Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1985
Cameroon
Political power in Cameroon is heavily concentrated in the
presidency. President Biya ran unopposed in 1984 in what is
essentially a one-party system. The President appoints all
important government and party officials and makes all major
decisions, although key parliamentarians in the National
Assembly have some behind-the-scenes influence. Cameroon had
an active multiparty system at the time of its independence.
Under former President Ahidjo, all parties were gradually
consolidated into the Cameroon National Union, renamed in 1985
under President Paul Biya, the Cameroon People's Democratic
Movement. Although Cameroon's 1972 Constitution provides for a
democratic, multiparty system, in actuality the sole political
party selects candidates for public office, who run unopposed.
During the 22 years of President Ahidjo's rule, Cameroon's
diversity and the armed violence in some parts of the country
were used to justify authoritarian control and harsh
restrictions on civil liberties. The Ahidjo legacy still
shapes President Biya's policies, despite the steps he has
taken to liberalize the political system. Internal security
responsibilities are shared by the National Police (Surete
National), the National Intelligence service (Centre de
Documentation Nationale-CND) , the Ministry of Territorial
Administration, Military Intelligence, and, to a lesser extent,
the Presidential Security Service. The Ministry of Territorial
Administration is in charge of prisons, and during the past
year the National Police have assumed the dominant role in
enforcing internal security laws. The CND and the military are
still involved in both of those functions but to a lessening
degree.
Cameroon's economy continues to thrive, and its per capita
income ranks Cameroon among the middle income developing
countries, though it remains plagued by many problems of
underdevelopment. Growth, propelled by oil revenues, continues
at a steady pace.
During 1985, the human rights environment in Cameroon reflected
mixed trends. There is some increase in freedom of expression,
a major change from the previous regime. At the same time
there is also continued, though diminished, harassment of some
groups, including the press, and in some cases imprisonment of
political dissidents and student activists. A leader of the
outlawed Union des Populations du Cameroun (UPC) and a radical
anglophone dissident were detained for extended periods without
trial. By most estimates, there are some 10 to 20 political
prisoners in custody, not counting roughly 200 people who
received prison terms because of participation in the 1984 coup
attempt .
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including
Freedom from
a. Political Killing
There were no confirmed reports of political killing during
1985.
b. Disappearance
There were no reports of the disappearance during 1985.
c. Torture and Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or
Punishment
Torture is proscribed in the criminal code, which renders
evidence obtained by torture inadmissible. In addition, the
penal code prohibits public servants from using force against
any person. However, there were credible reports during 1985
of ill treatment, such as beatings, during police interrogation
and during imprisonment. Very poor prison conditions,
including overcrowding, inadequate food and sanitation, and
medical attention are major problems, and Amnesty
International's 1985 Annual Report said that some Cameroonian
prisoners had died of malnutrition during 1984. Because
government-provided food is very inadequate, prisoners have
reportedly suffered from severe malnutrition unless provided
food by friends or families. The Government recognizes these
problems and has launched a major prison construction and
renovation program, including some $2 million in additional
funding for prison meals. Persons under "administrative
detention" (i.e., political prisoners) are kept in special
camps or prisons. Access to the administrative detention
centers by families and friends is reported to be severely
restricted.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile
Under Cameroonian law, a person arrested on suspicion of
committing an offense may not be held for more than 48 hours
without a court order. This provision is generally observed in
nonpolitical cases. However, after an investigating magistrate
has determined that the case should be brought to trial and has
issued a warrant to that effect, there is no limitation on how
long the detainee may be held in "preventive detention" pending
trial. Accused persons awaiting trial constitute the great
majority of persons in the prisons at Yaounde and Douala.
Release on bail is infrequent.
Citizens continue to be stopped by local police who sometimes
harass or threaten to detain them unless a bribe is paid, but
for the most part those detained are released within 24 hours.
These actions are not initiated or condoned by high government
officials and have been sharply criticized by the President.
Persons may be held in administrative detention under
legislation pertaining to subversion. Such detention by
regional authorities is initially for 1 month, renewable twice,
and may be extended up to an additional 6 months by the
Minister of Territorial Administration. Generally, those
arrested and placed in administrative detention do not
disappear — their families are told where they are and they are
eventually released, although the detention may be lengthy.
Political prisoners, some 10-20 of whom are currently estimated
to be in custody, are usually held under this type of
detention. Under the state of emergency, which exists in
portions of three provinces, authorities may also order
detention for up to 1 week for persons judged "dangerous to
public security." The Minister of Territorial Administration
may also order detention of such persons for up to 2 months;
the order is renewable without limitation. The state of
emergency provisions were used rarely, if at all, during 1985.
The Government announced during the Pope's August visit to
Cameroon that an amnesty would be forthcoming for "certain
prisoners." Although officials indicated that political
prisoners would be among them, a late September announcement of
the release of 20 prisoners and the commutation of the death
sentences of 13 others included no political prisoners.
Two well-known political figures were detained during 1985.
The first, Fon Gorji Dinka, a radical anglophone spokesman, was
imprisoned after calling upon the armed forces in an open
letter to depose President Biya. Dinka was arrested on June 1
and was still in custody at the end of the year. He has
apparently not been mistreated while in prison, although
anglophones have complained that he received inadequate medical
attention both before and after the deterioration of his health
in late September. The second well-known detainee was
Dr. Joseph Sonde, self-proclaimed leader of the outlawed UPC
faction in Cameroon. Sende was held without trial from
February 7 through May 22, after he had tried unsuccessfully to
gain legal recognition of the UPC and then issued a UPC
"position statement" denouncing the single-party system in
Cameroon as being antidemocratic. Sende was kept in a cell by
himself but was apparently not tortured and was allowed visits
by family members.
The Governinent keeps a close watch on student activism. On
October 1 security forces briefly detained some 100 high school
students, who had participated in a protest in Bamenda, and
reportedly held some of their leaders for several weeks.
There is also an unknown number of current and former UPC
members in self-imposed exile. Some of those individuals have
accepted the Government's offer to return to Cameroon "as
individual citizens, not as political figures." Another
outlawed dissident party, the Cameroon Democratic Party (CDP),
has members in self-imposed exile since the party lost its bid
to be legalized in early 1984.
There are no reports of forced labor being practiced in
Cameroon.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
Trial by a presiding magistrate is guaranteed by law, and this
practice is followed with the exception of persons held under
administrative detention. Public trials are also guaranteed by
law, although exceptions for the public good or national
security reasons are allowed. Trials which involve prominent
persons or which are controversial are sometimes held in
private. Magistrates in Cameroon are drawn from a corps of
career civil servants and are required to have law degrees.
Their decisions are generally not subject to government
interference, and they are generally considered to conduct fair
trials. Defendants in felony cases are provided attorneys if
they cannot afford to engage their ovm.
Crimes involving subversion or illegal use of weapons, as well
as crimes involving the military, are tried by military
tribunal. Each tribunal has three members, and its presiding
officer must be a magistrate. In some cases, the magistrate is
a civilian, but often it is a military officer. As in civil
cases, defendants are entitled to either public or private
counsel .
f . Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or
Correspondence
Both invasion of the home and tampering with correspondence are
violations of Cameroonian law. There are reports that police
do enter homes without warrants during periodic searches for
criminals in lower income neighborhoods. Surveillance of
suspected political dissidents, including monitoring of mail
and of telephone conversations, is also common, such as the
recent surveillance of some militant anglophones. Although
membership in the country's sole political party, the Cameroon
People's Democratic Movement, is not mandatory, there have been
credible reports that zealous local party officials have denied
routine services, such as issuance of a driver's license, to
persons who are not party members. The Government does not
condone such actions.
Section 2 Respect for Civil Rights, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press
The Constitution of 1972 guarantees the freedom of expression
and press, but under Cameroonian law and practice these
freedoms are restricted. During 1985, those restrictions were
loosened slightly, but they remain extensive and are subject to
Government interpretation. Informal political discussions in
1985 are much more open than they had been under former
President Ahidjo, and there is no evidence anyone is punished
for privately criticizing the Government. Independent
newspapers continued to be available in wide variety, including
20 to 25 registered as "general information" papers during the
course of the year. These newspapers have slowly increased
their criticism of Cameroonian government programs, such as
education, development, or censorship, and also offer limited
criticism of the single party. There are still many proscribed
subjects: University Professor Maurice Kamto was detained
briefly for writing a critical review of a book entitled "The
Social Ideas of Paul Biya" . The newspaper issue which printed
that article was seized by Government authorities, as were
issues of other papers too sharply critical of major government
or party figures. Long-standing problems with the local censor
are also a major reason why one English-language newspaper, the
Cameroon Times, was unable to publish for most of the year.
There has also been a slight increase in the amount of comment
on internal politics in the government-controlled press and
radio, although the Government affords official journalists
much less latitude than it does their private counterparts.
Most official journalists are civil servants, and if they are
not sufficiently careful in their self-censorship, they can be
transferred to less desirable jobs. Occasionally, issues of
international publications are seized because they contain
articles about Cameroon which the Government considers
inflammatory. One example was an article during the Pope's
visit which strongly criticized Cameroon's Catholic hierarchy.
Government restrictions on university lecture content and
publications continue to decrease, but the Government reacts
firmly to any signs of student protest as in the Bamenda
incident in October.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
The freedoms of assembly and association, while guaranteed in
the Constitution, are restricted in practice and in law. The
Cameroonian penal code prohibits public meetings,
demonstrations, or processions without prior government
approval, and organizations must register with the Government.
The demonstration by anglophone high school students in Bamenda
on October 1 was unauthorized. Anglophones suspected of
planning or encouraging an anglophone student demonstration at
the University of Yaounde have also been questioned by police,
and authorities have searched the offices of some anglophone
professors .
The sole labor union, the Cameroon Trades Union Congress,
operates within the framework of the official party, the
Cameroon People's Democratic Movement, and top union leadership
is chosen by the Government. The union does not play a major
role in Cameroonian politics, although it has a membership of
approximately 450,000 workers in a working population of more
than 3 million. It pursues individual worker grievances and
seeks improvements in government programs for worker safety and
training .
The union participates in government-regulated negotiations
with employers, but strikes are illegal. Political activity by
the trade union, excepting action designed to protect economic
and other interests, is prohibited. The union cannot have
contact with foreign trade union organizations without
government authorization. Cameroon is a member of the
International Labor Organization, and rank and file workers
comprise part of the Cameroonian delegation to its meetings.
The union is also a member of the Organization of African Trade
Union Unity.
c. Freedom of Religion
Freedom of religion is guaranteed in the Constitution and is
generally respected. Cameroon is comprised of 20 percent
Muslims, 30 percent Christians, and the rest animists.
Officials of the Government and party are drawn from members of
all denominations. Missionaries played a major role in the
development of Cameroon and continue to be active. However,
the Jehovah's Witnesses, who do not acknowledge the supremacy
of the state, were banned in 1970 and have periodically been
targets of harassment since then. In December 1984, 89
Jehovah's Witnesses were arrested at their annual conference
and held without trial until May 5, 1985. Observance of
traditional religions is not discouraged by the Government,
although acts of witchcraft, magic, or divination "liable to
disrupt public order or tranquility or to harm person or
property" are outlawed with penalties of up to 10 years
imprisonment .
Independent Muslim and Christian publications exist in
Cameroon, and there is no evidence that they are censored more
heavily than the secular press. The exception, again, is the
Jehovah's Witnesses, who are not allowed to publish or
distribute their religious materials.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign
Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation
Freedom of movement within the country is not restricted by
law. In practice, however, police frequently stop travelers
for a check of identification, tax receipts, or voting cards.
Exit visas are required to leave the country and' sometimes are
obtainable only after long bureaucratic delays. In some cases.
these delays may represent attempts by the Government to
discourage or even prevent departure. The Government has also
been known to refuse issuance of a passport, or to confiscate
an already issued passport, in order to prevent someone from
traveling abroad. Cameroonians who leave the country must
deposit sums sufficient to buy a return air ticket for
repatriation should they become stranded abroad. There are no
restrictions on the right of voluntary repatriation. Women
must obtain the permission of their husbands or fathers to
leave the country.
Over the years, Cameroon has served as a safehaven for
thousands of displaced persons. The Government currently
acknowledges the presence of some 45,000 Chadian refugees in
Cameroon, 6,000 of whom are either at the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) refugee camp in Poli or are
in the process of relocating there. The rest of the Chadians
have integrated into the Cameroonian economy and do not receive
government assistance. Cameroon is also host to displaced
persons from South Africa, Zaire, Angola, and other African
nations, and there are roughly 100 Namibians who are in
Cameroon as students.
Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens
to Change Their Government
Cameroon continues to be a one-party state with political power
and administrative responsibility concentrated in the
presidency. Following the resignation of former President
Ahidjo on November 4, 1982, his constitutional successor. Prime
Minister Paul Biya, took office as President. In September
1983, Biya was elected President of the Party, following
Ahidjo 's resignation. President Biya subsequently withstood a
coup attempt from forces allegedly close to Ahidjo. While the
Constitution implies the legality of other political parties,
in fact, only one party is permitted — the Cameroon People's
Democratic Movement (CPDM) . Although the election law
theoretically permits multiple candidates for the presidency.
President Biya ran unopposed in the January 1984 elections and
received 99.98 percent of the votes. The President appoints
governors, prefects, and cabinet ministers.
Cameroon's political system is a product of the country's
ethnic and linguistic diversity, which includes some 230
languages and 3 separate European heritages (French, British,
and German). A careful balancing act, within the one party,
takes place to maintain political cohesion. Membership in the
CPDM is thus open to all religious and ethnic groups, but the
party remains a centrally controlled organization. The party
elite chooses the candidates for local offices as well as for
the National Assembly. One candidate is chosen for each
position by the party and is submitted to the electorate. The
electorate has never rejected a candidate chosen by the party
since the Cameroon National Union was constituted the sole
legal party in 1966. The CPDM Congress in March 1985 formally
adopted a program of democratization within the party and
encouraged some dissidents who had formerly been excluded from
the party to become members. The CPDM is also working on
reforms whereby the leadership of each level of the party
organization will be chosen by the members at that level,
rather than selected by the hierarchy.
Externally based dissident groups including the Union des
Populations du Cameroun (francophone) and the Cameroon
Democratic Party (anglophone) periodically send letters or
pamphlets into the country. The Governinent attempts to seize
these documents when they arrive.
Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and
Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations
of Human Rights
The Cameroon Constitution affirms support for the freedoms
guaranteed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the
United Nations Charter. Under President Biya, the Government
has increased the attention it pays to human rights issues,
both internally as a part of President Biya's program of
"democratization" and in public statements at forums such as
the United Nations.
In its 1985 Report (covering 1984), Amnesty International
expressed concern over prison conditions in Cameroon, citing
reports of torture and malnutrition. The organization also
called for the trial or release of several prisoners of
conscience, as well as information on those still detained as a
result of the 1984 coup attempt. The Government has not
responded to those requests. Freedom House rated Cameroon "not
free. "
ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, AND CULTURAL SITUATION
Cameroon's population is approximately 9.7 million, and is
growing at a rate of 2 . 6 percent per year. Over 60 percent of
the population still lives in rural areas, but the urban
population is expanding by 10-12 percent per year. The per
capita gross national product ($820 in 1983) is poorly
distributed among the population.
Cameroon has one of the strongest economies among African
developing countries, with a gross domestic product of $7.3
billion (1983-84), and a 6.5 percent growth rate, due primarily
to oil revenues, strong and diversified agriculture, a
relatively well-balanced, market-oriented economy and prudent
economic policy management. The rate of inflation is
officially estimated at 14 percent, but it is probably somewhat
higher. The rapid growth in urban population has produced an
increased need for basic urban infrastructure, and also means
that continuing productivity increases in food crop agriculture
are necessary if Cameroon is to continue to produce the major
part of its food requirements in rural areas. Many of those
living below the poverty level (40 percent in 1978) are
subsistence farmers.
The average Cameroonian has a life expectancy of 54.6 years.
Nationally, the infant mortality rate is officially 113 per
1,000 live births but is probably closer to 127. Chronic
undernutrition affects 21 percent of the children under age 5.
Despite this figure, the ratio of caloric supply available for
consumption relative to nutritional requirements was 102
percent in 1981. Such practices as early weaning, as well as
intestinal parasites and diarrhea, have contributed to infant
and child malnutrition, despite the surplus of calories
available. Malnutrition is more prevalent in rural areas.
Based on a 1976 estimate, some 26 percent of the population is
estimated to have access to safe drinking water; the figure for
urban dwellers is 35 percent and for rural inhabitants 22
percent .
The national adult literacy rate is 41.5 percent; 54.6 percent
for men and 24.5 percent for women (1976). The school
enrollment rate for children between the ages of 6 and 14
averages 88 percent in urban areas and 46 percent in rural
areas, with female students noticeably underrepresented in
rural secondary schools. School attendance rates are one-third
the national average in the Muslim north, where only 22 percent
of the children attend school. Girls are underprivileged, both
in access to higher education and in terms of professional
opportunities. Girls from the southern part of the country,
although disadvantaged at the level of secondary entrance when
compared with boys from the same areas, have a considerable
educational lead over both girls and boys from the eastern and
northern provinces . ,
The Cameroonian national labor code sets the minimum working
age at 14, the minimum annual paid vacation at 18 days, and the
legal work week at 40 hours for nonagricultural employees and
up to 48 hours per week for agricultural workers. Minimum
monthly wages are set by the Government for all types of jobs
in both the public and private sectors. Wage rates are based
on geographic zones, types of industry, and workers'
qualifications and length of service. The lowest pay levels
are not sufficient to support a family but, in most cases, such
wages are supplemented by a second job or another family
member's earnings. Workers with middle-range wages are also
likely to need second incomes to support a family, especially
in the high cost living areas of Yaounde and Douala. Because
of Cameroon's healthy economy, opportunities do exist for
workers to supplement their wage levels with second jobs.
Occupational health and safety is mandated by law, based on the
International Labor Organization standards. In theory, these
standards are enforced by Ministry of Labor inspectors, but
they lack the means for effective enforcement.
Women enjoy ecpjal rights under the Constitution and are
politically active in the party and labor union. The women's
wing of the party has developed programs aimed at encouraging
the economic and social productivity of Cameroonian women.
Women are represented in the modern sector, although not
proportionately in the upper levels of administration and in
the professions. There are currently five women in President
Biya's cabinet, but no women governors or prefects. Women also
hold positions in the National Assembly and, as a result of the
1983 legislative elections, the percentage of women in the
National Assembly increased from 10 to 14 percent.
