 In-country sources said the HIV positivity rate would be much higher without the introduction of new drugs and specialised clinics funded by international donors, which had also reduced transmission rates from mothers to children at birth. Nevertheless, more than 75 per cent of pregnant women do not receive a HIV test and there were 2,600 new child infections diagnosed from mother-to-child HIV transmission in 2024. 2.39 According to Global AIDS Monitoring, HIV is present in all provinces of PNG but at increased levels in eight ‘high-burden’ provinces, including the National Capital District and Enga, Jiwaka, Madang, Morobe, Simbu, Southern Highlands and Western Highlands. Most HIV infections in PNG are concentrated in a set of key populations, including sex workers and women who exchange sex for money, goods and protection, as well as men who have sex with men and transgender women. Clients of sex workers and sexual partners of these key populations are at significant risk. PNG’s elevated rate of gender-based violence also contributes to HIV prevalence.  2.40 Of the more than 120,000 people currently living with HIV in PNG, about half are on antiretroviral therapy (ART) medication. The ART program has been rolled out in all provinces, with over 150 health facilities providing ART 8 in 2020. PNG’s National HIV Program works with a range of partners including Anglicare, Catholic HIV/AIDS Services, DFAT, Susu Mamas, Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS, WHO and World Vision to ensure those most at risk of HIV have access to prevention, treatment and care. This includes providing HIV testing, counselling and distribution of male and female condoms. 2.41 People living with HIV sometimes experience stigma, discrimination and violence, according to in-country sources. A study of HIV-related stigma and discrimination carried out in Western Highlands and Chimbu provinces reported some of those interviewed felt ashamed, guilty or blamed themselves for their HIV status. Others had not attended social gatherings, been excluded from religious activities or felt isolated from family and friends because of their HIV status. Some did not feel safe in their own communities and stated they had been physically assaulted because of their HIV status.  2.42 DFAT assesses Papua New Guineans can access HIV-specific health services and specialist medications without discrimination or significant out-of-pocket costs, although accessing appropriate services is often more difficult in rural areas. DFAT assesses people living with HIV generally do not face official discrimination. DFAT assesses people living with HIV face a moderate risk of societal discrimination in the form of exclusion from community life and sometimes violence perpetrated against them because of their HIV status. The frequency and severity of exclusions from community life and violence are likely to be worse in rural areas or smaller villages than in urban areas. Members of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex or asexual (LGBTQIA+) community may face elevated risks. Education 2.43 PNG is a signatory to international commitments including the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which recognises all children’s right to education without discrimination. PNG has committed to ensuring ‘all girls and boys complete free, equitable and quality primary and secondary education’ though the Sustainable Development Goals. The PNG Government has outlined steps to meet these commitments in the Universal Basic Education Plan 2010-2019 and National Education Plan 2020-2029. Education in PNG is generally a provincial responsibility. School attendance is not compulsory. Tuition fees have not been required at government schools since at least 2022. 2.44 PNG spends 3.3 per cent of its GDP on education, below the global middle-income country average. The World Bank reported the education sector received 15.9 per cent of the total PNG Government budget in 2024, down from 19.5 per cent in 2017. Budgetary allocations have not kept pace with student numbers, meaning spending per student has fallen. According to the World Bank, education funding is often not distributed equitably with the poorest provinces receiving the smallest allocations per student.  2.45 The PNG Government’s universal basic education policy has led to the rapid expansion of the basic education system. An undersupply of qualified teachers means those with lower qualifications, some with less than Grade 10, have been appointed in government elementary schools. To compensate for the low levels of teacher qualifications in primary schools, scripted lessons were introduced as part of the Standards Based Curriculum. Teaching and learning resources are severely limited to non-existent in most schools in PNG, unless schools participate in international donor-funded programs.  2.46 Overcrowding is common in government schools. Schools in cities like Port Moresby, Lae and Mount Hagen face a growing number of enrolments from the children of rural-urban migrants. In-country sources said primary schools in Mount Hagen were seating six to seven children at desks designed for two. 2.47 PNG’s education sector is undergoing structural reform. Currently 766,287 students are enrolled in 8,033 elementary schools, Preparatory (Prep) to Grade Two and another 1,221,244 students are enrolled in 4,618 primary schools. The revised formal structure will consist of one year of Prep, six years of primary (Grades One to Six) and six years of secondary (Grades Seven to 12). Implementation of educational reforms began in 2019. Progress has been slow due to barriers including infrastructure, teacher qualifications and institutional capacity.  2.48 Church-provided basic education exists in parallel with government schools and accounts for over 40 per cent of all basic education. There is considerable provincial variation in the proportion of church-operated to government schools. Church provision is often higher in remote locations and among disadvantaged communities. There is also a small private education sector of approximately 20 schools educating 5,000 students.    9 2.49 While enrolments are growing, about a quarter of children aged six to 18 are out of school. The transition rate from primary to lower secondary school is 56 per cent. In-country sources said the number of girls attending high schools in PNG had been increasing year-on-year but fewer girls than boys attend school in PNG. This disparity widens as children progress through school, with only 53 per cent of girls enrolled in Grade 10 successfully transitioning to Grade 11. Social norms place expectations on adolescent girls to prioritise domestic work and marry early. For girls in rural areas, a lack of secondary schools often means they must attend boarding houses away from home, increasing their risk of gender-based violence.  2.50 Children with disability face significant barriers to education. Children with disability are often not allowed to leave the home, preventing them from attending school. Inclusive Education Resource Centres (IERCs), where children with disabilities can access learning and community-based rehabilitation, are significantly under-resourced. Available data indicates less than 2 per cent of elementary enrolments in PNG are children with disabilities. 2.51 DFAT assesses Papua New Guineans can access education without discrimination or payment of tuition fees, although factors such as distance and social norms present barriers for poor and remote populations, girls and people with disability. POLITICAL SYSTEM 2.52 PNG is a constitutional monarchy and a member of the Commonwealth. The National Parliament is a unicameral legislature broadly modelled on the Westminster system that is elected for five-year terms. Parliament has 118 seats. Members of the National Parliament are elected from 96 single-member electorates and 22 regional electorates. The regional electorates correspond to PNG’s 20 provinces plus the ARB and the National Capital District. The most recent national election was held in July 2022. The next election must be held in or before 2027. 2.53 The PNG Government has the power to declare ‘States of Emergency’ under the Constitution, the Defence Act 1974 and other legislation. States of Emergency allow for the call out of the PNGDF to aid civil authorities. For example, Prime Minister Marape declared a 14-day state of emergency on 11 January 2024 following violent police and public sector protests, with over 1,000 soldiers placed on standby. Autonomous Region of Bougainville 2.54 Disputes over the disbursements of royalties and responsibility for environmental damage from the Panguna copper mine led to violent conflict in Bougainville between the PNG Defence Force (PNGDF) and secessionist fighters between 1988 and 1997. The conflict resulted in the deaths of approximately 20,000 people. A ceasefire was signed in April 1998 and the Bougainville Peace Agreement concluded in August 2001. The opportunity to explore greater autonomy was a condition of the peace. In 2019, 97.7 per cent of Bougainvilleans voted for independence in a non-binding referendum subject to ratification by PNG’s National Parliament. 2.55 The PNG Government and the Autonomous Bougainville Government (ABG) are currently in a protracted period of post-referendum consultation. On 5 April 2022, Prime Minister Marape of PNG and President Toroama of the ABG signed the Era Kone Covenant providing a framework and timeline for conclusion of the Bougainville Peace Agreement, including consideration by National Parliament of Bougainville’s political future between 2025 and 2027. In 2024, both parties agreed to appoint an independent moderator, Sir Jerry Mateparae, to restart the postreferendum dialogue.      2.56 The ABG remains financially reliant on the PNG Government and international donors, with less than 10 per cent of its budget coming from internal sources. International media reported only 10 per cent of Bougainville residents had access to electricity and 16 per cent of households had proper sanitation in 2024. Flights are scheduled almost daily from Buka Airport in the Autonomous Region of Bougainville but can be disrupted due to fuel shortages. 2.57 In-country sources said the security situation in Bougainville had been relatively stable since 1997, but like in other parts of PNG, intercommunal violence occasionally flared up, particularly in the south.  Corruption 2.58 Corruption, both petty and serious, is a significant problem in PNG. Corruption has historically been driven by low public sector wages as well as ‘wantokism’, a culture of clan and tribal loyalty and patronage that may override 10 loyalty to the state and respect for the law resulting in nepotism and corruption. Wantokism is often invoked to pressure officials to protect the interests of their wantoks above their legal duty to provide services or behave impartially. Officials can be reluctant to uphold the legal rights of those outside their wantok group if required to act against, and especially prosecute, those within their group. 2.59 PNG has signed and ratified the UN Convention against Corruption but is not party to the UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime or the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions. PNG has laws prohibiting corrupt behaviour and several bodies have regulatory and legislative powers to fight corruption. These include the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC), the Ombudsman Commission, Leadership Tribunals, the Royal Papua New Guinea Constabulary’s (RPNGC’s) National Fraud and Anti-Corruption Directorate (commonly referred to as the Fraud Squad) and various ad hoc Commissions of Inquiry and Investigations.  2.60 Prime Minister Marape came to office in 2019 promising to fight corruption and passed anti-corruption legislation including the Whistle Blower Act 2020. In-country sources said anti-corruption laws were not respected and anti-corruption institutions lacked sufficient resources to prosecute their mandates. Lack of political support for governance reform has entrenched corruption across all levels of the public and private sectors. In 2024, Transparency International ranked PNG 127th out of 180 countries in its Corruption Perceptions Index, the lowest score in the Pacific region. According to the US Department of State’s 2023 Papua New Guinea Human Rights Report, government officials ‘often engaged in corrupt practices with impunity’.  2.61 In-country sources said corruption was pervasive, with bribes regularly solicited to access government services or provided to officials as a form of ‘gratitude’.  Facilitation payments are especially common in under resourced and/or poorly governed public sector agencies to circumvent lengthy waiting times to access services and benefits. Perceptions of corruption are also complicated by the local cultural context. In one 2023 survey respondents often identified arguably corrupt behaviours as ‘tokens of appreciation that fulfil Melanesian obligations of reciprocity’. Providing public officials and others money for lunch, soft drink, bus fare, buai (betelnut), phone credit cards and other gifts was often expected in return for receiving a government service or ‘favour’. 2.62 Recent high-profile corruption reported in local and international media includes the case of lawyer Paul Paraka, sentenced to 20 years in prison in October 2023 following his conviction for misappropriating PGK162 million (AUD62 million) in public funds. The sentencing judge stated the case was the ‘worst kind warranting the maximum penalty’. In April 2023, the RPNGC arrested and charged Climate Change and Development Authority’s (CCDA) finance manager, Ivan Aipi, with corruption and misappropriation of public funds for ‘illegally executing’ cheques for the benefit of CCDA's acting managing director William Lakain and his associates for millions of PGK.  2.63 The US Department of State’s 2023 Papua New Guinea Investment Climate Statements attributed PNG’s poor performance fighting corruption to ‘a lack in government financial transparency, instability in governance and civil services, and an inability to properly prosecute crimes’. Although giving or accepting a bribe is a criminal act in PNG, penalties vary. The maximum penalty for an MP is imprisonment for no more than seven years. For public officials the penalty is imprisonment for no more than seven years and a discretionary fine. For ordinary citizens the penalty is a fine not exceeding AUD185 or imprisonment of no more than one year.  2.64 ICAC was established under Section 220B of the Constitution and is governed by the Organic Law on the Independent Commission Against Corruption 2020. ICAC began operations in February 2024. It has the power to investigate allegations of corrupt conduct of public officials after receiving a complaint. ICAC can also summon those accused of corruption to appear at hearings and give evidence under oath. In-country sources said ICAC’s focus was on ‘high-level’ fraud not police or petty corruption. At the time of writing, ICAC was not operating effectively as an integrity organisation. 2.65 For specific information on corruption within the RPNGC, see Police. 11 HUMAN RIGHTS FRAMEWORK 2.66 PNG’s Constitution guarantees fundamental rights and freedoms including the right to life, liberty, security of the person and the protection of the law and the right to take part in political activities. The Constitution guarantees freedoms of conscience, expression, information and assembly and association as well as freedom of employment and freedom of movement. The Constitution prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, tribe, place of origin, political opinion, colour, creed or sex. The Constitution states ‘for the purposes of determining whether or not any law, matter or thing is reasonably justified in a democratic society that has a proper regard for the rights and dignity of mankind, a court may have regard to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and any other declaration, recommendation or decision of the General Assembly of the United Nations concerning human rights and fundamental freedoms.’ 2.67 PNG is a party to core international human rights instruments (for a full list, see the United Nation's Treaty Body Database website) but implementation lags. Papua New Guinea is not party to the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment; Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance; or the Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights aiming at the abolition of the death penalty (see also Torture, Enforced or involuntary disappearance, and Death Penalty). 2.68 PNG’s most recent UN Human Rights Council Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of its human rights record was in November 2021. Major areas of concern raised during the UPR process were the ratification of the remaining core international human rights treaties, establishing a National Human Rights Institution, addressing gender-based and LGBTQIA+ violence, decriminalisation of same-sex activity and abolishing the death penalty. The UPR made 161 recommendations, which were under consideration at the time of writing. SECURITY SITUATION Law and Order 2.69 PNG had the world’s second highest crime rate in 2024 according to World Population Review. In-country sources said crime had increased in urban areas since 2010 as a result of growing rural to urban migration leading to overcrowding and insufficient economic opportunities.  2.70 Violent and petty crime are common, particularly in large urban centres like Port Moresby, Lae and Mount Hagen. A significant number of crimes are committed by raskol gangs, which sometimes brandish 'bush knives' (machetes) and guns. A 2023 survey conducted by the University of Papua New Guinea reported crimes like petty theft occurred regularly in Port Moresby because of a ‘lack of repercussions’ for offenders due to insufficient numbers of RPNGC officers (see also Police).  2.71 Instances of sexual and gender-based violence (GBV), sorcery accusation related violence (SARV) and violent conflicts pose challenges for the enforcement of law and order in PNG’s more isolated rural areas. For example, approximately 30 men armed with guns, bush knives and homemade projectiles attacked two villages in the Kanda Circle area of East Sepik province in July 2024, killing 26 people. Police told international media the motivation for the attacks was revenge related to a series of unsolved murders, leadership disputes and family conflicts in the village of Tambari dating back more than a decade. In August 2024, 40 extra police officers were sent to East Sepik province. The leader of the gang accused of carrying out the attacks later surrendered. 2.72 Transnational crime, including the outward-bound illicit drugs trade, inward-bound illegal arms trade and illegal fishing, occurs in PNG, especially in Western Province along the porous border with Indonesia. Since 2024, there has been a significant increase in the transit of illegal materials, including drugs and people, into Western Province to launch into Australian waters. PNG is often used as a transhipment point to Australia due to its proximity and limited law enforcement capability.  2.73  Tribal violence, payback customs and land disputes have had deadly outcomes in recent years, partly due to the increased availability of guns and other weapons in the Highlands Region. For example, a convoy of vehicles travelling from Mt Hagen to Porgera mine were attacked with automatic and semi-automatic weapons on 12 11 October 2024, leaving two dead and more than 21 injured. In-country sources said the attack was related to conflict among local landowners over compensation in exchange for access to the Mulitaka area. On 2 March 2025, private security forces killed two illegal miners attempting to enter an area next to the Porgera gold mine. Inter-Tribal Conflict 2.74 Tensions between and within PNG’s hundreds of different tribal groups may be triggered for a variety of reasons, including land and territory-related issues, accusations of sorcery and witchcraft, souring of relationships and misunderstandings after altercations. Simmering tensions are sometimes exacerbated by economic and political factors, such as the distribution of opportunities generated by resource projects, uneven investment, rapid population growth feeding unemployment and service delivery favouring some groups over others. In-country sources said most inter-tribal conflicts could be isolated to a single flashpoint. Fighting was usually not well organised and generally resulted in few casualties.  2.75 For Papua New Guineans, tribal affiliation is an essential element of identity. Tribal affiliation can be highly fluid and based on several factors, including descent, adoption and marriage. Many Papua New Guineans agree tribal affiliation passes from father to child but ‘informal adoption’ is widespread and can impact the tribe with which a person is linked. A mother’s tribal affiliation may impact how a person is perceived. People can belong to multiple tribes due to extended family connections and marriages or conversely find themselves excluded. As tribal affinity is fluid and not an absolute condition, it can be difficult to identify an individual’s tribal allegiance at any given time. 2.76 Whole tribal groups are rarely involved in fighting or violence. In most instances, inter-tribal conflict involves small groups within a tribe fighting small groups within another tribe. Violence is often geographically limited. Most outbreaks resulting in serious injury or death occur in the provinces of Enga, Hela and the Southern Highlands. Despite increased media reporting on inter-communal tensions in PNG outside the Highlands, these conflicts rarely result in casualties. While there have been instances where grievances between tribal groups have extended beyond the initial geographic area, in-country sources said this was now rare and quickly contained by the larger police presence in urban areas. 2.77 In the provinces of Enga, Hela and the Southern Highlands, tribal fighting is a cultural norm. The entire tribe is expected to support the fight in some capacity, usually financial. Those choosing not to contribute are sometimes forcibly displaced. Those exiled for refusing or being unable to provide support for a fight often lose access to communally-held lands until a financial contribution is made. Those choosing not to fight or contribute financially often relocate to urban areas like Port Moresby, Lae or Mount Hagen, where they reestablish with the assistance of their wantok or CSOs (see Internal Relocation). Involuntary internal relocation or displacement may continue until the individual decides to provide retroactive support, usually by paying additional financial compensation for any deaths the fight caused. 2.78 Highland communities have traditional rules governing what is permitted during a fight. The concept of neutrality is commonly observed. It states participants should refrain from attacking neutral people, places, buildings or objects. Another common rule is fighting should only take place on the land of tribes involved in the fight. There is broad agreement killing ‘innocent’ people will lead to death or defeat in battle, either by incurring a generation of bad luck or becoming a target of the deceased's spirit. Women are generally excluded from combat decisions. They are often expected to remove small children and key possessions to safety or hide until the fighting is over.  2.79 Although inter-tribal conflict has remained stable, the level of associated violence and casualties in the Highlands has worsened considerably since 2020, primarily due to the increased use of firearms and the introduction of fighters for hire. In the 1990s, it was extremely rare for anyone in PNG to own a gun. In-country sources estimated two-thirds of families in the Highlands Region possessed a firearm in 2024. In-country sources said use of Mount Hagen as a transhipment point for guns used in inter-tribal conflicts in Enga and Hela provinces had increased. Hired fighters were also increasingly deployed, being paid approximately PGK5,000 (AUD1,895) a week by tribal communities. Hired fighters reportedly do not follow traditional rules. Given they lack community ties or loyalties, hired fighters may switch sides if not paid. 2.80 Approximately 450 people were killed in Enga Province from 2012 to 2024 due to tribal fighting. In-country sources said a further 1,500 people were injured. There were 139 reported cases of sexual violence carried out by 13 fighters, resulting in around 10-15 women being killed. In addition to these casualties, 40 health care centres were destroyed and 20 schools damaged. From 2012 to 2024, 16,000 people were displaced in Enga (a province with a population of over 570,000). Between September 2023 and February 2024, 52 people were reportedly killed in Enga province, the majority hired fighters. Tensions flared again in the Lagaip-Porgera district of Enga in late 2024 but in-country sources said authorities were actively addressing law and order challenges in the province. The security situation in Hela and the Southern Highlands Province remained stable at the time of writing. 2.81 Factions involved in the main instances of tribal violence in Enga (Palinau and Yopo alliances) agreed to permanent peace in July 2024, committing to lay down their arms and ‘stop fighting, killings, destruction and feuding’. The peace deal covered the surrender of weapons, resettlement of parties to their places of origin and the payment of compensation. In-country sources reported the ICRC had full access to communities in Enga and was implementing activities to support victims to resettle, manage trauma and rebuild their lives. The ICRC was also working with tribal fighters to reduce their reliance on violence. At the time of writing, the peace deal was being respected and the UN had lifted its security advisory on Enga. 2.82 Until 2023, funding for the PNGDF and RPNGC in the Highlands Region had not kept pace with rapid population growth. The resulting power vacuum exacerbated tribal violence. In response, the PNG Government deployed 120 PNGDF soldiers, two Mobile Squad units and 200 additional ‘security personnel’ with two armoured vehicles to Enga Province in August 2023. This included the first deployment of the ‘Kumul 23 Police tactical unit’ (Kumul23), a special RPNGC unit dedicated solely to dealing with issues of ‘domestic terrorism’ (inter-tribal conflict). Kumul23 combines police and defence force personnel. It is tasked with arresting ‘domestic terrorist ringleaders’ and dismantling terrorist cells. Kumul23 is equipped with lethal and non-lethal weapons. In-country sources said police capacity and willingness to investigate and prevent tribal fighting had improved significantly since 2023. 2.83 PNG’s Counter-Terrorism Act 2024 contains a broad definition of terrorism including communal violence affecting ‘a group or groups of persons identifiable by a shared custom, ethnicity or place of residence’. Penalties range from a minimum prison term of 50 years to life imprisonment. At the time of writing, no one had been sentenced under the Act. 2.84 DFAT assesses state protection is available to all Papua New Guineans, regardless of tribal affiliation, although response time by the RPNGC is often impacted by geography and weather conditions. DFAT assesses people choosing not to provide support, financial or otherwise, to members of their tribe during active inter-tribal conflicts face a high risk of societal discrimination from their tribe in the form of losing access to communally-held land and property. Engaging in violence, including as part of inter-tribal conflict, is illegal and those who partake risk being arrested by authorities. DFAT assesses internal relocation to urban areas with larger policing presences can mitigate risks posed by violence perpetrated by non-state actors. 14 3. REFUGEE CONVENTION CLAIMS RACE/NATIONALITY 3.1 PNG is extremely ethnically and linguistically diverse. There are significant ethnic distinctions between population groups in PNG, a country fragmented by terrain, history, culture and language. About 840 distinct languages are spoken in PNG reflecting enormous regional and local cultural divisions. 3.2 The Constitution guarantees the ‘fundamental rights and freedoms of the individual’. Article 55 affirms the equality of all citizens, stating they have the same rights, privileges, obligations and duties irrespective of ‘race, tribe, place of origin, political opinion, colour, creed, religion or sex’.  3.3 Freedom House’s 2024 Freedom in the World Index reported some societal discrimination in PNG against people of Chinese origin. According to Freedom House, ethnic Chinese in PNG have drawn local resentment in recent years for their alleged business practices and activities ‘allegedly disadvantaging other groups’. 3.4 DFAT assesses Papua New Guineans are generally not at risk of official discrimination based on their race or nationality. The likelihood or severity of any form of societal discrimination based on race or nationality varies but is lower in urban areas, which are more diverse due to large influxes of migrants, than in traditional rural communities. DFAT is not aware of violence being perpetrated against Papua New Guineans because of their race or ethnicity alone, with the rare exception of certain inter-tribal conflicts. RELIGION  3.5 Ninety-eight per cent of Papua New Guineans identified as ‘Christian’ in the 2011 Census (most recent available). Approximately 26 per cent of the population is Roman Catholic, 18 per cent Evangelical Lutheran, 13 per cent Seventh-day Adventist, 10 per cent Pentecostal, 10 per cent United Church/Australian Methodist Church/Presbyterian Church of New Zealand, 6 per cent Evangelical Alliance, 3 per cent Anglican and 3 per cent Baptist. Many Papua New Guineans integrate their Christian faith with indigenous beliefs and practices. 3.6 Article 45 of the Constitution provides for freedom of conscience, thought and religion. The National Parliament passed a constitutional amendment to define PNG as a ‘Christian’ country on 12 March 2025. Prime Minister Marape said the amendment would not infringe the rights of individuals practising other religions because it ‘is not an operational law but an addition to the preamble of the Constitution’. Religious groups are required to register with the PNG Government to hold bank accounts, own properties in a religious group’s name and apply for exemptions on income taxes and import duties.  3.7 One hour per week is allocated for compulsory Christian religious instruction in public schools. Non-Christian students can opt out with the consent of their school principal. According to the US Department of State’s 2023 Papua New Guinea Report of International Religious Freedom, no cases of a principal denying approval for a student to opt out of religious education were reported in 2023. 3.8 There is no strong evidence of official or societal discrimination against minority faiths. Government services are delivered to all Papua New Guineans, regardless of religion, according to in-country sources. Freedom House reports ‘religious freedom is generally upheld’ and ‘no major infringements on religious liberty have been alleged in recent years’. Notable examples of respect for religious freedom include the Islamic Society of Papua New Guinea’s first public iftar attended by members of the local Muslim, Catholic and Baha’i communities in April 2023. Also in April 2023, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormon Church) held a groundbreaking ceremony for its first temple in PNG. 3.9 DFAT assesses Papua New Guineans are generally not at risk of official or societal discrimination based solely on their religion. The likelihood or severity of any form of societal discrimination based on religion varies from place to place. DFAT is not aware of violence perpetrated against Papua New Guineans because of their religion alone. 15 POLITICAL OPINION (ACTUAL OR IMPUTED) 3.10 The Constitution provides for freedom of conscience, expression, assembly and association. In-country sources said the PNG Government generally respected these rights. According to in-country sources, the RPNGC did not detain or arrest individuals based on their political opinions or beliefs. Freedom House reported in 2024 there were ‘no major constraints on the expression of personal views’. 3.11 Political parties can form and operate freely in PNG. According to Freedom House, the opposition has a reasonable chance of dislodging the PNG Government through regularly held elections, party defections or votes of no-confidence. PNG has many active political parties but they are often poorly anchored in society and typically do not have a wide membership base. PNG parliamentarians often demonstrate little party allegiance and generally focus on local or regional issues. Many candidates run as independents and align with parties after elections. Party weakness means MPs regularly engage in wantokism in the form of regular favours to their followers to build support (see also Political System). 3.12 Women have been historically underrepresented in PNG politics. Since independence, only nine women have been elected to National Parliament. In the 2022 national election, only 159 women (4 per cent) contested among 3,619 total candidates. Two women, Rufina Peter and Kessy Sawang, were elected. A third woman, Francesca Semoso, won a seat in a by-election in Bougainville in October 2023. Their wins came after a five-year period between 2017 and 2022 where there were no women members in National Parliament. When contesting elections, women face additional challenges due to prejudicial gender stereotypes, as well as a lack of financial and logistical support to campaign effectively. Major parties often fail to endorse women candidates (see also Women).  3.13 DFAT assesses Papua New Guineans are generally not at risk of official or societal discrimination on the basis of their political opinions and beliefs. DFAT assesses Papua New Guineans can participate freely in the political process though the extent of this freedom varies according to community practice, with women often facing greater barriers than men.   Civil Society  3.14 A range of CSOs operate in every province of PNG. CSOs provide social services, development support and advocacy for causes including human rights, women’s issues and the environment. According to in-country sources, CSOs and INGOs (including human rights organisations), generally operate without government restriction. In 2024, Freedom House reported CSOs were ‘free of serious constraints on their activities’. The US Department of State’s 2023 Papua New Guinea Human Rights Report stated CSOs were able to investigate and publish findings on human rights conditions.  3.15 Article 47 of the Constitution provides for freedom of assembly and association. Workers’ rights to strike and organise are generally respected according to Freedom House. At times the PNG Government imposes arbitration in labour disputes to avert strikes. Marches and demonstrations require 14 days’ notice and RPNGC approval, which is sometimes denied. 3.16 DFAT assesses CSOs and the individuals associated with them are generally able to operate freely in PNG. DFAT assesses CSO members, activists, human rights defenders and their lawyers are generally not at risk of official or societal discrimination.  Media and Journalists  3.17  Article 46 of the Constitution guarantees freedoms of speech, the press and information. Freedom House reported in 2024 freedom of the press was ‘generally respected’. This included independent coverage of the political opposition, as well as contentious issues such as alleged police abuse and official corruption. The US Department of State’s 2023 Papua New Guinea Human Rights Report stated ‘an independent media, the judiciary, and a functioning democratic political system combined to promote freedom of expression, including for media members’. In-country sources said constitutional protections of free speech and the press were generally respected, although instances of self-censorship by journalists and occasional retractions of ‘sensitive’ stories due to political pressure occurred. 16 3.18 PNG’s broadcast media consists of the main public broadcaster, the National Broadcasting Corporation (NBC), several major commercial radio networks (Nau FM and FM100) and the main television station (EMTV, a Stateowned enterprise). At the time of writing, radio remained the most important source of news in PNG given its ability to reach the country’s most isolated settlements and overcome the challenge of low literacy rates. PNG’s two daily newspapers are foreign owned. The Papua New Guinea Post-Courier is owned by an Australian subsidiary of News Corporation while The National is owned by Malaysian logging company Rimbunan Hijau. Most mainstream media organisations are members of the Media Council of PNG (MCPNG), an independent body established in 1994. MCPNG maintains professional standards, responds to complaints of conduct and makes representations on behalf of the media industry. 3.19 The National Media Development Policy was approved on 14 November 2024 to establish an effective self-regulatory, representative standards organisation under PNG Government oversight. The draft National Media Development Policy proposed by Communication and Information Technology Minister Timothy Masiu was condemned by press freedom groups, including for its proposal to licence journalists. The draft was amended considerably following wide consultation, including with the MCPNG. Responding in June 2024, Minister Masiu said, ‘It's good to get critiques. That's what makes us strong and that's what makes us want to move forward, the critics are good for us’. 3.20 Journalists can be sued for civil defamation, which is also a criminal offence, although convictions are rare. Politicians or their staff sometimes publicly criticise reporting on certain issues, especially negative stories. According to Reporters Without Borders, journalists were sometimes constrained by the interests of the owners of their news outlets, while the proximity between media owners and politicians made it difficult to cover certain stories. Reporters Without Borders stated in 2024 some journalists faced intimidation, threats and bribery attempts in the course of their work. For example, journalist Cullighan Tanda was fired by FM100 in May 2025 after conducting an interview with opposition politician Allan Bird without management approval. 3.21 Internet usage continues to grow in PNG, assisted by infrastructure development which has provided remote access for internet, television and mobile phone reception. Papua New Guineans enjoy open access to the internet and social media. The US Department of State’s 2023 Papua New Guinea Human Rights Report stated the PNG Government ‘did not restrict or disrupt access to the internet or censor online content’. The Cybercrime Code Bill 2016 enables the prosecution of offences committed online. In March 2025, the PNG Government restricted access to the social media platform Facebook and related messaging application for the first time. Authorities labelled the move a ‘test’. Prime Minister Marape said the restrictions were justified on moral grounds such as the proliferation of pornography. Commissioner of Police David Manning said the restrictions were imposed due to ‘ongoing efforts by criminals to incite violence’. The restrictions lasted two days and were implemented under the provisions of the Counter-Terrorism Act 2024 according to Police Minister Peter Tsiamalili.  3.22 DFAT assesses journalists and editors can generally operate freely without risk of official or societal discrimination. DFAT assesses journalists who report stories perceived to be critical of the government or politicians face a low risk of official discrimination in the form of verbal harassment or being sued for defamation. DFAT assesses journalists and editors are at a low risk of physical violence based on their occupation. DFAT assesses social media users in PNG can use platforms without incident and generally do not face official or societal discrimination. GROUPS OF INTEREST Women  3.23 Article 2(5) of the Constitution calls for equal participation by women in all political, economic, social and religious activities. Since 2011, the PNG Government has developed policies aimed at improving women’s rights, including the National Policy on Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment recognising the importance of women’s leadership as a right and development imperative. Women hold senior positions in business, civil service and the professions but gender discrimination exists at all levels in PNG. Cultural barriers often limit the extent of women’s participation. In 2022, PNG ranked 118 out of 133 economies in UNDP’s Gender Inequality Index, reflecting significant gender-based disadvantage in areas of reproductive health, empowerment and the labour market.  17 3.24 Approximately 18 per cent of households in PNG are headed by women according to the World Bank. Female-headed households exist in both rural and urban areas, with women playing dual roles as both providers and caregivers, often without the assistance of male protectors/guardians. The impact of having male protectors/guardians (or their absence) on women’s decisions to leave abusive relationships varies on a case-by-case basis, depending on an individual’s preferences and community norms.   3.25 Civil and customary marriages are recognised under the Marriage Act 1963. To register a civil marriage, a couple must first complete a Notice of Intended Marriage form, attend counselling or an interview with a celebrant and have the marriage solemnised. After these steps are completed, the marriage is registered and a marriage certificate issued by the PNG Civil and Identity Registry. Civil marriage does not allow for polygamy or polyandry, which would constitute bigamy under Section 360 of the Criminal Code (1974). Customary marriage is entered by two parties according to social customs and traditions, usually without formal documentation. In a customary marriage, polygamy sometimes occurs and is generally accepted by society, polyandry does not.  3.26 ‘Bride price’ payment is a common cultural practice in PNG, including among elites. A bride price is a sum of money ranging from PGK2,500 (about AUD1,000) to PGK300,000 (about AUD120,500) paid to the woman's family by the groom or his family. Bride price is a long-standing Melanesian tradition intended to strengthen familial bonds. The payment of bride price sometimes leads to a sense of ‘ownership’ and can result in a perceived entitlement by husbands to commit violence against their wives. In-country sources said this sense of ‘ownership’ or entitlement was felt the most strongly in the Highlands and was much weaker in all other parts of the country including Port Moresby and the subregions of Momase, Southern and the New Guinea Islands. 3.27 Chapter 282 of the Matrimonial Causes Act 2022 sets out conditions for the dissolution of civil marriages and related family law matters. To divorce, a couple must first seek a Memorandum of Decree Nisi from the National Court. After three months has elapsed, a couple can seek a Certificate of Decree Nisi Having Become Absolute which enables the PNG Civil and Identity Registry to deregister the marriage. Legal grounds for divorce include violence, discrimination, adultery, polygamy/polyandry, being mentally/physically unfit for normal living (this requires multiple medical reports) and ‘influence from friends and family members’. Those in civil marriages filing for divorce are able to seek the payment of maintenance, settlements, damages in respect of adultery, custody or guardianship of infant children of the marriage and payments for maintenance, welfare, advancement or education of children of the marriage. These payments are routinely made following the conclusion of relevant court processes.  3.28 Divorce or dissolution of customary marriages in PNG is not common but does occur, usually for adultery or family and sexual violence (FSV). The desertion of either party for long periods without providing means of support can also lead to divorce. Divorce out of shame may occur if either of the parties are incapable of looking after children and relatives, cannot support the other in domestic affairs or is unable to contribute in cash or in kind at the community level. Those in customary marriages seeking dissolution can approach Village or District Courts but PNG’s legal system is largely silent on customary marriage dissolution requirements. Section 5(f) of Chapter 19 of the Customs Recognition Act 1963 recognises divorce in relation to ‘custom’ but does not detail the process or requirements for this to occur. In most instances, customary marriages are dissolved informally at family meetings, often with the bride price being returned. Official documentation is rarely provided when this occurs. 3.29 Women seeking divorce from either civil or customary marriages face significant stigma. In-country sources said because church leaders disapproved of divorce most people chose long-term separation. The obligation to pay back the bride price when customary marriages broke down often complicated the ability of women to leave violent relationships, with a woman’s family sometimes pressuring her to return to her husband to avoid this obligation. Women who pursue formal divorce are often gossiped about, shunned by their families and viewed as a ‘burden’.  3.30 Following divorce, women seeking to return to their villages often find it difficult to build or own their own homes because they have lost access to communal, hereditary land. Sons of divorced women may also lose access to communal, hereditary lands unless their bride price paid for their mother is repaid, after which sons can inherit through the ex-husband’s side. According to in-country sources, women often find it difficult to remarry and may suffer violence from their former partner or his family, unless he has started a new relationship. Many women who divorce choose to relocate from rural villages to larger urban areas to lessen the stigma. 18 3.31 FSV against women and girls is common in PNG. Violence is often perpetrated by male guardians/protectors of women and girls, as well as other male family members. In 2023, Human Rights Watch estimated over 1.5 million people in Papua New Guinea experienced FSV in 2023. The Criminal Code 1974 criminalises FSV and imposes maximum penalties of two years’ imprisonment and fines but is enforced unevenly according to the US Department of State’s 2023 Papua New Guinea Human Rights Report. Data provided by UN Women shows at least 60 per cent of women in PNG have experienced physical and/or sexual violence from an intimate partner at some point in their lives, an amount double the global average. The Criminal Code 1974 criminalises intimate-partner violence but it persists throughout the country according to the US Department of State’s 2023 Papua New Guinea Human Rights Report. According to in-country sources the National Strategy to Prevent and Respond to Gender Based Violence (2016-2025), although well intentioned was poorly funded and implemented. 3.32 Family and Sexual Violence Units (FSVUs) provide FSV survivors with private, safe places to report assaults and to allow them to gain better access to justice. According to the RPNGC, FSVUs serve between 65 and 75 per cent of all FSV survivors who interact with police. FSVUs are distinct from police in terms of their roles and responsibilities. FSVUs focus on assault, including sexual assault, wounding, attempted murder, incest and rape. As of 2024, 54 FSVUs operated across PNG, employing 114 female sexual violence officers across 95 districts. FSVUs are subject to the same resource constraints as the RPNGC and their ability to respond adequately to the needs of FSV survivors varies by province. In-country sources said police and FSVU staff generally took allegations of FSV seriously but resourcing and staffing constraints often resulted in lengthy investigations. 3.33 Incidents of FSV can be reported to FSVUs or police stations. When women report FSV to FSVUs or police they are routinely issued with a police report outlining their allegations upon request and at no cost (see also Police). Usually, FSV survivors must attend a hospital or clinic to obtain medical documentation to pursue matters criminally. Hospitals and clinics check for bodily harm, provide treatments, HIV testing, emergency contraception and sometimes refer patients to legal and welfare services like the Family Support Centres (FSCs, see below). In-country sources said the process of getting a medical report from a hospital or clinic was straightforward and they could be obtained with an oral request. Medical reports usually listed the patient’s medical diagnoses and/or injuries but not the cause of the injuries. According to in-country sources, patients who did not request a medical report when attending a hospital or clinic were able to return later to get one but multiple visits were often required due to staff shortages. There have been some reports of authorities complicating the process of obtaining medical reports in instances where applicants were only interested in financial compensation for incidents of FSV without seeking to prosecute the offender. According to in-country sources, payment of compensation to a FSV survivor does not preclude the survivor pursuing criminal charges against the offender.   3.34 FSCs are community-based facilities providing a range of services and resources to support families, promote child development and strengthen family relationships. Social workers are responsible for these centres and offer services including immediate assistance for families facing emergencies or crises, such as domestic violence, homelessness or child abuse. FSCs are often located in major hospitals and aim to provide a holistic approach to address the needs of violence survivors, including medical treatment, psychological support and legal assistance. FSCs provide free FSV services, although patients have been charged fees for medical services provided by other departments of hospitals such as PGK10 (AUD4) for ‘outpatient services’ or PGK25 (AUD10) for medical reports provided outside the FSC. According to the United Nations Population Fund, while FSCs will treat anyone who self-refers as long as their case is related to FSV, gaps remain responding to the specific needs of older women, vulnerable children, transgender people and people with disabilities. 3.35 FSV survivors can apply for an Interim Protection Order (IPO) valid for 30 days while police actively investigate the circumstances of the crime. Courts routinely issue IPOs containing conditions including requiring the perpetrator not to commit any more violence or to stay away from the FSV survivor. In rural areas, village courts can serve the IPO through the local magistrate. When IPOs are breached at the village-level, village courts can impose fines of up to PGK10,000 (AUD3,900) or a sentence of two weeks jail. IPOs can be extended for an additional 30 days after which the applicant must apply for a Protection Order (PO). POs are usually valid for up to two years but in some instances upwards of three years. There is no application fee to apply for an IPO or PO. Amendments to the Family Protection Act 2013 in January 2022 increased penalties for breaching IPOs and POs and created an aggravated domestic violence offence. 19 3.36 In-country sources said FSV cases often took two to three years to reach trial. Poor recordkeeping, inadequate victim support services and difficulty locating witnesses hindered prosecution of FSV cases. While CSOs conduct sensitivity training for members of the RPNGC to handle FSV cases in a non-judgemental way, in-country sources said some officers viewed FSV as a private, family matter. Common reasons women failed to report FSV to police included fear of the offender, ongoing financial needs, stigma, misunderstanding of rights, not wanting to go against their wantoks and a lack of transport options to access police. 3.37 Safehouses for FSV survivors are available in all regions of PNG. Official data on safehouses is not published to protect the safety and security of employees and residents. The 1-Tok Kaunselin Helpim Lain compiles a Family and Sexual Violence Service Provider Directory detailing many safehouses throughout PNG. Most safehouses are run by CSOs or faith-based organisations. Safehouses are often overcrowded and may only be able to provide accommodation for a night or two at a time. All safehouses accommodate women. Most also accommodate children, but boys are only permitted if they are under seven years of age. Women with boys above seven years of age often choose to stay with family, friends or are forced to return home to abusive situations. If safehouses are full, women often rely on the assistance of their wantok or return to abusive situations. 3.38 While the PNG Government does not provide direct assistance to FSV survivors, CSOs and faith-based organisations provide FSV survivors with assistance such as food, finances for immediate needs and sometimes employment training. CSOs such as Bel isi PNG and Femili PNG run case management services to help FSV survivors access medical and counselling services, transportation options and services, as well as criminal and justice services.  3.39 Multiple in-country sources said the prevalence of FSV had declined moderately since the early 2000s. CSOs reported seeing less FSV survivors year-on-year because societal attitudes towards women were slowly improving. According to in-country sources, men were also learning they could be charged and prosecuted under the Criminal Code 1974 if they committed FSV. The RPNGC reported moderate declines in FSV case numbers but increases in cases of psychological abuse and financial neglect, which were often harder to prove in court. Programs like Parenting for Childhood Development (P4CD), although not specifically designed to address FSV, reported over 58 per cent of the female spouses of participants saw a reduction in violence committed by their husbands. Sixty-two percent of female and 71 percent of male participants confirmed the program meant they now talked through their disagreements without using violence. Poor societal understanding of the concept of ‘gender equality’ and the need to end FSV persists, with some Papua New Guineans perceiving them as ‘Western concepts’.  3.40 DFAT assesses women in PNG face a low to moderate risk of official discrimination in the form of inadequate state protection, reflective of resource constraints and individual prejudices of police rather than official policy. DFAT assesses women face moderate risk of societal discrimination due to traditional values, cultural traditions and stereotyped gender roles, which restrict their ability to participate fully in community decision making and politics. DFAT assesses women face a moderate to high risk of violence, particularly from male guardians/protectors and other male family members, on the basis of their gender. Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity 3.41 Section 210 (1) of the Criminal Code 1974 criminalises consensual sexual acts between adult males, stating the offence of ‘sexual penetration against the order of nature’ is punishable by up to 14 years’ imprisonment. Section 212 of the Criminal Code 1974 states ‘indecent practices between males’ (meaning non-penetrative sexual contact) is a misdemeanour punishable by up to three years’ imprisonment. PNG law does not address sexual acts between females or other LGBTQIA+ people.  3.42 Although same-sex sexual relations between men are criminalised, in-country sources said arrests and prosecutions were extremely rare. Domestic media reported one arrest within PNG for ‘committing an unnatural offence’ under Section 210 (1) of the Criminal Code 1974 since 2011. In November 2022, two men were charged with ‘committing an unnatural offence’ and granted bail upon paying PGK700 (AUD264). At the time of writing, DFAT was unable to verify the outcome of any criminal charges against the two men. The last arrest for ‘indecent practices between males’ under Section 212 of the Criminal Code 1974 occurred in 2015. The accused pled guilty and received a suspended sentence. According to a 2022 article in the Alternative Law Journal, crime data indicated a lack of prosecution for offences related to same-sex sexual relations. Instead, members of the community often adopted their own mechanisms of punishment, including blackmailing and physical abuse of alleged offenders. 20 3.43 In a 9 June 2023 statement on LGBTQIA+ rights, PNG’s Department of Prime Minister and National Executive Council said PNG’s laws and policies were guided by ‘Melanesian and Christian worldviews’. Prime Minister Marape clarified ‘people’s sexual preferences are within their individual rights of choice but our government will not be promoting this matter or be seen to be legitimising gay or lesbian rights’. Prime Minister Marape stated PNG’s laws protected LGBTQIA+ people against violence and abuse and were ‘sufficient in giving respect to and protecting human rights’. 3.44 Stigma and discrimination against LGBTQIA+ people in PNG is common, especially towards gay men and trans women. According to the US Department of State’s 2023 Papua New Guinea Human Rights Report, police sometimes declined to investigate reported instances of violence carried out against LGBTQIA+ people. Police also sometimes used the law as a pretext to harass or extort money from LGBTQIA+ people. In-country sources said most LGBTQIA+ people brought an advocate with them for their own safety when visiting police stations, although reports of police perpetrating violence against LGBTQIA+ people are limited. Some CSOs operating in larger urban areas, including Port Moresby and Lae, provide the RPNGC with sensitivity training and best practice approaches for interacting with LGBTQIA+ people. Gay men and trans women who have been assaulted sometimes report difficulties accessing shelters (set up primarily for women and young children), however some INGOs and CSOs assist by paying for private rental accommodation. 3.45 Societal discrimination has reportedly prevented some LGBTQIA+ people from accessing healthcare services. In-country sources said specialist health services for gay and trans men did not exist, except for targeted HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment programs. Programs like the Sexual and Reproductive Health Integration Project (SRHIP) have assisted integrating HIV and sexual health confidential counselling and testing sites into primary health care facilities in PNG since 2017. 3.46 The social stigma against diverse sexual orientation and gender identity in PNG has led the LGBTQIA+ community to exist largely ‘underground’. Most gay men and trans women are not publicly open about their sexual orientation and may not identify as gay. In rural villages, being gay is often seen as shameful and taboo and can result in individuals being ostracised or forced from the community.  3.47 In-country sources said LGBTQIA+ people often relocated to larger cities, mostly Port Moresby, voluntarily or involuntarily. The coastal village of Hanuabada on the outskirts of Port Moresby is regarded a safe haven for the LGBTQIA+ community. Domestic and international media have reported transgender people in Hanuabada do not need to hide who they are and are free to dress as they wish without experiencing physical violence.  3.48 Pride Day events have been held in Port Moresby since 2021 and several advocacy groups promote social awareness of LGBTQIA+ issues. Kapul Champions, Pacific Community Human Rights and Social Development Division, World Vision and a number of smaller CSOs provide services and support to LGBTQIA+ people in PNG. 3.49 DFAT assesses LGBTQIA+ people in PNG face a moderate risk of official discrimination in the form of inequitable access to public healthcare and other government services, as well as inadequate state protection, reflective of resource constraints and individual prejudices of police rather than official policy. DFAT assesses LGBTQIA+ people face a high risk of societal discrimination, with local views about sexuality and gender restricting participation in the community and workforce. DFAT assesses those publicly identified as LGBTQIA+ face a high risk of societal violence. DFAT assesses relocation to Port Moresby (especially Hanuabada) may be possible and can lessen well-founded fears of violence held by LGBTQIA+ people. Such relocation does not diminish other risks and barriers to housing and employment may still exist. Children 3.50 Article 38 of the Constitution states all laws in PNG must take into account the protection of children. The Criminal Code 1974 contains comprehensive provisions criminalising physical violence generally, along with several provisions specific to children. Defences under Section 278 of the Criminal Code 1974 in relation to corporal punishment effectively permit physical violence at home, in alternative care settings and in schools where the force is judged to be ‘reasonable’. The PNG Government has committed, under Priority 1 of its Child Protection Policy 2017-27 to ‘strengthen legal and policy framework and enforcement measures’. 21 3.51 Family violence is common in PNG. In-country sources said rates of family violence have declined moderately since 2021, due in large part to public education campaigns carried out by the PNG Government, CSOs and faith-based organisations. For example, the P4CD program reached over 8,700 parents in six provinces of PNG between 2016 and 2021. UNICEF’s 2022 evaluation of P4CD found 76 per cent of participants in the program no longer hit their children, 45 percent no longer cursed or swore at them and 63 per cent did not engage in neglectful behaviours such as leaving children alone or letting children go hungry. The PNG Government institutionalised parenting programs such as P4CD countrywide in 2023 to reduce rates of family violence. 3.52 The age of criminal responsibility ranges between 10 to 18 years of age. Under sections 30(1) and (2) of the Criminal Code 1974 a child older than 10 but younger than 14 can be held criminally responsible if they had the capacity to know they ‘ought not to do the relevant act or make the relevant omission’. RPNGC employs specialised officers to handle juvenile offenders and PNG has juvenile courts with trained magistrates to rule on relevant cases. There are juvenile-only correctional facilities in Morobe and Bougainville provinces, with space for 20 offenders in each. There are dedicated cells for juvenile offenders in Port Moresby’s Bomana Prison. In more remote provinces there are no specialised facilities for juvenile offenders, meaning they are often detained along with adults (see also Police, Judiciary, Detention and Prison). 3.53 The legal age for marriage is 18 for boys and 16 for girls. Boys aged 16 and girls aged 14 can be married with parental and court consent. In June 2024, UNICEF reported 27 per cent of girls in PNG under the age of 18 were married. Early marriage is common in many traditional, isolated rural communities, with child brides being particularly vulnerable to domestic abuse. The minimum age for consensual sex is 14. Under the Criminal Code 1974 the maximum penalty for child rape is 25 years’ imprisonment or, if the victim was younger than age 12, life imprisonment. The National Center for Missing and Exploited Children recorded approximately 12,000 cases of child sexual exploitation in 2022 (most recent data available). 3.54 DFAT assesses while juvenile status alone is not a determinant of risk, children of both sexes face a moderate risk of official discrimination in the form of inadequate state protection and failure to prosecute offenders of family violence, sexual abuse and sexual exploitation of children, reflective of resource constraints and individual prejudices of police rather than official policy. DFAT assesses children face a moderate risk of violence in the form of corporal punishment. Children who are poor, geographically isolated, female, living with disabilities or orphaned may face elevated risks. Sorcery Accusation Related Violence (SARV) 3.55 There is a strong belief throughout PNG in the power of the supernatural, in particular the ability of ‘witches’ or ‘sorcerers’ to use magic. This belief is prevalent in rural and urban areas and is typically shared by all segments of society, including elites. Those accused of sorcery are often subject to harassment and sometimes violence, known as Sorcery Accusation Related Violence (SARV). Research conducted by the Australian National University and the National Research Institute of PNG found a third of sorcery accusations resulted in some form of physical violence or property damage. Local and international academics estimate on average more than six people are killed and a further 23 suffer serious harm, including permanent injury, each month in PNG as a result of SARV. The US Department of State’s 2023 Papua New Guinea Human Rights Report estimated there were between 30 to 500 fatal attacks per year related to sorcery allegations. 3.56 Anyone in PNG can be accused of sorcery or witchcraft, including men, women, children and older people. Those accused of sorcery have included blood-related family members, well-educated professionals, uneducated people, marginalised groups and those previously accused. In places such as Bougainville, those accused were historically men while in other places, like the Highlands, they were predominantly women.  3.57 SARV can involve instances where those accused of sorcery are subject to burning, beating, cutting, being tied up, forced into water or a combination of these methods to extract a confession. These incidents sometimes occur in public and, in rare instances, last longer than a week. International media reported in 2021 a woman was accused of witchcraft in Tatape Village after a young boy died. Following the accusation, community members suspended the woman, tied her arms and legs, beat her and cut her until she died. The torture and murder were videotaped as a crowd of people watched. The woman’s body was left beside a road as the murderers fled. 22 3.58 In-country sources said the total number of SARV cases had remained stable but responses to sorcery accusations had become more violent. According to in-country sources, the severity of a community’s response to sorcery accusations depended on local culture but was often much more violent in the Highlands where some tribes viewed torture as a method to ‘cleanse’ sorcerers and witches, sometimes before killing them. For example, in Enga following the death of a successful business owner from undiagnosed health complications, 16 women were accused of sorcery. Two were killed by community members.   3.59 Most sorcery accusations involve a pre-existing conflict or tension between the accused and the accuser, often over land, money or goods. Other accusations involve finding a scapegoat for misfortune, such as the unexplained death of a relative. When causes of deaths are labelled by medical professionals as ‘unknown’ often due to poor medical training or lack of suitable facilities, community members are more inclined to make accusations of sorcery and witchcraft. Those accused of sorcery and witchcraft are typically less powerful, more isolated individuals, such as widows or single women without the backing of male relatives.  3.60 Customary figures who claim to be able to discern those responsible for sorcery known as ‘glasman’ or ‘glasmeri’ are sometimes summoned to help families address a suspicious event or illness. For a fee, glasman/glasmeri offer substantiation of the suspicion through various forms of ‘proof’ including dreams, prayers, meditation or customary rituals. Glasman/glasmeri often directly identify individuals as having used sorcery or witchcraft, significantly increasing the risk of stigma or physical violence to the individual. Due to the aura of authority glasman/glasmeri invoke, their pronouncements are difficult for accused sorcerers or witches to dispute or refute. 3.61 Section 299A of the Criminal Code 1974 states any person who intentionally kills another person on account of an accusation of sorcery is guilty of murder. In-country sources said most people arrested in connection with SARV were charged with assault, torture or murder, not under Section 299A of the Criminal Code 1974, which was often more difficult to prove in court. In 2022 the National Parliament passed amendments to the Criminal Code 1974 to criminalise the actions of glasman/glasmeri. From 16 May 2022, the practice of acting as a glasman or glasmeri was criminalised, with those found guilty liable to a term of imprisonment not exceeding 20 years, a fine not exceeding PGK20,000 (AUD7,870) or both. Those who procure or attempt to use the services of a glasman/glasmeri are liable to a term of imprisonment not exceeding 10 years, a fine not exceeding PGK10,000 (AUD3,935) or both.  3.62 Investigating SARV cases poses difficulties for the RPNGC according to in-country sources. Community members often hinder investigations and are upset when police fail to arrest those accused of sorcery, which has not been a crime in PNG since 2013. Police sometimes need to contend with many potential defendants as entire communities have participated in SARV. Police have reported being threatened and assaulted when entering villages to save the lives of alleged witches. In-country sources said on occasions police officers believed sorcery accusations or were otherwise sympathetic to the sorcery accuser. Those accused of sorcery are often initially housed within local police stations for their own safety and protection, with reports community members sometimes demanded the accused be released so they could continue SARV. Police responses to SARV are often limited by geography and capability limitations of the RPNGC (see also Police).  3.63 Those accused of sorcery or witchcraft are often stigmatised within their villages or communities and deprived of social support. The possibility of being accused again is high. It often leads to long-term trauma and  psychological and emotional suffering. The US Department of State’s 2023 Papua New Guinea Human Rights Report stated those accused of sorcery and witchcraft were frequently stigmatised, women were denied space at markets and children threatened in schools. Stigma associated with sorcery and witchcraft accusations is sometimes passed down through family lines condemning children to lifetimes of shame and the possibility of future accusations.  3.64 Those accused of sorcery and SARV survivors are often forced from their communities, sometimes facing long-term displacement. In most instances, they are banned by community members from returning home. Children of SARV survivors are often exiled from communities along with their parents and other family members and face difficulties in accessing education and mental health services to treat conditions such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).  3.65 Sorcery accused and SARV survivors must often secure court orders to override community resistance to their return. In-country sources said police protection and community support were necessary for sorcery accused and SARV survivors to reintegrate successfully into their communities, which is often unavailable, unaffordable or 23 not forthcoming. If sorcery accused and SARV survivors cannot be reintegrated into their communities, they are forced to permanently resettle elsewhere, often in other provinces with the help of CSOs or relatives or in larger cities. According to in-country sources, some CSOs and faith-based organisations have purchased small plots of land and provided financial assistance to SARV survivors near larger urban areas (see also Internal Relocation).  3.66 Shelters and safehouses for both men and women SARV survivors exist in many provinces. Overcrowding is a common problem and many facilities lack adequate food, employment opportunities and transportation options. Provincial capital cities have more extensive networks of shelters and safehouses catering to SARV survivors than other areas. For example, Kimbe reportedly had six or seven safehouses in 2024, while Mount Hagen had three to four, with a few others scattered around the province.  3.67 Many shelters and safehouses separate SARV survivors from those who have experienced family violence, due to the significant stigma associated with being accused of sorcery and witchcraft. Other shelters and safehouses refuse to take in SARV survivors because of the real threat of CSOs being attacked by community members. For example, armed men attacked a house used by sorcery-related displaced persons in Hela Province in August 2023.  3.68 Human rights defenders and CSOs working with SARV survivors are often accused of sorcery or witchcraft themselves. In-country sources said CSOs often needed to engage security guards for their own protection or work with nuns, who were less likely to be physically attacked. In Bougainville, some SARV survivors live within police stations for long periods for their own protection, with in-country sources stating four to five sorcery accused were living in the lock up in Buka Town in 2024. 3.69 DFAT assesses those accused of sorcery or witchcraft face a moderate risk of official discrimination in the form of inadequate state protection, reflective of resource constraints and individual prejudices of police rather than official policy. DFAT assesses those accused of sorcery or witchcraft face a high risk of societal discrimination in the form of being illegally detained, beaten or tortured, having their possessions stolen, being forced to leave their communities or being extrajudicially killed. DFAT assesses relocation to larger urban areas can lessen the well-founded fears of violence of those accused of sorcery or witchcraft due to the larger policing presence, however barriers to accessing employment and housing exist.  24 4. COMPLEMENTARY PROTECTION CLAIMS ARBITRARY DEPRIVATION OF LIFE Extrajudicial Killings 4.1 In-country sources said a small number of extrajudicial killings were carried out in PNG between 2023 and 2024. This included at least six cases where alleged criminals were killed by ‘rogue’ police officers, at times during shakedown attempts. The US Department of State’s 2023 Papua New Guinea Human Rights Report stated ‘unlike in previous years, there were no reports the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings or extrajudicial killings’. Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances 4.2 Enforced disappearances occur when individuals are deprived of liberty against their will with the involvement of government officials. DFAT is not aware of reports of enforced or involuntary disappearances in PNG between 2022 and 2025. The US Department of State’s 2023 Papua New Guinea Human Rights Report stated ‘there were no reports of disappearances by or on behalf of government authorities’. Deaths in Custody 4.3 Death in custody occurs when a suspect dies while being watched or guarded by police or prison officials. Accurate statistics on deaths in judicial custody in PNG were not available at the time of writing. In-country sources said proper records were often not kept of who was held in cells, why they were held or for how long. 4.4 In some provinces of PNG, a sole ‘key holder’ is responsible for access to prison cells. If the key holder is absent or indisposed cells cannot be opened, even in cases of medical emergency. Most holding facilities and prisons in PNG do not have formal systems in place to separate the sick from other prisoners, which sometimes leads to deaths in custody due to the spread of tuberculosis. 4.5 Correctional Services are authorised to ‘shoot to kill’ escaping inmates. Breakouts occur regularly in PNG. In-country sources said jail breaks occurred somewhere in the country every few weeks, often resulting in deaths. For example, 24 prisoners cut a fence and attempted to escape from Lakiemata Prison in West New Britain Province in April 2023, 16 were shot and killed. In another instance, five prisoners were shot dead in Buiebi in the Southern Highlands Province while trying to escape in August 2023. DEATH PENALTY 4.6 PNG has not conducted any executions since 1957, prior to independence. The death penalty was officially repealed on 20 January 2022 with all provisions referencing the death penalty replaced with the maximum penalty provisions of either life imprisonment without parole or life imprisonment with parole after 30 years. In addition, Prime Minister Marape commuted the death sentences of all Papua New Guineans on death row.  CRUEL, INHUMAN OR DEGRADING TREATMENT OR PUNISHMENT Torture 4.7 Article 36 of the Constitution states ‘no person shall be submitted to torture (whether physical or mental), or to treatment or punishment that is cruel or otherwise inhuman, or is inconsistent with respect for the inherent dignity of the human person’. In-country sources said they were unaware of recent cases of torture in police custody or in prisons but guards sometimes administered ‘beatings’ for infringements. The US Department of State’s 2023 Papua New Guinea Human Rights Report stated, ‘individual police and correctional services officers reportedly beat and otherwise abused citizens or suspects before or during arrests, during interrogations, and in pretrial detention’ (see also Police, Detention and Prison). 25 Arbitrary Arrest and Detention 4.8 Article 42 of the Constitution prohibits arbitrary arrest and detention. The RPNGC has the power to make an arrest without warrant if an officer has reason to believe a crime was, is being or will be committed. Police often make arrests without warrants under these provisions. Freedom House reported opportunities to challenge arrests made without warrant were limited and shortages of trained judicial personnel sometimes resulted in lengthy detentions and trial delays. The US Department of State’s 2023 Papua New Guinea Human Rights Report stated ‘police frequently detained citizens arbitrarily without evidence’. Accused individuals often spent long periods of time on remand before evidence was presented according to in-country sources (see also Police). Human Trafficking and Slavery 4.9 The Criminal Code (Amendment) 2013 criminalises most forms of sex trafficking and all forms of labour trafficking in PNG, prescribing penalties of up to 20 years’ imprisonment. Human trafficking sometimes occurs in PNG but the number of reported cases is low. In-country sources said human trafficking had become less of an issue since 2023 due to improvements enforcing laws.  4.10 The 2023 Global Organized Crime Index stated human trafficking in PNG was pervasive and took many forms, including labour exploitation, sexual exploitation, forced marriage, child labour and domestic servitude. The US Department of State’s 2023 Papua New Guinea Trafficking in Persons Report stated approximately 30 per cent of Papua New Guinean sex trafficking victims were children under the age of 18, with some as young as 10 years old. Trafficking and exploitation were reportedly prevalent in and around the mining and forestry industries. CSOs and INGOs provide limited support services to victims in the absence of support from the PNG Government.  4.11 The US Department of State’s 2023 Papua New Guinea Trafficking in Persons Report stated the PNG Government investigated two sex trafficking cases in 2023 but did not report any trafficking prosecutions. The PNG Government reported four prosecutions for sex trafficking in 2022.  In-country sources said a network of criminals trafficking girls from Milne Bay Province to Port Moresby to work in clubs was successfully shut down by authorities in 2023.    26 5. OTHER CONSIDERATIONS STATE PROTECTION Military 5.1 The PNGDF is made up of three services (land, air and maritime) comprising approximately 2,500 active personnel. The PNGDF is primarily responsible for border security, maritime surveillance, ensuring public order and security, nation building, disaster relief and the fulfilment of international obligations. The PNGDF is sometimes also involved in domestic security matters, typically in conjunction with police, including in the prevention of tribal conflicts, election security and other communal violence matters such as SARV. 5.2 Domestic media has reported on issues of ‘ill-discipline’ within the PNGDF, but in-country sources said the military hierarchy punished indiscretions. The US Department of State’s 2023 Papua New Guinea Human Rights Report stated public concern about ‘military violence against civilians and security forces’ impunity persisted’.  Police 5.3 The RPNGC is the national police force responsible for the investigation of crime and maintaining internal security across PNG. The strength of the RPNGC in 2024 was approximately 5,200 active personnel, with a further 600 cadets in training. The PNG Government stated it was aiming for the RPNGC to have a total of 10,000 officers by 2030. In-country sources said this goal was unlikely to be achieved without significant budget increases. Previous efforts to increase RPNGC staffing have been hindered by a lack of suitable accommodation options for police officers given provision of accommodation is a strict requirement of employment. 5.4 The effectiveness of the RPNGC is limited by resource and staffing constraints, as well as low morale and high rates of absenteeism. Police officers are routinely restricted from investigating crimes due to shortages of vehicles and fuel. When crimes take place in remote rural areas, it is often difficult for police to investigate, make arrests and collect evidence due to challenging geographic factors and weather conditions. In addition, police officers are only deployed where accommodation is available (primarily barracks in smaller provincial capitals), not always where high rates of crime are taking place. As a result of inadequate resource allocation and staffing, in-country sources said there were sometimes significant delays in responding to requests for assistance, with police often deprioritising investigation of cases not deemed ‘high priority’. 5.5 Policing practices are generally uniform across PNG. Victims of crime first report the offence to the RPNGC and officers question victims before filing reports. After a police report is filed, the process of investigating and collecting evidence is largely left to the initiative of responsible officers. Evidence of a crime must be provided to file charges against the accused in ‘a reasonable time’ (typically 12 weeks) or there is a legal obligation to dismiss the case. In-country sources said time frames for investigations, arrests and incarcerations were not always respected. Sometimes accused were arrested and put on remand and, if paperwork was misplaced, they could remain in detention for more than three months before being charged. According to in-country sources, prosecution rates ranged from around 50 per cent of cases in Lae and Mount Hagen to 30 per cent of cases in Port Moresby, with lower percentages in rural districts where it was harder to collect evidence and transport witnesses to court. 5.6 Police reports are available to victims upon request at no cost. Obtaining a police report sometimes requires perseverance and multiple follow-up visits during particularly busy times due to staffing constraints. In Port Moresby, a copy of a police report can easily be requested by writing to the Metropolitan Superintendent. Outside Port Moresby, requests for police reports must be made to the individual district within a province where the crime took place. PNG does not have a central police registry and most reports are stored locally in hard copy. 5.7 Some Papua New Guineans are reluctant to speak with police due to a lack of trust. Others view police as criminal offenders themselves. Alleged abuses of power and unnecessary use of violence by the RPNGC have been highlighted by international human rights bodies. The US Department of State’s 2023 Papua New Guinea Human Rights Report stated ‘a high level of violence and property destruction often marked police raids and searches of suspected criminals as well as forced evictions of illegal squatter settlements’. Public concern about police violence against civilians persists, with the US Department of State reporting in 2023 some police had committed sexual 27 violence. In-country sources said police generally took allegations of GBV, SARV and tribal violence seriously but some officers were disinclined to act based on individual prejudices, including sympathy for the alleged perpetrators.  5.8 Corruption remains a concern within the RPNGC. In-country sources said high ranking officers were keen to combat corruption in the RPNGC but faced difficulties due to the extent of the problem and the fact many officers were compromised in some way, including through wantokism or ‘ill-behaviour’. Commissioner of Police Manning acknowledged there were criminals in the RPNGC and said he had taken a firm stance on discipline, including discharging more than 300 officers in 2023 due to misconduct. Despite recent high-profile arrests and convictions, including 18 officers charged with serious offences in 2023, police corruption remains rife.  Private Security Firms 5.9 Private security is estimated to be one of PNG’s largest industries with security guards greatly outnumbering police. Regulation of the private security industry is weak and approval processes cumbersome. Although there are restrictions on employees of private companies carrying firearms, companies also often employ guards who carry firearms without the required permits. There have been reported cases of employees using excessive force that resulted in deaths. In-country sources said private security companies generally respected the law, often viewing themselves as more disciplined, capable and less corrupt than the police. Legal System 5.10 PNG has a mixed legal system of common and customary law. The Supreme Court is both the final court of appeal and the constitutional court. The National Court has jurisdiction in the most serious civil and criminal cases, with appeals being heard by the Supreme Court. Lower courts comprise district and ‘village courts’. There are also special courts focusing on family law, land disputes and civil cases. According to the US Department of State’s 2023 Papua New Guinea Human Rights Report, the PNG Government ‘generally respected judicial independence and impartiality’. 5.11 The rules of civil procedure, evidence and statutory interpretation in PNG are similar to those in Australia. Defendants in criminal trials are entitled to the presumption of innocence and allowed legal representation which is often self-funded. According to the US Department of State’s 2023 Papua New Guinea Human Rights Report, PNG’s court system ‘generally enforced the presumption of innocence and due process’. 5.12 Following arrest, suspects have the right to obtain legal counsel and to be informed of the charges against them. National and Supreme Court judges consider bail applications for those charged with serious crimes, including murder and aggravated robbery. Police and magistrates can grant bail for less serious crimes. Suspects charged with minor criminal offenses are often granted bail and released. 5.13 The Constitution provides a right to trial ‘within a reasonable time’ (usually viewed as within 12 weeks) but lengthy pretrial detention is common. A shortage of judges often causes delays in trials and decisions. In-country sources said the Office of Public Prosecutions was underfunded and overworked. A high number of criminal cases were adjourned, which could occur a maximum of six times before a case was dropped. Delays also resulted from limited options to transport suspects and witnesses to court, as well as long wait times for medical reports due to doctor shortages. In-country sources said suspects not granted bail spent an average of three and a half years on remand. In some instances, pretrial detention equalled or exceeded the maximum sentence for alleged crimes.  5.14 Port Moresby and Lae have Prosecution Review Committees responsible for overseeing a set number of cases to ensure charges are legally sound and sufficiently robust. According to in-country sources, Prosecution Review Committees effectively held police officers accountable and ensured the timely progress of criminal cases. Traditional Mediation Systems and Customary Law (Village Courts) 5.15 Village courts are formal courts operating under the Village Courts Act 1989 and Village Court Regulations 1973. Village courts employ customary methods of mediation and conflict resolution as part of restorative justice processes. According to the Department of Justice and the Attorney General, there are 14,496 village courts covering approximately 90 per cent of the country. Each village court has four to five Village Magistrates selected by the community and appointed by the Minister for Justice, three to four peace 28 officers and one clerk. Village courts and their officials are funded by the national and provincial governments. Village courts hear between 50,000 to 60,000 cases annually. 5.16 Village courts have jurisdiction over those normally residing within their area. In-country sources said village courts generally treated members of the community equally, regardless of gender or tribe. Marginalised communities and children were often questioned in non-public ‘closed’ sessions to provide privacy. Village courts have the legal authority to rule on specific offences including striking a person, using insulting words, damage to property, drunkenness and failure to perform customary duties or obligations. Village courts do not have the legal authority to rule on other criminal matters, including FSV. When instances of serious criminality occur outside the authority of village courts, community members usually apprehend suspects until police can make arrests. 5.17 Orders issued by village courts are legally binding and enforceable. In instances where village court orders are not respected, an arrest warrant is issued and the offender is liable to pay a fine or spend upwards of two weeks in jail. In-country sources said village courts sometimes had difficulties enforcing contempt judgements because police officers needed to be physically present to enforce judgements, which was not always possible. 5.18 Village court orders are appealable to district and higher courts. To appeal a village court order, an applicant must file an affidavit outlining the grounds of appeal and send it to the Provincial Office, which forwards it to the relevant district court. According to in-country sources, appeals of village court orders rarely occurred because attending district courts in-person often entailed travelling long distances from remote villages. 5.19 Village courts have been criticised for hearing criminal matters outside their jurisdiction and seeking to keep the peace rather than deliver justice. In-country sources said in isolated areas of PNG with limited access to district courts, village courts sometimes handled all criminal matters, including allegations of sexual assault. According to incountry sources, village court officials sometimes mediated cases of sexual violence by ordering perpetrators pay compensation or marry survivors. Even where compensation was paid for wrongdoing causing harm or loss, survivors could pursue justice in district courts. 5.20 Village courts have been criticised for a lack of legal knowledge and poor gender balance. In-country sources said the Department of Justice and Attorney General provided limited training to new Village Court Magistrates. In many instances, village court officials were provided books and manuals to study, instead of in-person training, which was ineffective if appointees were illiterate. CSOs work closely with village courts to provide legal education training and capacity building. Village court policies were updated in 2014 to ensure provinces appointed at least one woman to each village court. According to in-country sources, not all village courts in PNG had appointed at least one woman by 2024 and those who had been appointed often lacked sufficient training. National Human Rights Institution 5.21 PNG proposed establishing a Human Rights Commission in 1993. The proposal was formally endorsed by the National Executive Council (PNG’s Cabinet) in 1997 and 2007, with legislation drafted in 2008. During its first UPR in 2011, PNG accepted the recommendation a National Human Rights Institution be established. In its National Report for its third cycle UPR in 2021, PNG stated, while facing considerable challenges, it was continuing work to establish a national Human Rights Commission.  Detention and Prison 5.22 Prisons are run by the PNG Correctional Service, which reports to the Ministry for Correctional Service. There are 28 correctional facilities throughout the country with a capacity to house up to 4,000 inmates, although the official prison population was recorded at 4,892 in May 2024. Overcrowding is common. According to the US Department of State’s 2023 Papua New Guinea Human Rights Report, Port Moresby’s Bomana jail was operating at 45 per cent above its official capacity of 550 inmates. Buimo Correctional Facility in Morobe Province held over 1,000 inmates, exceeding its official capacity of 600. In-country sources said prison conditions in PNG were generally poor.  5.23 Inmates in PNG’s correctional facilities are segregated by gender, although this is not possible in some rural facilities. Women inmates are generally overseen by women officers. In-country sources said women inmates were allowed to care for their infant children within correctional facilities until the children reached the age of three years. 29 Erab Boys Town in Lae and a facility in Bougainville are the only purpose-built facilities catering to juvenile offenders. Erab Boys Town is also used as part of diversion programs and offers educational and employment skills programs.  5.24 Due to overcrowding, inmates often sleep in large open rooms on the floor. Pit toilets are common and sanitation generally poor. Inmates are served two meals a day, which include rice and 100g of protein (often fish or tinned meat). If prisons are located adjacent to farmland, prisoners are often permitted to use unoccupied fields to supplement their diet by farming crops. In-country sources said unofficial commissaries run by inmates were common and prisoners frequently used them to supplement their diets. Inmates deemed low risk are permitted to further their education through correspondence programs and/or obtain training in agriculture, although access to programs varies by province. 5.25 Medical care is available in all of PNG’s correctional facilities, with clinics located within many prisons responsible for treating serious medical conditions. Lifesaving medicines including antibiotics were available to inmates in 2024, but specialist medications were not. In-country sources said inmates officially had access to mental health services but these were hard to access unless the inmate had an extremely serious mental health condition. Inmates with extremely serious mental health conditions in and around Port Moresby can access Laloki Mental Health Hospital but it is limited to 150 patients and often full. PNG’s correctional facilities do not have systems in place to separate sick inmates from other prisoners, even when they present with symptoms of tuberculosis, which has resulted in deaths in custody. 5.26 Police stations are often used for detention due to problems with overcrowding within prisons. In-country sources said holding cells in police stations designed to fit 70 detainees in Port Moresby often held over 100. On occasion, police stations were used for long-term detention, sometimes for months, in contravention of the mandate they be used as ‘lock-ups’ for no longer than 72 hours. 5.27 According to in-country sources, torture did not occur in correctional facilities but violence sometimes occurred among inmates and guards sometimes beat inmates who had committed infringements. In-country sources said cases of human rights breaches for ‘poor treatment of prisoners’ by guards had been heard by the National Court for breaches of the Corrective Services Act 1995.  INTERNAL RELOCATION 5.28 Article 45 of the Constitution provides for freedom of movement, stating ‘no citizen may be deprived of the right to move freely throughout the country, to reside in any part of the country and to enter and leave the country’. Papua New Guineans regularly migrate to big cities like Port Moresby, Lae, and Mount Hagen in search of better economic and educational opportunities but also following divorce or to avoid tribal violence and natural disasters. Estimates suggest up to half of Port Moresby’s population consists of internal migrants living in informal settlements. Social and economic barriers to relocation can impact vulnerable groups disproportionately, including single and divorced women, especially those leaving FSV situations. 5.29 Papua New Guineans relocating from rural to urban areas, even those internally displaced due to inter-tribal conflicts and natural disasters, often rely on assistance from their wantok due to a lack of government services. The wantok system of social kinship, welfare and mutual obligation ensures all members of a tribe (including single and divorced women) receive support. CSOs and faith-based organisations in urban areas provide support to internally displaced people and FSV survivors in the form of food, financial assistance for immediate needs and sometimes assistance with employment and training. Larger urban areas like Port Moresby, Lae and Mount Hagen have a larger number of shelters to cater to the needs of those fleeing FSV and SARV. 5.30 DFAT assesses migrating to large urban areas may mitigate risks posed by inter-tribal conflict, GBV and SARV. However, vulnerable groups such as single and divorced women leaving family violence situations may face additional barriers to relocation including access to employment and housing (see also Women).  30 TREATMENT OF RETURNEES Exit and Entry Procedures 5.31 Port Moresby’s Jacksons International Airport was PNG’s only airport operating international commercial services at the time of writing. PNG’s national carrier, Air Niugini and other airlines operate direct international flights to destinations including Brisbane, Cairns, Guangzhou, Hong Kong, Honiara, Manila, Singapore and Sydney.  5.32 Other airports throughout PNG provide domestic and charter services. Some, including Vanimo near the Indonesian border, may provide international charter services. Those located near major mine sites offer chartered fly-in, fly-out services. Several seaports offer immigration services for international cruise ships and foreign fishing vessels. The only legal land border crossing point is located on the coast between Jayapura (Indonesia) and Vanimo. 5.33 The Torres Strait Treaty between Australia and PNG (active since 1985) allows inhabitants of certain islands in Australia and 13 PNG villages to move across the international border using permits instead of visas and passports. Free movement is limited to traditional cultural activities and confined to a protected zone. Both Australia and PNG have liaison officers, based in Thursday Island and Daru respectively, who regularly consult on treaty implementation. 5.34 The PNG Government does not maintain an exit control system to prevent individuals from leaving the country. A valid passport is required for Papua New Guineans to exit PNG by air.  Conditions for Returnees 5.35 Returnees are processed at PNG’s ports of entry like any other citizen. Returnees are responsible for arranging onward transportation from their point of entry, which is usually Port Moresby’s Jacksons International Airport. PNG’s diplomatic missions issue passports to Papua New Guineans overseas, including those who have previously sought asylum abroad.  5.36 Returnees are generally able to reintegrate into their communities without repercussions stemming from their migration attempt. In-country sources said male absconders from employers in Australia, including those linked to the Pacific Australia Labour Mobility (PALM) scheme, sometimes experienced familial shame because of the expectation they would send remittances to their communities and return at the end of their contract. Female absconders from employers in Australia, including the PALM scheme, reportedly did not experience familial shame or the expectation to return to PNG. At the time of writing, DFAT was not aware of violence perpetrated against workers who absconded from employers in Australia, including from government officials at the national, provincial or village level. 5.37 DFAT assesses returnees to PNG do not face risk of official or societal discrimination on the basis of their attempt to migrate or having lived in Australia.  DOCUMENTATION 5.38 The most reliable forms of documentation in PNG are passports and National Identification (NID) cards. The Passport Branch of the Immigration and Citizenship Service Authority issues passports. The Civil and Identity Registry issues NID cards. Other common forms of identification include birth, death, marriage and divorce certificates.  5.39 Many Papua New Guineans lack any form of identification documentation, including birth certificates. In the absence of formal documentation, statements from religious clergy, local level government ward members or village elders are often accepted by government agencies to establish identity. Tribal affiliation is sometimes self-declared when applying for a passport or enrolling at university and is taken at face value. In some instances, religious clergy, local level government ward members or village elders can confirm a person’s tribal affiliation.  5.40 Under the Citizenship Act 1975, nationality in PNG is obtained when at least one of the applicant's parents is a citizen. Papua New Guineans seeking to register an overseas birth for the purposes of citizenship must do so within 12 months of the birth. To be naturalised a person must have resided continuously in PNG for at least eight years and be of good character, intend to reside permanently in PNG, speak and understand Tok Pisin or Hiri Motu and have a respect for PNG’s customs and cultures. Dual citizenship is limited to prescribed countries including Australia, Fiji, Germany, New Zealand, Samoa, the United Kingdom, the United States of America and Vanuatu.  31 National Identification System (NID) 5.41 PNG officially launched a national biometric identification system in 2015 to capture fingerprints as a unique identifier of people. The NID system provides each registered Papua New Guinean a unique, permanent number and a physical ID card for use in transactions requiring proof of identity. Domestic and international media have reported significant difficulties with the roll-out of NID, including low numbers of registrations, long delays issuing cards and allegations of corruption. In-country sources said authorities had successfully broken up a network of foreigners manufacturing fraudulent NID cards.  5.42 The registration and use of NID are set to become compulsory for Papua New Guineans from 16 September 2025, when verification of NID documents will be required to obtain passports, vote and join the armed forces, police and civil defence organisations. Passports 5.43 Requirements for adult passport applicants include evidence of citizenship in the form of either a birth certificate or citizenship certificate and two recent photographs. Applicants can apply for passports in-person in Port Moresby or through the post. The passport fee was PGK100 (approximately AUD40) at the time of writing.  5.44 In the case of name change following marriage, women with registered civil or customary marriages under the Marriage Act 1963 are required to provide their marriage certificates when applying for passports. Women who have not legally changed their names, including those in unregistered customary marriages, are not required to submit marriage certificates. Applicants under 17 years of age must provide evidence of the consent from both parents or a legal guardian.  5.45 Reliance upon an applicant’s birth certificate to prove identity has resulted in genuine passports being obtained using fraudulently obtained genuine or counterfeit primary documents. In-country sources were aware of instances where applicants obtained multiple passports in different names using a combination of fraudulent documentation and bribery. In 2020, local and international media reported ‘rogue immigration officers’ had produced fake visas and passports as part of a crime syndicate, discovered following the arrest of an Australian woman in possession of a fake passport bearing genuine stamps and labels.  5.46 The Passport Branch of the Immigration and Citizenship Service Authority can refuse to issue passports in cases involving identity concerns, fraud or criminality. The Minister of Immigration has the authority to cancel valid PNG passports of those with pending criminal matters.  Prevalence of Fraud 5.47 Document fraud is common in PNG. Fraudulent documents include but are not limited to birth, death, marriage and divorce certificates, as well as bank statements, employment records, references and ownership deeds. In-country sources said the threshold for obtaining identity documents from the Civil and Identity Registry was low. Official documents could be obtained based solely or primarily on written statements from local officials, who were sometimes open to accepting bribes. Fraud also targets the online visa application system, with agents uploading altered copies of genuine documents. 5.48 The Passport Branch of the Immigration and Citizenship Service Authority and the Civil and Identity Registry often cannot conclusively confirm identity documents issued outside of Port Moresby, including birth, death, marriage and divorce certificates. Most records held outside of Port Moresby are only available in hard copy. In-country sources said they were aware of instances of applicants who had obtained multiple passports, NID cards and birth certificates in different names. 5.49 Police and medical reports are typically issued only in hard copy format. Official copies are stored in local offices in the district within the province where the reports were issued. The lack of centralised police or medical document registries makes verifying police and medical reports almost impossible. 32 

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