Dokument #2038006
Freedom House (Autor)
Democracy Percentage | 77.38 / 100 |
Democracy Score | 5.64 / 7 |
By Ieva Petronytė-Urbonavičienė
After celebrating the centennial of its restored independence in 2018, Lithuania continued to mark important national anniversaries during 2019, including those of the Lithuanian freedom fighters’ Declaration of February 16, 1949, and the 1989 Baltic Way demonstration against Soviet occupation. However, these commemorations were often overshadowed by electoral campaigns. Municipal councils and mayors were elected in March, presidential and European Parliament (EP) elections as well as two referendums were held in May, by-elections for three national parliament seats took place in September, and the upcoming 2020 parliamentary elections prompted various strategic decisions and controversies later in autumn. The approaching elections not only had a direct impact on coalition formation at the local and national levels, but also affected public discourse and the work of state institutions, preventing deeper discussion on certain issues and distorting regular processes.
A number of new political actors emerged during the year, mostly in the form of “public electoral committees” (PECs) created before the local and EP elections, but also in form of new parties. Among them were more radical right-wing competitors, but these drew little support: presidential candidate Arvydas Juozaitis received 4.69 percent of the vote, and the PEC “Vytautas Radžvilas: susigrąžinkime valstybę!” (“Vytautas Radžvilas: Let’s take back the state!”) took 3.17 percent in the EP balloting.1 While the popularity of the Lithuanian Farmers and Greens Union (LVŽS)—the lead party in the governing coalition—was clearly in decline according to surveys and its electoral results, traditional parties like the Homeland Union–Lithuanian Christian Democrats (TS-LKD) and the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party (LSDP) performed comparatively well. Nevertheless, their results were also modest overall, particularly given their current status as a parliamentary opposition. This underscored Lithuanian voters’ admiration for nonpartisan politicians. For example, newly elected president Gitanas Nausėda enjoyed a rarely seen rise in popularity, with 82.5 percent of survey respondents viewing him favorably by October,2 and Kaunas city mayor Visvaldas Matijošaitis was reelected with a crushing 79.59 percent of the vote in the first round.3
Nausėda’s central campaign theme, strengthening the welfare state, became an increasingly prominent issue for the year, influencing not only budget proposals but also the names of new or repackaged parties and parliamentary factions.4 Among other issues, the legislature worked on expanding social benefits; changing the tax system (with plans to introduce or modify taxes on pollution-causing used cars, real estate, bank profits, and supermarkets); searching for a national agreement on education; attempting to increase the transparency of lobbying, state and municipal enterprises, and the national broadcaster; and, toward the end of the year, considering electoral reforms such as a lower vote threshold for proportional representation in the parliament. However, various parliamentary investigations, personal contention, and the LVŽS’s efforts to secure its majority dominated the public discourse. A persistent fire at a tire-recycling factory in Alytus became a serious challenge for the government in October. Ineffective coordination among state institutions and over-bureaucratized procedures were criticized for playing a role in the episode, and an online petition called for the resignation of the interior minister.5
Corruption remained one of Lithuania’s most important problems in 2019. Respondents to a survey conducted at the beginning of the year ranked it fourth in importance, after low wages, high prices, and emigration.6 Although positive change was visible at the societal level, for example regarding petty bribery, cases of high-level corruption continued to emerge. Even as older political scandals received ongoing public attention, new ones arose in local and state institutions. The biggest scandal of the year implicated not only politicians and businessmen, but also attorneys and high-level judges.
The authorities have taken some anticorruption measures, like enforcement of a new whistleblowers’ law. At the same time, other actions by the ruling parties seemed to undercut anticorruption efforts, including initiatives to limit the publicly available information on politicians and restrict media freedom. Minister of Transport and Communications Rokas Masiulis was replaced as part of a new coalition agreement after the presidential election, but the move fueled public suspicion and resentment, as Masiulis was considered to be one of the government’s most effective ministers, and he claimed that his dismissal was an LVŽS leader’s revenge for his anticorruption work.7
Examples in public discourse as well as new survey data from the European Network of Councils for the Judiciary indicated that some judges and prosecutors are critical of their institutions’ independence and have experienced undue pressure from their managerial officers. The scandal concerning judicial corruption that emerged during the year seemed to confirm the deficiencies of the system, though the revelations also represented a form of progress. The ultimate outcome of these and other cases would signal whether meaningful improvements were in fact underway.
Besides the successfully organized series of free and fair elections, perhaps the most positive feature of Lithuania’s democracy during 2019 was the performance of civil society. Though the sector still faces challenges, civil society organizations (CSOs) engaged in productive advocacy on important legislation, and the country’s law on CSOs was finally amended in December. The main problem for the sector remained its poor financial situation. However, the amended law established a national fund for CSOs, and the call for funding applications from the European Economic Area (EEA) Grants program for 2019–24 was set to be announced in 2020.
The topical issues of 2020, including the pandemic and the government’s ability to deal with it will influence the LVŽS’s chances of staying in power after the parliamentary elections in October. Given that the LVŽS’s main competitor will likely come from the center right and center left, Lithuania’s domestic politics will not change dramatically in the coming years. Still, the 2020 elections could demonstrate whether Lithuania’s emerging radical right has a chance at success.
Considers the democratic character of the governmental system; and the independence, effectiveness, and accountability of the legislative and executive branches. | 5.25 / 7.00 |
Examines national executive and legislative elections, the electoral framework, the functioning of multiparty systems, and popular participation in the political process. | 6.25 / 7.00 |
Assesses the organizational capacity and financial sustainability of the civic sector; the legal and political environment in which it operates; the functioning of trade unions; interest group participation in the policy process; and the threat posed by antidemocratic extremist groups. | 6.00 / 7.00 |
Examines the current state of press freedom, including libel laws, harassment of journalists, and editorial independence; the operation of a financially viable and independent private press; and the functioning of the public media. | 5.75 / 7.00 |
Considers the decentralization of power; the responsibilities, election, and capacity of local governmental bodies; and the transparency and accountability of local authorities. | 5.75 / 7.00 |
Assesses constitutional and human rights protections, judicial independence, the status of ethnic minority rights, guarantees of equality before the law, treatment of suspects and prisoners, and compliance with judicial decisions. | 6.00 / 7.00 |
Looks at public perceptions of corruption, the business interests of top policymakers, laws on financial disclosure and conflict of interest, and the efficacy of anticorruption initiatives. | 4.50 / 7.00 |
Author: Ieva Petronytė-Urbonavičienė, PhD, is an Assistant Professor and Researcher at the Institute of International Relations and Political Science, Vilnius University and Director at Civil Society Institute, Lithuania.
The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s). The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 7 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 1 the lowest. The Democracy Score is an average of ratings for the categories tracked in a given year. The Democracy Percentage, introduced in 2020, is a translation of the Democracy Score to the 0–100 scale, where 0 equals least democratic and 100 equals most democratic.
https://www.lrt.lt/naujienos/lietuvoje/2/878521/tevadieni-agitacijai-la…; “Šiauliuose apie anglų kalbą S.Skvernelį klausęs jaunuolis išgirdo šimtus pamokslų” [A young man who asked S. Skvernelis about English in Šiauliai heard hundreds of sermons], Alvydas Januševičius, 15min.lt, 2019-03-29, https://www.15min.lt/naujiena/aktualu/lietuva/siauliuose-apie-anglu-kal…; “Planas chuliganas neišdegė: Baltarusija atmetė S. Skvernelio siūlymą dėl Astravo AE” [The plan-hooligan did not succeeded: Belarus rejects Skvernelis proposal for Astrav], BNS, alfa.lt, 2019-04-30, https://www.alfa.lt/straipsnis/50389144/planas-chuliganas-neisdege-balt…; “R.Karbauskis: jei S.Skvernelis pralaimės rinkimus, premjeru nebus” [R.Karbauskis: If Skvernelis loses the election, he will not be Prime Minister], Indrė Jurčenkaitė, 15min.lt, 2019-05-02, https://www.15min.lt/naujiena/aktualu/lietuva/r-karbauskis-jei-s-skvern…
https://www.15min.lt/naujiena/aktualu/lietuva/lietuva-turi-pripazinti-u…
Lithuanian municipalities are becoming more transparent], BNS, 15min.lt, 2019-01-16, https://www.15min.lt/naujiena/aktualu/lietuva/transparency-internationa…