Dokument #1126289
IRB – Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (Autor)
Limits of Available Information:
Available documentation specific to this
subject is limited and oral sources contacted emphasized the
second- and third-hand nature of their information. Several sources
mention the difficulty of obtaining specific information on the
human rights situation in Eritrea. The chairperson of Texas
Southern University's History and Geography department in Houston
said the "system is so tight" in Eritrea it is difficult to get
information on current conditions (4 Mar. 1996). Amnesty
International Report 1995 states, for example, that "information
about detentions of government opponents was difficult to obtain
and confirm" (1995, 127).
While Country Reports 1995 was not available at time of writing, Country Reports 1994 states that "although Eritreans continue to express their opinions openly on various issues, there is some self-censorship, especially with regard to the President and the Government" (1995, 76). The media in Eritrea is controlled by the government, although the government promised a new press law for 1995 that would allow for some private ownership of the media and guarantee freedom of expression (Demers 19 Mar. 1995, 12; Africa Report May-June 1995, 53). By the third quarter of 1995 the new press law had not yet been enacted (EIU 3rd Quarter 1995, 23). The Programme Coordinator of the Ethiopian Association of Toronto stated that there were no independent sources to confirm or deny reports of events in Eritrea, and that Eritrean journalists would not try to report on possible government mispractices (29 Feb. 1996).
Background:
In May 1991 the forces of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) defeated the army of Ethiopian President Mengistu Haile Mariam in Eritrea (Europa 1994 1994, 1064). The EPLF, formed around 1970, had broken away from the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) after several years of internecine ethnic and religious fighting within that organization (The Courier July-Aug. 1994, 11; Africa Today 2nd Quarter 1991, 32). The EPLF assumed power in 1991 and established an interim government composed primarily of its own members (Europa 1994 1994, 1064). Eritrea achieved formal independence on 24 May 1993 after a UN-supervised referendum in April, in which 99.8% of those Eritreans who voted endorsed the region's separation from Ethiopia (ibid.). The country was admitted to the UN on 28 May 1993 (ibid.). Also in May 1993, the EPLF announced that its provisional government, led by Isaias Afewerki, would continue for an estimated four years, until after the development and ratification of a new constitution (see section entitled "EPLF/PFDJ Position on Political Activity") (LCHR 1994, 102). In February 1994 the EPLF renamed itself the People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), a move Country Reports 1994 describes as intended "to signify its transition from an insurgent group fighting for independence to a political movement" (Country Reports 1995, 76).
Main Opposition groups:
A complete list of Eritrea's opposition
groups is unavailable among sources consulted by DIRB. However, the
following partial list has been drawn up based on available
information1:
1. Jihad Eritrea
2. Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) led by Abdella Idriss. According to a professor with the African Studies Center at Michigan State University who visited Eritrea in 1995, the "old ELF has about 8-10 small offshoots (splinter groups)... It is very hard to call many of them parties or opposition groups" (24 Jan. 1996). A political science professor at the University of California at Los Angelos (UCLA), who has studied African politics since 1960 and visited Eritrea in 1995, agreed that some splinter groups may only have a few members (1 Mar. 1996).
3. ELF-Revolutionary Council (ELF-RC)2 led by Ahmed Nasser.
4. ELF-Central Command (ELF-CC) or Central Leadership (ELF-CL) led by Tewolde Gebreselassie.
5. ELF-United Organization (ELF-UO) led by Mohammed Said Nawud.
6. Eritrean Democratic Liberation Movement (EDLM) or Democratic Movement for the Liberation of Eritrea (DMLE) led by Hamid Turky.
7. ELF-National Council led by Abdulkader Jailany.
8. Democratic Front for the Liberation of Eritrea (DFLE), a coalition of the ELF-CL and DMLE
General Human Rights Situation:
Information regarding the overall human
rights situation in Eritrea is somewhat conflicting. In commenting
on the situation in Eritrea in 1994, Country Reports 1994 observes
that "the Government continued to have strong support, and it
generally respected human rights" (Country Reports 1994 1995, 74).
According to Country Reports 1994, there were "reliable reports" of
local police detaining people without charge for extended periods,
but there were no reports of politically motivated killings,
disappearances or torture in 1994 (ibid. 74-75). While emphasizing
that he is not an expert on Eritrea, a former law professor at
Rutgers University who visited Eritrea in January 1995 to attend a
seminar at the invitation of the Constitution Commission stated
that at the time there was no visible evidence of repression, very
few police or soldiers were evident, and there was no indication of
"hard actions" on the part of the government pertaining to human
rights abuses (6 Mar. 1996). He added that he could not say whether
the situation has changed since then (ibid.).
In its annual evaluation of levels of
freedom in the world Freedom Review evaluated Eritrea as "Partly
Free" in 1995, giving it six on a scale of seven for "political
rights" and four on a scale of seven for "civil liberties", where
"1 represents the most free and 7 the least free category"
(Jan.-Feb. 1996a, 16-17). Countries with a rating of six for
political rights are described as "typically ... systems ruled by
military juntas, one-party dictatorships, religious hierarchies and
autocrats" (Jan.-Feb. 1996b, 14). For civil liberties "as one moves
down the scale below category 2, the level of oppression increases,
especially in the areas of censorship, political terror and the
prevention of free association" (ibid.). Please see the attachments
from this periodical for further information.
Comments by several oral sources on the
general human rights situation in Eritrea were similar to those of
a Washington immigration and refugee lawyer, who said that "the
climate is still one in which it is difficult to express political
opposition" (1 Mar. 1996). Jeune Afrique states that protest
movements are harshly repressed (9-15 Nov. 1995, 33). The Programme
Coordinator of the Ethiopian Association of Toronto referred to the
Eritrean state as a "police state" (29 Feb. 1996) and the
Chairperson of the History and Geography department of Texas
Southern University said that there are limitations on freedom of
movement and freedom of expression in Eritrea (4 Mar. 1996).
A document published by the ELF-RC on 24
June 1995 states that the Eritrean government has "committed a
number of atrocities on innocent civilians simply for voicing their
opposition to, or peacefully demonstrating against, its dictatorial
policies and measures" (ELC-RC 24 June 1995 2). For further
information on the ELF-RC's views on the human rights situation in
Eritrea, please see the attachments. Referring to the opposition as
"masters of disinformation," the UCLA political science professor
stated Eritrea has a "shining record" on human rights in comparison
to the rest of northeastern Africa (1 Mar. 1996). Similarly,
according to the Swiss Review of World Affairs, Eritrean people
"enjoy more security and freedom than almost anyone else in Africa"
(Oct. 1995, 19).
Some current human rights concerns in
Eritrea stem from discontent with the National Service Programme3
as well as Islamist incursions near the border with Sudan: in July
and August 1995 armed conflict between the government security
forces and rebels broke out in the Assab and Danakil regions in
northwestern Eritrea, reportedly triggered by young men refusing to
do national service (Indian Ocean Newsletter 30 Sept. 1995, 4; The
Eritrean Newsletter Aug.-Sept. 1995b, 8-9). The government arrested
and detained numerous people in connection with these incidents4
(ibid., 8; Indian Ocean Newsletter 30 Sept. 1995, 4).
Apparently because they did not participate
in the war and the 1993 referendum for independence and now refuse
to participate in national service, the Jehovah's Witnesses, who
represent 2,000 people out of a total population of 3.5 to 4
million, had their citizenship removed in December 1994 and their
passports cancelled; since that time they have lost their jobs as
civil servants, had their business licenses cancelled and their
schools and shops were forced to close (Libération 21 Apr.
1995; The Eritrean Newsletter June-July 1995a, 11; Africa Report
May-June 1995, 52). According to the Swiss Review of World Affairs,
the government's repression of the Jehovah's Witnesses is partly
"to combat all forms of fundamentalism" (Oct. 1995, 18). President
Afewerki has emphasized the need to keep religion and politics
separate in Eritrea (Africa Report May-June 1995, 53; Demers 19
Mar. 1995, 11; Xinhua 10 July 1995). In early July 1995 he told all
religious leaders that religious groups could not be politically
involved in the country's affairs (ibid.; Horn of Africa Bulletin
July-Aug. 1995a, 7).
Since the Eritrean government cut diplomatic ties with Sudan on 5 December 1994, accusing it of supporting the Islamist Jihad Eritrea movement and fomenting conflict in Eritrea, the Jihad Eritrea has increased its "small-scale" attacks in western areas around Ali Ghider, Gash/Setit and Barka near the Sudanese border (Review of African Political Economy Mar. 1995, 129; EIU 1st Quarter 1995, 21; Africa Research Bulletin 1-31 Jan. 1995, 11707; Africa Confidential 4 Aug. 1995; Nouvel Afrique/Asie July-Aug. 1995, 25). Reportedly, the ELF has also carried out similar attacks in the same areas (ibid.; Africa Confidential 4 Aug. 1995).5 The Eritrean government has responded by mobilizing its armed forces and reportedly carrying out several arrests of suspected supporters of the Jihad Eritrea in western Eritrea in January 1995 (Africa Research Bulletin 1-31 Jan. 1995, 11708; EIU 1st Quarter 1995, 21; AI 1995, 127; The Eritrean Newsletter June-July 1995a, 10).
EPLF/PFDJ Position on Political Activity:
Information on the government's position on
multipartyism and democracy is somewhat ambiguous. President
Afewerki has emphasized that the Eritrean government will not
permit the formation of political parties until after the new
constitution is approved by the country (Al-Yawm 15 June 1994;
Demers 19 Mar. 1995, 11; Medhanie Dec. 1994, 2; Professor African
Studies Center 24 Jan. 1996).6 The professor with the African
Studies Center at Michigan State University stated that people feel
the constitution must come first to ensure a "clean, fair and
orderly political competition" (ibid.). However, individuals and
interested groups have been encouraged to participate in and
contribute to the constitution-making process, but not as political
party representatives (ibid.; New African Sept. 1995).
The President stated shortly after the
April 1993 referendum that the EPLF wanted to avoid the "fatal"
mistakes of other liberation movements that had monopolized power
and shut out the opposition (Al-Hayah 22 May 1993). In June of that
year, he stated that the leadership was in the process of
establishing a "government in which all political forces
participate"; he also claimed at that time that the current
government represented all parties and factions (Mena 30 June
1993).
In May 1994, when the president was asked
about political participation of Eritreans outside the country, he
stated that the government did not want to form parties with groups
that are "stuck to the legacy of the ELF ... " (Horn of Africa
Bulletin May-June 1994, 7). The October 1995 issue of the Swiss
Review of World Affairs states that the government will not allow
parties based on "ethnic or religious lines or around former
civil-war factions" (p. 19). A researcher with the Brookings
Institute who works on the Horn of Africa region and was last in
Eritrea during the 1993 referendum indicated that the PFDJ's
dismissal of the ELF is partly due to past conflict between the two
groups7 (1 Mar. 1996).
President Afewerki has suggested that
one-party rule and democracy are not necessarily incompatible,
referring to Eritrea as a "controlled democracy" (Demers 19 Mar.
1995, 11; Africa Report May-June 1995, 53). According to the Swiss
Review of World Affairs, the leaders of the ruling party "clearly
do not intend to relinquish power in the near future" (Oct. 1995,
18). Similarly, the UCLA political science professor does not
envisage multiparty democracy in Eritrea for some time to come (1
Mar. 1996). The PFDJ is reportedly carrying out a widespread
campaign to recruit members (Demers 19 Mar. 1995, 11; Swiss Review
of World Affairs Oct. 1995, 19).8
The ELF-RC has denounced the restrictions
on political activity for opposition groups (LCHR 1994, 102;
Country Reports 1994 1995, 77; ELF-RC 24 June 1995, 2) and has
called on the PFDJ to recognize other political movements and allow
them to operate freely (ibid., 3).
Some sources point out that members of ELF factions, including the ELF-RC, have been accommodated within the government or have worked with it (Horn Reports 21 Nov. 1992, 3; Indian Ocean Newsletter 12 June 1993, 3). The UCLA political science professor states, "the majority of the effective ELF leadership in the field is not actively hostile to the current PFDJ leadership" (1 Mar. 1996). Some members of the ELF-RC are among the 50 members of the Constitutional Commission (Country Reports 1994 1995, 74; Africa Report May-June 1995, 54; EIU 1st Quarter 1995, 20).
Treatment of the Political Opposition/ELF-RC:
The attached report by Professor Tesfatsion
Medhanie of the University of Bremen states that by the end of 1994
only the detention of prominent members of the ELF-RC had received
media attention (Dec. 1994, 8). However, the report contends that
"any one actively politicking for the ELF-RC as a member or a
follower of the organisation is targeted by the regime and even any
one with demonstrable sympathy for the ELF-RC cannot feel quite
safe" (ibid.).
The chairperson of the history and
geography department at Texas Southern University stated that based
on what he has heard and read ELF-RC members and their families
would likely be "carefully watched" and perhaps "at risk" if active
in politics against the government (4 Mar. 1996). He specified that
the level of risk depends on the level of participation (ibid.).
Similarly, the researcher with the Brookings Institute stated that
members of the ELF "have to keep a low profile" and only the ELF
factions most critical of the PFDJ leadership are at risk (1 Mar.
1996). He added that the family members of the opposition likely
face less risk (ibid.).
The UCLA political science professor made
reference to the continued absence of information on ELF-RC members
abducted in Sudan in 1992, and on 26 members arrested in 1994 in
Ethiopia, adding that it is not clear who is responsible (1 Mar.
1996). Please refer to Response to Information Request ERT19466.E
of 19 January 1995 for information on these events.
Amnesty International reports that in 1995
"scores" of political prisoners remained in detention despite the
release of 132 people detained since 1991 on suspicion of
complicity with the former regime in Ethiopia (1995, 127). Amnesty
International further reports that "several suspected government
opponents were detained without charge or trial" in 1995
(ibid.).
The ELF-RC claims the PFDJ has a widespread
network of informers whose role is "to pry" on the political
opposition, and that these informers have been involved in the
detention and disappearance of "numerous" political prisoners,
including ELF-RC members (The Eritrean Newsletter Apr.-May 1995,
15; ELF-RC 8 Apr. 1995).
The ELF-RC reports that in mid-1995 the
dead body of a former member of the ELF-UO was discovered in
Mansura, Upper Barka region while another ELF-UO former member was
kidnapped in Asmara by suspected PFDJ spies (The Eritrean
Newsletter June-July 1995b, 14). The Indian Ocean Newsletter
reports that Mahmoud Dinai, a member of the ELF-UO and chairman of
the provincial council in Barka Province, was arrested in early
October 1995 (9 Dec. 1995, 4). Additional and/or corroborating
information on these claims could not be found among the sources
consulted by the DIRB.
This response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the DIRB within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum.
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