The Oromos got more seats (27) on the 32 member Council of Representatives than any other ethnic group, but they are divided because several Oromo organizations claim to speak for all Oromos (Gilkes July 1992, 15). These groups include the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) the Oromo People's Democratic Organization (OPDO), the Islamic Front for the Liberation of Oromia (IFLO), the Oromo Abo Liberation Front (OALF), and the United Oromo People's Liberation Front (UOPLF) (Ibid.; Political Handbook of the World: 1992 1992, 248). There are other Oromo groups outside the council, including the Jarso Democratic Front (JDF), the United Oromo Organization (UOO), the United Oromo Democratic Organization (UODO) and the Oromo Students Association of Finfine University (OSAFU) (Ibid., 80; Horn of Africa Bulletin July-Aug. 1992, 22).

Although all of these groups claim to have the achievement of Oromo interests as their primary objective, they disagree on the appropriate methods for achieving this goal (Gilkes July 1992, 15; Political Handbook of the World: 1992 1992, 248; Country Reports 1992 1993, 84; Human Rights Watch 1992, 10-14). As a result, taking control of the Oromo struggle has become important to these groups (Ibid.). The main players in this struggle for control of the Oromo leadership are the OLF and the OPDO (Gilkes July 1992, 15-20). The OPDO was created by the EPRDF to counter the OLF claim to speak for the people of Oromo (Political Handbook of the World: 1992 1992, 248; Gilkes July 1992, 15). Each of these groups has at one time or another entered into agreements to improve relations with the other Oromo groups but they make little effort to improve their relations with each other (Ibid.).

In June 1992 the OLF withdrew from the EPRDF government and the Council of Representatives claiming electoral fraud, harassment of its members and inadequate representation of Oromos on the council (Political Handbook of the World: 1992 1992, 248; Gilkes July 1992, 18-19; Country Reports 1992 1993, 84; Human Rights Watch 1992, 10-14). The OLF and the EPRDF subsequently declared war on each other (Ibid.). The EPRDF gained the upper hand in this war and negotiations to bring the OLF back into the Transition Government (TG) coalition have failed (Ibid.).

While there have been disagreements among the Oromo groups, the only reported cases of fighting or open hostility have been between the OLF and the OPDO (Gilkes July 1992, 18). The hostility has mostly taken the form of propaganda statements, but there have also been attempts to solve the differences between the two (Ibid.). However, these agreements did not last and soon the EPRDF was closing down OLF offices and the OLF was also blowing up bridges and attacking the OPDO and government forces and trucks (Ibid.). There was speculation that these attacks might have been the work of another Oromo group, the IFLO (Ibid.). The same source states that the IFLO has been critical of the OLF and has clashed with the OLF for control of Oromo areas (Ibid., 19). However, relations between the two have reportedly improved since the OLF has moderated its radical views and the two groups have realized that their common enemy is the EPRDF/OPDO alliance (Ibid., 20).

None of the sources consulted indicates that any specific class of Ethiopians is victimized by EPRDF policies or activities. According to the sources, ethnicity rather than social class appears to be the primary form of social identification in EPRDF-controlled Ethiopia. The sources stated that human rights abuses have occurred on both the EPRDF and OLF sides. Country Reports on Human Rights 1992 states that freedom of speech, assembly, association, religion and travel are more respected now than they were under the Mengistu government (1993,85). This new climate of freedom has resulted in the creation of several ethnically-based political organizations and groups. These organizations have been established not only by returning Ethiopian exiles, but by those who remained (Ibid.; Gilkes July 1992, 15-20).

This response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the DIRB within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum.

Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1992. 1993. United States Department of State. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.

Gilkes, Patrick. July 1992. "Ethnic And Political Movements in Ethiopia and Somalia." London: Save the Children Fund.

Horn of Africa Bulletin [Newark, NJ]. July-August 1992. Vol. 4, No. 4. "Ethiopia."

Human Rights Watch. December 1992. Human Rights Watch World Report 1993. New York: Human Rights Watch.

Political Handbook of the World: 1992. 1992. Edited by Arthur S. Banks. Binghamton, NY: CSA Publications.

Gilkes, Patrick. July 1992. "Ethnic And Political Movements in Ethiopia and Somalia." London: Save the Children Fund.

Horn of Africa Bulletin [Newark, NJ]. July-August 1992. Vol. 4, No. 4. "Ethiopia."

Human Rights Watch. December 1992. Human Rights Watch World Report 1993. New York: Human Rights Watch.

Political Handbook of the World: 1992. 1992. Edited by Arthur S. Banks. Binghamton, NY: CSA Publications.