Zimbabwe’s constitution states that a presidential candidate must obtain a simple majority of the vote to be elected in the first round. Emmerson Mnangagwa won the presidential election held in August 2023 with 53 percent of the vote, followed by the CCC candidate Nelson Chamisa with 44 percent. National voter turnout fell to 69 percent, down from 85 percent in the 2018 elections.

International and local observers reported concerns about the election’s conduct and integrity. SADC and EU observers noted challenges including delayed access to voting materials, intimidation of voters on polling day, ZEC’s refusal to release finalized voter rolls, disputed changes to constituency boundaries, names missing from the voter rolls, contested postal voting, and the denial of the diaspora’s right to vote. Forever Associates Zimbabwe (FAZ), a pro-ZANU-PF group linked to the Central Intelligence Organisation, purportedly set up bogus exit poll desks outside polling stations and intimidated voters before they went in to cast their votes. The SADC observer mission described the elections as “the most fraudulent in the history of SADC.”

Disruption and confiscation of the parallel vote tabulation data and equipment, vote-tallying irregularities and voting delays led to postelection tensions. CCC leadership declared victory and accused ZANU-PF of attempting to rig the vote but did not contest the results in court. The ZEC hurriedly declared Mnangagwa the winner, but the CCC refused to recognize the legitimacy of Mnangagwa’s win.

Zimbabwe has a bicameral parliament with a 280-seat lower house, the National Assembly, and an 80-seat upper house, the Senate. In the National Assembly, 210 members are elected through a first-past-the-post system to hold single-member constituencies and 60 women are elected by proportional representation. The Senate includes six members from each of Zimbabwe’s 10 provinces who are elected through proportional representation. Sixteen are indirectly elected by regional councils, two seats are reserved for people with disabilities, and two are reserved for tribal chiefs. Members in both houses serve five-year terms. ZANU-PF won 56.11 percent of parliamentary seats, to CCC’s 41.58 percent.

Intimidation and bureaucratic irregularities in the delivery of voting materials marred the parliamentary elections. FAZ allegedly helped to distort the voter rolls by adding, removing, duplicating and relocating voters to benefit ZANU-PF. Accusations of vote buying by the ruling party were rampant.

The ZEC is responsible for election management and oversight, but its independence from ZANU-PF is questionable. International election monitors have consistently criticized its management of national elections, including in 2018 and 2023, noting issues with vote-count stewardship, opaque procurement processes, and the irregular arrangement of the ballots themselves. The ZEC did not release the voter rolls in a timely manner in 2023, violating the constitution and the Electoral Act. This denied the opposition and civil society the chance to scrutinize the voter rolls within a reasonable time frame, affecting the audit and verification processes envisioned by the Electoral Act and leaving the ruling party in control of the primary instrument to manipulate the election.

No law explicitly prohibits former military personnel from holding positions at the ZEC, and a number of former military figures hold high-ranking positions on the body.

Political parties generally form without interference. However, state media tend not to cover opposition parties, impacting their ability to reach voters. Authorities often suppress opposition gatherings. While opposition groups were able to hold most meetings with limited disruption in the run-up to the 2023 elections, the CCC and its supporters faced postelection raids, arrests, and prosecutions.

Prior to the election, the CCC deputy mayor of Harare was arrested for allegedly assaulting a member of the ruling ZANU-PF party. In August, a party member was killed while on his way to a rally in the capital. In September, a Harare elected official was abducted, tortured, then left on the outskirts of the city. Also in September, a CCC member of parliament was taken into police custody over several charges, including inciting violence at a football match and defacing an opponent’s posters. That same month a CCC member of parliament spent a night in police custody after being charged with attempted murder and malicious damage to property but was released due to lack of evidence.

Zimbabwean courts upheld a 2022 law that increased candidate registration fees to $20,000 for presidential candidates (a 20-fold increase) and $1,000 for parliamentary candidates.

Groups such as Mthwakazi Liberation Front (MLF) are blocked from conducting memorial meetings for victims of the 1980s Gukurahundi massacres. The MLF is regarded by the government as a secessionist political party, and its leaders have faced persecution. However, the Mthwakazi Republic Party (MRP) fielded candidates in Matabeleland and Midlands during the 2023 general elections.

Score Change: The score declined from 2 to 1 because of a postelection increase in attacks on opposition members.

ZANU-PF has dominated the government since independence, though the MDC held the premiership as part of a power-sharing deal with Mugabe between 2009 and 2013.

While the MDC enjoyed considerable public support in the 2010s, postelection violence limited the opposition’s ability to operate. The opposition has also been weakened by factional infighting, which ZANU-PF reportedly fostered. By the end of 2020, Douglas Mwonzora replaced Thokozani Khupe as MDC-T leader. His faction benefits from government funding. The January 2022 formation of the CCC further fragmented the opposition; Khupe and other key leaders joined it in April. The new grouping has garnered strong public interest but failed to gain traction due to the heavily skewed electoral landscape.

A month after the 2023 elections, a self-proclaimed interim secretary general of the CCC recalled some of its legislators, reducing the number of opposition elected representatives in parliament and local authorities. The CCC recalls of legislators continued despite a High Court ruling that suspended any further recalls, and 22 recalled members of parliament were barred from participating in the December 9 by-elections.

The military has continued to play a critical role in political affairs since Mugabe’s ousting in 2017. Many senior military officials hold leadership positions in ZANU-PF and the government.

Traditional leaders wield influence over public resources like food aid, and, despite constitutional provisions and court orders that require them to abstain from partisan politics, have intimidated villagers to influence their votes, restricted opposition access to their areas, and issued political statements in support of the ruling party. The president of the National Council of Chiefs, Fortune Charumbira, publicly declared that Mnangagwa was the only candidate in the 2023 elections with the chiefs’ blessing.

Zimbabwe’s ethnic Shona majority dominates ZANU-PF, and members of the Ndebele minority have at times expressed frustration about political marginalization by both ZANU-PF and the MDC.

Women and their interests are underrepresented in the political system. Women held 30.6 percent of lower-house seats as of December 2021, though they held 44.2 percent of the Senate. Only 68 out of 633 aspiring parliamentarians in the 2023 direct election were women, and only 23 were elected. The upper house is required to appoint 60 of its 80 senators from a “zebra list” that alternates between female and male candidates.

LGBT+ advocacy groups exist, but severe discrimination limits their ability to advance their interests in the political sphere.

The president and parliament generally determine policies and legislation, but they lack strong electoral legitimacy. Parliament does not serve as an effective check on executive power.

The security sector continues to interfere in civilian governance. Some officers received cabinet appointments following the 2017 coup, and senior commanders were rewarded with ambassadorships in 2019. ZANU-PF has also relied on veterans as a source of political support, with the party forming a league for veterans of the war for independence in 2017.

Corruption is endemic, and past revelations of large-scale graft did not lead to successful prosecutions. In early 2019, President Mnangagwa dismissed the existing Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (ZACC) board and appointed the wife of a former general, a retired major, former opposition politicians, and civil society leaders to the body. Though ZACC continues to refer corruption cases to prosecutors, opposition leaders have called for it to be disbanded, accusing it of lacking the independence, capacity, and the will to fulfill its mandate.

Corruption features heavily in the government’s tender system and continues to hinder the country’s economy. In March of 2023, an undercover Al Jazeera investigative unit exposed high-ranking officials involved in the illicit gold trade in its “Gold Mafia” documentary, including Zimbabwe’s ambassador-at-large for Europe and the Americas.

Government processes are generally opaque. Access to information is constitutionally protected, but restrictive laws limit the ability of media outlets and ordinary citizens to obtain government information.

In 2020, new freedom of information legislation, which aimed to make some information freely available by replacing the restrictive Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), was enacted. The Freedom of Information Bill, one of the acts meant to replace the AIPPA, was criticized for being as restrictive as the old law. The Zimbabwe chapter of the Media Institute of Southern Africa also noted that data-disclosure mechanisms for public bodies was voluntary under the bill.

The constitution protects media freedom, but restrictive laws undermine this guarantee. Harsh penalties, including prison sentences, for violations of laws like the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act (CLCRA) contribute to self-censorship among journalists.

In June 2023, parliament passed the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Amendment, a law that broadly prohibits acts against “the sovereignty and national interest of Zimbabwe.” Opposition candidates expressed concerns that this law would be used to punish those who criticize the government.

The state-controlled Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) has historically dominated broadcast media. Many Zimbabweans rely on radio for news consumption, but media diversity is limited by sustained refusals to grant licenses to community radio stations. Commercial radio licenses usually go to state-controlled companies or individuals connected to ZANU-PF. The government controls the two main daily newspapers, though there are several independent print outlets. In 2020, the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe broke the ZBC’s monopoly by issuing new television broadcasting licenses. All six awardees were connected to the government, owned by the government, or otherwise connected to ZANU-PF.

Violence against journalists continues. In July 2022, in Bulawayo, a group of people wearing ZANU-PF regalia attacked a Voice of America correspondent when she refused to delete a recording and photographs of their clash with vegetable market vendors. The same group also attacked two other individuals—a Reuters correspondent and a freelance journalist who was also chairperson of the Bulawayo Media Center.

Freedom of religion is generally respected in Zimbabwe. However, congregations perceived to be critical of the government have faced harassment.

The Ministry of Higher Education supervises education policy at universities, and the president serves as chancellor of all eight state-run universities. The government has the authority to enforce discipline at state-run universities. Students face violent police responses to campus protests.

Zimbabweans have enjoyed some freedom and openness in private discussion, but official surveillance of political activity is a deterrent to unfettered speech. Individuals have been arrested for critical posts on social media, prompting self-censorship online.

In 2021, parliament passed and Mnangagwa signed the Cyber Security and Data Protection bill, which several NGOs criticized for infringing on online expression and effectively allowing authorities to monitor private communication and target opposition figures.

Freedom of assembly is constitutionally guaranteed but poorly upheld in practice. The Maintenance of Peace and Order Act of 2019 includes heavy assembly restrictions.

Opposition groups continue to organize meetings, but their efforts are routinely frustrated by authorities, and their campaign rallies are often denied authorization or violently disrupted. The Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP) reported widespread event disruption, harassment, and intimidation efforts targeting opposition groups and leaders in 2023. The ZPP recorded 384 human rights violations, including threats, assault, and property damage, in August 2023, up from 301 in July. The ZANU-PF party perpetrated the most, at 37 percent of the violations, followed by the FAZ at 28 percent.

NGOs face restrictions under laws including the CLCRA and the Private Voluntary Organisations (PVO) Act, despite rights stated in the constitution. Organizations engaging in charitable or humanitarian work are required to register as PVOs. NGO leaders faced detentions and continued scrutiny in 2023.

The National Assembly passed the PVO Amendment Bill in December 2022, despite criticism from Amnesty International for its more restrictive amendments. Its provisions give the government unchecked power to designate any PVO as “high-risk” or “vulnerable,” revoke a PVO’s registration, and remove its leadership.

Under the Labour Act, the government can veto collective bargaining agreements it deems economically harmful. Strikes are banned in “essential” industries and subject to procedural restrictions. While strikes are sometimes tolerated, union leaders are often charged with subversion.

Pressure on the courts to endorse executive actions and protect ZANU-PF’s interests has eroded the judiciary’s independence. Judges occasionally rule against the government in sensitive cases, and such rulings are not always respected.

Under a 2021 constitutional amendment, new Constitutional Court and Supreme Court senior judges are now appointed by the president in consultation with the Judicial Service Commission instead of being subjected to public interviews. The introduction of the amendment violated the constitution, as it did not follow procedures that require a 90-day notice period to allow for public input.

The government provided loans of between $300,000 and $500,000 to government ministers and judges, which was perceived as buying the judiciary’s loyalty prior to the election.

Constitutionally stipulated due process protections are not enforced. Security personnel frequently ignore basic rights regarding detention, searches, and seizures. Accused persons are often held and interrogated without legal counsel or explanation of the reason for arrest. Lawyers also face detention and arrest on spurious charges. Perceived opponents of the regime faced arrest and detention throughout 2023.

Security forces backed by ZANU-PF have long engaged in acts of extralegal violence with impunity. Opposition party members, detainees, and protesters often face police brutality, sometimes resulting in death. Overcrowded prisons are unsanitary, food shortages are rampant, and prisoners risk contracting illnesses.

Discrimination is prohibited under the 2013 constitution, but is not expressly prohibited on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity. Sex between men is a criminal offense and can be punished with a fine and up to a year in prison. Land and indigenization policies have previously been criticized for discriminating against White Zimbabweans. Despite legal protections against gender discrimination, women continue to face significant disadvantages.

Movement is restricted by the extensive use of police roadblocks, which are used to impede protests and opposition rallies.

Land rights are poorly protected, and in rural areas, the nationalization of land has left both commercial farmers and smallholders with limited security of tenure. Women face discrimination in terms of access to and ownership of land, particularly communal or family land controlled by traditional leaders or male relatives.

In 2023, the government issued deeds to some urban residents in the ruling party’s strongholds. However, it also stripped some former Mugabe-era ministers of their land.

Laws on personal status matters such as marriage and divorce are generally equitable, but customary practices put women at a disadvantage. Domestic violence is a problem, and sexual abuse is widespread, especially against girls.

Child marriages were banned in 2016, but poverty, certain religious views, and lack of enforcement have sustained the practice; a third of girls are married by age 18.

The Termination of Pregnancy Act makes abortion illegal except in very limited circumstances. Same-sex marriages are constitutionally prohibited.

Due to the ongoing economic crisis, many workers are not adequately compensated and are often unpaid for months. The International Trade Union Confederation categorized Zimbabwe as one of the worst countries to work in its 2022 Global Rights Index.

The government has attempted to combat the problem of human trafficking. Vulnerable adults and children can be forced to work in the agricultural sector, begging, and domestic work.