Mohamed Bazoum, a former interior minister and the candidate of the Nigerien Party for Democracy and Socialism (PNDS-Tarayya), won 55.7 percent of the vote in a February 2021 runoff. Bazoum succeeded term-limited incumbent Mahamadou Issoufou, marking the first transfer of power between elected presidents in Nigerien history.

The elected government was overthrown in July 2023, when the presidential guard launched a coup and placed Bazoum and his family under house arrest. The coup plotters then established the National Council for the Safeguard of the Homeland (CNSP), which became the junta’s decision-making body. Civilian ministers were detained in the days following the coup. The former defense, finance, home affairs, and petroleum ministers were charged with endangering state security before a military tribunal in September.

Within days of the coup, General Abdourahamane Tiani, who orchestrated it, proclaimed himself as head of state. In early August, the CNSP appointed a prime minister from civil society, Ali Mahamane Lamine Zeine. Later that month, a government was formed with ministers from civil society and various military branches. Also in August, the junta announced its intention to prosecute Bazoum for “high treason” and endangering national security. Bazoum remained in detention along with his wife and son at year’s end.

ECOWAS called on the coup plotters to restore the civilian government, threatening military action by August 2023. While that armed response did not materialize, ECOWAS imposed sanctions on the regime. Later in August, General Tiani promised a national dialogue and a transition to restored civilian rule within three years, though the regional bloc called for a shorter period.

Score Change: The score declined from 3 to 0 after recently elected president Mohamed Bazoum was overthrown in a military coup.

Niger had a 171-member, unicameral National Assembly, but the civilian government’s institutions were suspended by the junta after the July 2023 coup.

The last parliamentary elections were held in December 2020. ECOWAS observers called the elections relatively free and fair and lauded the participation of young and female voters. The PNDS-Tarayya won 80 seats, the Nigerien Democratic Movement for an African Federation (MODEN/FA Lumana) won 19, and the Patriotic Movement for the Republic and the National Movement for the Development of Society each won 13.

Score Change: The score declined from 3 to 0 because the leaders of the coup dissolved the elected legislature.

The electoral code offered a framework for fair elections but the opposition had cast doubt on the impartiality of the Independent National Electoral Commission and the Constitutional Court, which had approved candidate lists and validated election results. The junta that seized power in July 2023 suspended governing institutions and the constitution.

Score Change: The score declined from 2 to 0 because the country’s constitution and electoral mechanisms were suspended following the coup.

Political parties were allowed to organize and conduct their activities before the July 2023 coup. However, the PNDS-Tarayya employed a variety of tactics to interfere in the operation of opposition parties, including persecution of opposition leaders and the co-option of key opposition figures. Over 150 political parties were registered as of November 2020.

The parties that aligned themselves with the former opposition leader, Mahamane Ousmane, in the last presidential election supported the junta after it seized power in July 2023, having viewed the PNDS-Tarayya as monopolistic. The CNSP suspended political party activity, though it added an individual affiliated with MODEN/FA Lumana to the cabinet. Despite that, the PNDS-Tarayya tried to organize protests against the new regime, which arrested several party officials several days after the coup.

Score Change: The score declined from 2 to 1 because the junta ordered the suspension of all political party activity.

Opposition parties faced serious difficulties challenging the dominance of the PNDS-Tarayya before the July 2023 coup, in part due to repression and the co-option of opposition figures. The junta halted political party activity since taking power, preventing opposition groups from winning official positions.

Score Change: The score declined from 2 to 1 because the coup suppressed opportunities for a change in government through elections.

Niger has experienced several coups, most recently in 2010 and July 2023, and the military maintained considerable influence in the interim. The previous government claimed to foil coup attempts in 2015, 2018, and 2021.

The presidential guard was strengthened during former president Mahamadou Issoufou’s tenure to prevent coup attempts from other elements of the Nigerien army. General Tiani was appointed as the head of the presidential guard in 2011 and was reappointed during Bazoum’s presidency. Tiani was the primary instigator of the July 2023 coup and remained in charge of the junta at year’s end.

Score Change: The score declined from 2 to 0 because the country’s military leadership seized control of political affairs and maintained its dominance through the end of the year.

Before the July 2023 coup, the law provided for equal opportunity for all Nigeriens to seek political office and participate in political processes. However, women were underrepresented both in elected and cabinet positions. A parity law adopted in 2020 called for women to hold 25 percent of parliamentary seats and 30 percent of cabinet positions; the parliamentary quota was reached in the December 2020 elections but Bazoum’s cabinet did not include the mandated number of female members. Only four women were included in a cabinet installed by the CNSP in August 2023.

While the Hausa and Zarma (or Djerma) ethnic groups had enjoyed dominance in many government positions, ethnic minorities have become more visible in politics, particularly Tuareg and Arab individuals. Nomadic groups, including the Fulani, were underrepresented in elected positions and experienced difficulty registering to vote. Some Tuareg leaders believe that ethnic minorities are at risk of marginalization under the junta; Bazoum and Issoufou maintained relatively close ties with the Tuareg and Arab populations in northern Niger, while the coup leaders reportedly favor the country’s Hausa and Zarma communities.

Score Change: The score declined from 3 to 2 due to ethnic marginalization following the coup and because women remained underrepresented in the coup-installed cabinet.

Elected officials were forced from their posts by the junta after it seized power in July 2023. The unelected CNSP makes political decisions and implements policies. The prime minister is a civilian but many military personnel serve in the cabinet.

Score Change: The score declined from 2 to 0 because an unelected junta determines and enacts policies.

Before the coup, the High Authority for Combating Corruption and Related Crimes (HALCIA) was the official anticorruption body, though the government often refused to carry HALCIA recommendations through or pursue identified cases of corruption in court.

Bazoum repeatedly emphasized his desire to combat corruption in Niger, but elements of the PNDS-Tarayya have been involved in corruption cases. Political opponents and Nigerien citizens regarded Bazoum as corrupt or otherwise unable to fight corruption.

In November 2023, the CNSP established the Commission to Combat Financial, Economic, and Fiscal Delinquency (COLDEF), an anticorruption commission. COLDEF members include judges, soldiers, police officers, and civil society members. The junta also created a state court to function as the highest administrative and judiciary institution during the promised transition to civilian rule.

Score Change: The score declined from 2 to 1 because the coup resulted in the dissolution of existing anticorruption institutions.

Implementation and enforcement of the 2011 Charter on Access to Public Information and Administrative Documents was uneven under the civilian government. Government information related to resource extraction and state-operated companies often went disclosed.

The junta that took power in July 2023 did not regularly discuss its decisions publicly save for some CNSP decisions revealed through media interviews and statements. The CNSP also restricted access to deposed officials, with the Network of Organizations for Transparency and Analysis of Budgets saying that the junta did not offer it information on their well being.

Score Change: The score declined from 2 to 1 because the government became less open and transparent following the coup.

In 2010, Niger adopted a press law eliminating prison terms for media offenses and reducing the threat of libel cases. However, journalists still faced difficulties, including occasional police violence while covering protests, and detention or prosecution in response to critical or investigative reporting. Journalistic investigations have also been prosecuted under the 2019 Cybercrime Law. In 2022, that law was amended to replace prison sentences for defamation and insult offenses with fines.

The CNSP restricted media activity after seizing power in July 2023. Journalists have experienced violence, surveillance, and intimidation, and have engaged in self-censorship for fear of arrest and harassment. In late July, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) reported three incidents where journalists covering procoup protests were threatened or physically assaulted. In August, France 24 and Radio France International (RFI) reported that their radio broadcasts were being interrupted in Niger. In September, judicial police detained journalist Samira Sabou a day after she had shared a government document on Facebook. Sabou was provisionally released in October after she was charged with providing “intelligence to a foreign power” and sharing information in a way that would “disturb public order.” In a December update, RSF noted that the CNSP threatened to prosecute journalists under the Cybercrime Law.

Freedom of religion was legally guaranteed under the civilian government, but there were some constraints on religious expression and worship in practice. The rise of militant groups increased the threat of violence against Christians.

In 2019, citing security concerns, the civilian government adopted a law that imposed greater control over religious activities, including building places of worship, preaching, and religious education.

Academic freedom was generally upheld by the civilian government, but insecurity and heavy-handed responses to campus protests affected academic freedom. Nigerien academics have not indicated an intention to take a confrontational approach towards the junta, though the junta has removed some academics from their posts. In late August 2023, General Tiani removed several academics who did not sign a petition supporting the junta.

Under Bazoum, freedom of expression was generally upheld in Niger. However, the government showed some intolerance of criticism, and prosecuted people over social media comments. Under the junta, criticism towards the regime is considered unpatriotic. Nigeriens refrain from publicly speaking out against the regime, while junta supporters are vocal in the public space.

Score Change: The score declined from 3 to 2 because while supporters of the coup were able to voice their personal views, opponents reportedly refrained from doing so.

Freedom of assembly was constitutionally guaranteed but was not always respected by the civilian government, with authorities sometimes using force to break up demonstrations and the government banning some rallies in 2022.

Rallies in support of the junta that took power in July 2023 were allowed to proceed, while PNDS-Tarayya supporters who protested the coup were arrested. Coup supporters burned the former ruling party’s Niamey headquarters immediately after the coup and physically attacked party members present there. Supporters of Bazoum who demonstrated for his release on the day of the coup were forcibly dispersed.

The civilian government occasionally restricted the operations of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and a lack of security in certain regions impeded their functioning. The government restricted the movement of UN personnel and aid workers without military escort in some areas, impacting the delivery of humanitarian assistance.

After the July 2023 coup, activists have reportedly used more discretion and NGOs have apparently adapted their agendas to avoid direct conflict with the junta. UN aid was disrupted by sanctions placed on Niger and by the military government’s decision to close Nigerien airspace. In October, the CNSP told the UN’s humanitarian coordinator in Niger, Louise Aubin, to leave the country.

While the constitution and other laws guaranteed workers the right to join unions and bargain for wages, a large portion of the workforce is employed informally and lacks access to formal union representation. The legal definition of “essential” workers not permitted to strike is broad.

Before the July 2023 coup, the constitution provided for an independent judiciary and courts had shown some level of independence, but the judicial system was subject to executive interference. After the coup, the transitional state court is Niger’s highest judiciary authority, but the junta influences its activity.

Arbitrary arrests and imprisonment were frequent under the civilian government. Many people accused of crimes are held in pretrial detention for extended periods of time, sometimes in the same population as convicted individuals. Arrests are not well-documented under the junta because access to information is poor. States of emergency declared in several regions have allowed the army to engage in mass arrests and detain those suspected of links with terrorist organizations.

Individuals deposed in the July 2023 coup have not benefited from due process. In October, a court in Niamey ordered that Salem Mohamed Bazoum, the former president’s son, be released from custody, though the junta did not comply. Later that month, the former president’s lawyers said that Bazoum, his wife, and Salem Mohamed were being held in secret.

Nigeriens face insecurity due to ongoing militant activity. Several militant groups, including Boko Haram, are active in Nigerien territory and are known to attack civilians and military personnel.

The civilian government had imposed states of emergency within the regions of Diffa, Tillabéri, and Tahoua over ongoing insecurity. Jihadist violence around Tillabéri and Diffa persisted in 2022, though it diminished in intensity in comparison to an especially violent 2021. Bazoum announced that his government had opened a dialogue channel with jihadist groups operating in Tillabéri in early 2022. Security improved in Tillabéri in early 2023, as the civilian government worked to improve dialogue between communities and with jihadist groups.

Security reportedly declined after the July 2023 coup, with forces being deployed to Niamey and jihadist and intercommunal violence rising elsewhere. In September, the junta agreed to a defense pact with the military governments of Burkina Faso and Mali. Also in September, French president Emmanuel Macron announced that French forces present at the civilian government’s request since 2022 would be withdrawn at the request of the junta, which had accused France of destabilizing Niger. The last French troops left in December.

The rights of ethnic minority groups are protected by law, but discrimination persists in some respects in practice. Same-sex sexual activity is not illegal in Niger, but same-sex relationships are highly stigmatized, and there is no protection against discrimination based on sexual orientation. The now-suspended 2010 constitution prohibited gender discrimination, though women suffered widespread discrimination in practice. The application of the law by customary courts often discriminates against women.

While the Hausa and Zarma (or Djerma) ethnic groups have dominated economic leadership positions, Tuareg and Arabs were increasingly represented under the civilian government.

Nigerien authorities have made efforts to accommodate Malian and Nigerian refugees as well as internally displaced persons (IDPs). Burkinabè, Malian, and Nigerian refugees continued to enter Niger after the July 2023 coup; in its September operational report, the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees said there were 335,300 IDPs, 290,000 refugees, and 35,400 asylum seekers in Niger.

Before the coup, the constitution guaranteed freedom of movement, but this was hampered by militant activity and bribery on the part of security officials guarding checkpoints. Internal displacement affects large numbers of Nigeriens.

Several complications undermine legal guarantees of the right to own property. Few people hold formal ownership documents for their land, though customary law provides some protection. The enforcement of both state and customary law often gives way to tension and confusion. Women have less access to land ownership than men due to inheritance practices and inferior status in property disputes.

Family law gives women inferior status in divorce proceedings. Female genital mutilation was criminalized in 2003 and has declined, but it continues among a small percentage of the population. Penalties for rape are heavy, but societal attitudes and victims’ fears of retribution have discouraged reporting, and when rape is reported it is often poorly investigated. Domestic violence is not explicitly criminalized, though women may lodge criminal allegations of battery against partners. Some cases have resulted in convictions, but reporting is similarly discouraged in practice.

Although slavery was criminalized in 2003 and banned in the now-suspended 2010 constitution, it remains a problem in Niger. Different practices of slavery continue to exist in Niger, according to the NGO Timidria. Estimates of the number of enslaved people vary widely but is generally counted in the tens of thousands. Niger remains a source, transit point, and destination for human trafficking. Young people have been forced to work as beggars in major cities in recent years.