Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1985
ANGOLA*
*The United States does not maintain diplomatic relations with
the People's Republic of Angola and thus has no diplomatic
personnel in country to monitor human rights conditions or to
evaluate allegations of abuses.
Since its independence from Portugal in 1975 the People's
Republic of Angola has been ruled by the small group who lead
its only recognized political party, the Marxist-Leninist
Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) . All
major policy decisions are made by the party central committee
and the political bureau. President Jose Eduardo dos Santos is
both Head of State and chief of the MPLA. In December, the
MPLA held its Second Party Congress and enlarged the central
committee to 90 members.
In 1985, there was further intensification and expansion of the
civil war, now in its 10th year, between the Government and the
main opposition force, the National Union for the Total
Independence of Angola (UNITA) , with drastic effects in terms
of human suffering. Reportedly more than 2,000 persons on
either side were killed in the fighting in 1985. Each side
accused the other of killing civilians and committing
atrocities. The government forces undertook a major offensive
during the dry season (July-September), recapturing the Cazombo
salient, but suffering defeat at Mavinga. UNITA continued
guerrilla activities throughout the country directed at the
political and economic infrastructure.
A number of civilians also died in the hostilities between the
Southwest Africa People's Organization (SWAPO — a Namibian
resistance movement with bases in Angola) and South Africa,
which illegally controls the territory of Namibia on Angola's
southern border. During 1985, South Africa conducted repeated
cross-border raids into Angola, including an unsuccessful
commando attack in May on the U.S. oil facilities in Cabinda
and two major interventions in southern Angola during the dry
season offensive in September.
The Angolan Government receives extensive military assistance
from the Soviet Union, estimated at more than $2 billion in the
past two years, and in the 1985 offensive Soviet advisors
played an increased role in planning and directing military
operations. An estimated 35,000 Cuban military personnel
provide logistical support, training, and advice to government
forces and garrison key strategic population and economic
centers. They also occassionally take part in combat
operations. UNITA, led by Jonas Savimbi, apparently has the
allegiance of a substantial portion of the population and now
controls approximately one-third of Angola's territory. UNITA
has stated publicly that it favors a government of national
unity and has not sought to establish an alternate government.
The escalation of the war has severely disrupted the economy
and government administration. The low world market prices of
oil and diamonds, the two principal sources of Angola's
revenue, and the serious disruption in food production and
transportation infrastructure caused by the hostilities have
exacerbated this serious economic situation. Drought has also
been a factor in reducing food supplies. Oil provides the
country with 90 percent of its foreign exchange, and oil
production and exploration have continued, with new discoveries
reported in 1985 off the northwestern coast of Angola. As
fighting has escalated, the Government has devoted an even
larger portion of its financial resources to the military.
The increased fighting in 1985 also led to a continued
deterioration in respect for human rights. Some
200,000-500,000 persons in central, eastern, and southern
Angola have been displaced from their homes as a result of
civil strife and drought. Both the MPLA and UNITA have made
efforts to provide humanitarian assistance to these displaced
persons .
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including
Freedom from:
a. Political Killing
The escalation of the war in Angola has resulted in numerous
allegations that government, UNITA, and South African forces
have killed civilians and that the MPLA and UNITA have executed
political prisoners. While there is little specific
substantiation of the various claims and counterclaims,
circumstantial evidence indicates that the internal parties
have on some occasions arbitrarily executed prisoners.
The fighting has also resulted in hundreds of civilian deaths.
Undoubtedly, some of these deaths were inadvertently caused by
military operations, but others have been deliberately
perpetrated by the opposing forces in order to intimidate
civilian populations. Roads are mined in many places, and
civilians have died as a result of guerrilla actions, such as
attacks on trains. There are no reliable casualty figures.
UNITA and the MPLA have both publicly and repeatedly accused
each other of practicing terrorism against their respective
supporters, including killing or maiming civilians. UNITA has
also charged that Cuban forces have been involved in attacks on
civilians .
b. Disappearance
There is no information to confirm that abductions, secret
arrests, or clandestine detentions are practiced by government
security agencies or by UNITA, although both sides have accused
each other of such practices.
c. Torture and Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or
Punishment
Persistent allegations have been made of torture and
mistreatment in Angolan prisons, but information is
insufficient to determine the extent to which torture is
practiced by the police, security services, and armed forces.
Angolan prisons are overcrowded, with substandard diet and
sanitation, but these conditions seem to reflect the poor state
of the economy rather than deliberate maltreatment. Some
reports have alleged that foreigners are not well treated, but
Americans who have been imprisoned in Angola have been
relatively well-treated and have had access to medical care.
Prison authorities reportedly have wide latitude in the
treatment of prisoners. Treatment of political prisoners in
the prisons controlled by the Ministry of State Security is
alleged to be harsher than treatment in the regular prisons.
Mistreatment reportedly includes solitary confinement,
confiscation of personal effects, physical intimidation,
including beatings and threats, and prolonged interrogation
with the use of force. Prison visits appear to be arbitrarily
restricted in many instances. Foreign advisors, including
Cubans and East Germans, are involved in assisting Angolan
state security services and may be involved in helping to run
state security prisons. The Government continues to put
captured UNITA supporters on public display. Amnesty
International protested the parading of five UNITA soldiers in
front of a stadium crowd in Benguela after their trial in April
Very limited information is available on the situation and
administrative structure within UNITA-held areas. It is known,
however, that UNITA holds a number of foreign and government
prisoners, captured in the course of military operations, in
makeshift facilities in its areas of control in Southeastern
Angola. There are no reports that UNITA has mistreated its
prisoners. During 1985 UNITA cooperated with the International
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in releasing foreign
prisoners it held. None of the released alleged mistreatment.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile
Two of the most persistently and frequently reported charges of
human rights violations have been arbitrary arrest and
imprisonment without due process. Numerous reports allege that
individuals are arrested and imprisoned on suspicion or
denunciation by others and, in some cases, held for years
without being notified of the charges against them. In its
1985 report. Amnesty International stated that unofficial
sources estimated that more than 1,000 political detainees were
held in detention centers in Luanda and provincial capitals and
in rural detention camps in 1984.
Under Angolan law, persons suspected of committing serious acts
against the security of the State may be held by the Ministry
of State Security without charge for an initial period of 3
months, renewable for a further period of 3 months. Such
detainees need not be presented to a judge within 48 hours of
their arrest, as otherwise stipulated in the code of criminal
procedure, and apparently have no right to challenge the
grounds of their detention by invoking provisions of the habeas
corpus code. After 6 months' detention without charge, the
detainee must be informed of the accusations against him, with
the state security service either informing the public
prosecutor of the charges against the suspect or releasing
him. Once the case is presented to the public prosecutor,
there does not appear to be a specific time limit within which
the suspect must be brought to trial. Many political detainees
have reportedly been held for years without being tried. The
exact number is not known.
The deterioration of the security situation has contributed to
demise of judicial safeguards and due process. The Government
has established regional military councils throughout much of
Angola. They are responsible directly to President Dos Santos
and have broad authority to restrict the movement of people and
goods, to requisition people and goods without compensation,
and to try crimes against the security of the State. The
Government has also created "people's vigilance brigades" for
urban areas, whose powers are not clear, but include general
administration and "protecting the people and ensuring public
order and stability."
In 1984, the Angolan Government was cited by the International
Labor Organization (ILO) in Geneva for being in violation of
ILO Convention 105, which prohibits forced labor. The basis of
this citation is Angolan legislation, still in force, which
provides for the imposition of penal sanctions involving
compulsory labor for breaches of labor discipline and
participation in strikes.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
The Constitution states that no citizen shall be arrested and
brought to trial except under the terms of the law, and it
guarantees the right of the accused to defense counsel. There
is, however, insufficient evidence to determine to what extent
these rights exist in practice. Amnesty International
expressed concern in its 1985 report that trials of government
opponents do not conform to internationally recognized trial
standards. In particular, defendants reportedly were not given
adequate opportunity to present their defense or appeal their
cases. The right of appeal exists in some cases, but Amnesty
International reports that some political prisoners were
apparently executed in 1984 without appeal. Judicial lines of
authority are unclear, especially since the new regional
military councils have been given responsibility for the trial
of offenses against the security of the State, including
"economic crimes." It is not known which trials are open to
the public and under what rules of procedure the various
military and civilian courts operate. The Constitution
provides for a People's Supreme Court, but its jurisdiction is
not known.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or
Correspondence
Although the Constitution guarantees the inviolability of the
home and privacy of correspondence, arbitrary searches of homes
have been reported, and there is some interference with private
correspondence, either through censorship or interruption of
mail delivery.
Section 2 Respect for Civil Rights, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press
The Constitution guarantees freedom of expression "in the
context of the achievement of the basic objectives of the
People's Republic of Angola." Censorship exists, and the
Government runs the media. Opposition views are not
tolerated. The prominent Angolan writer Fernando Costa de
Andrade Ndunduma, who was arrested in late 1982 for a play
critical of the President, was never brought to trial and was
held uncharged for 2-1/2 years before being released in
January. Amnesty International is investigating the case of
Bartolomeu Dias Fernandes, accused of "insulting the head of
state" and of "f ractionalism" and sentenced in April to 6 years
in prison.
The Government is especially sensitive to criticism in the
foreign press. Since independence in 1975, Angola has
restricted the travel of foreign correspondents to Angola and
has occasionally expelled foreign reporters, e.g., a reporter
from Agence France-Presse was expelled in November. Angola
endorsed the Kadoma Declaration in July 1983, banning the
travel of South Africa-based correspondents to the "Front Line"
States, (Angola, Botswana, Mozambique, Tanzania, Zambia,
Zimbabwe) . The circulation of Western journals and periodicals
in Angola is tightly restricted.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
Freedom of assembly is denied to any political group or
movement other than the MPLA. All other political movements
have been banned. There are numerous unconfirmed reports of
arrests of people who voice support of opposition movements or
alternative political systems. The recently established
people's vigilance brigades and the martial-law climate
throughout the country tend further to restrict freedom of
assembly and association.
The only trade union movement in Angola is the National Union
of Angolan Workers, which is controlled by the MPLA and is a
member of the continent-wide, Ghana-based Organization of
African Trade Union Unity. Traditional labor union activities
are tightly controlled by the Government. Strikes are
prohibited by law as a crime against the security of the
State.
c. Freedom of Religion
Although the Constitution guarantees the inviolability of
freedom of conscience and belief and provides for separation of
church and state, the Government publicly emphasizes the
importance of propagating "atheism" and has been critical of
religious activities. The overwhelming majority of the Angolan
population is Christian, however, and the Government has not
moved to close down churches. Church services are regularly
held, and there is widespread attendance. Foreign and Angolan
missionaries are allowed to carry out their normal activities.
Reportedly UNITA respects the freedom of religion in the areas
it controls, but the ability of religious personnel to carry
out activities in Angola has certainly been circumscribed by
the intensification of the civil war.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign
Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation
As a result of the increased fighting, the Government is
acutely security-conscious and has tightly restricted travel,
notably through the regional military councils. Travel by road
in most areas of Angola is dangerous. There is a pass system
within Angola, and foreigners are generally prohibited from
traveling outside the principal cities. UNITA has publicly
warned that it considers all of Angola to be a war zone and
that it cannot guarantee the safety of persons traveling there.
Angolan citizens are allowed to travel abroad, but this travel
is carefully controlled by restrictions on issuance of
passports and exit visas and by currency restrictions.
Emigration is restricted. The Government limits travel to
Angola through a selective and stringent visa policy. Angola
is a signatory to the U.N. Protocol Relating to the Status of
Refugees. There are currently approximately 70,000 Namibian,
20,000 Zairian, and 6,000 South African refugees in Angola.
Since mid-1980, between 120,000 and 150,000 former Zairian
refugees in Angola returned home under the auspices of the U.N.
High Commissioner for Refugees.
Approximately 200,000 Angolans have taken refuge in Zaire since
1975, and an estimated 73,000 have taken refuge in Zambia. Of
the estimate total of 400,000 Angolans who have left the
country since independence, the Government claims that 180,000
have returned, but this claim cannot be verified.
Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens
to Change Their Government
Citizens do not have the right to change their government.
Angola is ruled by a small group of officials within the party
apparatus of the ruling Marxist-Leninist MPLA. The
Constitution provides for popular participation in the
political process, but the MPLA is the only legal party, and
activities by all opposition groups have been banned.
In effect, political activity is limited to participation in
the party or in one of its controlled and sanctioned
organizations such as its youth wing, the Angolan Women's
Organization, or the trade union movement. Political power is
centered in the elite membership of the politburo and the
somewhat larger central committee. Party membership is very
restricted, with under 30,000 members out of a population of 7
million, according to the official media. The Constitution
provides that the popularly elected national People's Assembly,
established in 1981, is to be the supreme organ of state
power. There are also people's assemblies at the provincial
and local level. Only candidates chosen and endorsed by the
party are elected to the people's assemblies, and key members
of the party also hold leadership positions in the people's
assemblies. The people's assemblies endorse measures proposed
by the party at the national and local levels.
Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and
Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations
of Human Rights
The Government has allowed the International Committee of the
Red Cross (ICRC) and United Nations International Children's
Emergency Fund (UNICEF) to operate in areas it controls, and
UNITA allows the ICRC to operate in areas it controls or is
contesting. Amnesty International stated in its 1985 Report
that it is concerned about the imprisonment of people for
criticizing government policies or officials, long-term
detention without trial, unfair political trials, and
mistreatment of prisoners. Amnesty International has also
appealed for commutation of death sentences imposed by the
People's Revolutionary Tribunal and military courts and the
need to respect the right of appeal, especially in capital
cases. Amnesty International was also concerned over
apparently arbitrary detention by UNITA forces of civilians not
involved in the conflict. Freedom House rated Angola "not
free. "
ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, AND CULTURAL SITUATION
Angola's population of 7.9 million is growing at the rate of 3
percent a year. Gross national product per capita in 1983 was
approximately $888, but this reflects the oil revenues from the
Cabinda field and has little meaning to the bulk of the
population in the midst of civil war. Many rural inhabitants
have abandoned the countryside to seek food and safety in urban
areas, such as Luanda, which have been overwhelmed by the
influx. As a result of the rural exodus, crops are not being
planted. There are severe food shortages in urban areas, and
public services are severely taxed. In these circumstances.
Angola in 1985 continued efforts to obtain food assistance from
Western countries and various international organizations.
The MPLA has established as its goal the transformation of
Angola into a "socialist" economy, and the major sectors of the
economy — oil, diamonds, and banking — have been nationalized.
However, the Government has encouraged substantial Western
investment, notably in oil production, in order to develop its
economic and industrial infrastructure. The right to private
property is guaranteed by the Constitution, and a small portion
of the economy, mainly in the agricultural sector, still
operates under private ownership.
The intensification of the fighting has devastated the
country's infrastructure and has forced the Government to
divert most of its assets to the military. Payments to the
Soviet bloc for military equipment and for the Cuban combat
troops have become a recognized burden on the economy.
Although thousands of civilian Cuban and East European advisors
are working in technical and professional positions, Angola
still faces a critical shortage of skilled manpower. Of the
approximately 500,000 Portuguese residents prior to
independence, only 30,000 remain.
With a high infant mortality rate of 143 per 1,000 live births,
life expectancy at birth is only 43 years. Adequate health
care is available to only a small fraction of the total
population. The current literacy rate is estimated at about 30
percent, and there is high level — 90 percent — enrollment in
primary schools in noncombat areas. In 1982, there were more
female children in primary school (92 percent) than male (85
percent ) .
There is no information available on working conditions in
Angola.
Women participate in the MPLA, not only in the Angolan Women's
Organization, but also in the higher levels of the party.
Women were given more positions in the top leadership by the
Second Party Congress.
Both the MPLA and UNITA have primarily ethnic bases of
support — the MPLA among the Kimbundu, and UNITA among the
Ovimbundu. While they have worked with mixed success to
broaden popular support, both groups show political favoritism
towards their own ethnic group. There are no formal ethnic or
racial restrictions on participation in the political process,
and whites and mesticos occupy a number of high-level positions
within the MPLA.
