Informationen zur Situation von Mitgliedern der OLF, die bis zum 30. März 2009 publiziert wurden, entnehmen Sie bitte der beigefügten ACCORD-Anfragebeantwortung a-6657-1 vom 30. März 2009:

·       ACCORD: Anfragebeantwortung a-6657-1 (Äthiopien: Lage im Oromiya-Gebiet; Lage von Oromos in Dire Dawa; Vorgehen gegen OLF-Funktionäre und deren Familien (aktuelle Lage sowie im Jahr 2004); innerstaatliche Fluchtalternative), 30. März 2009

(siehe Anhang)

 

Im Folgenden wurde daher ausschließlich nach Dokumenten gesucht, die nach dem 30. März 2009 veröffentlicht wurden.

 

Eine detaillierte Zusammenstellung zur Behandlung von Mitgliedern der OLF und ihrer Familienmitglieder findet sich in der folgenden, von UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Auftrag gegebenen CORI-Rechercheanalyse vom Juli 2009:

·       UNHCR – UN High Commissioner for Refugees: CORI Research Analysis - Treatment of members of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), including members of their family [HCR00006E], 6. Juli 2009 (veröffentlicht auf Refworld)

 

Die International Crisis Group (ICG) berichtet im September 2009, dass Schikanen, Einschüchterungen und Inhaftierungen von mutmaßlichen UnterstützerInnen der OLF weiterhin weit verbreitet seien. Häftlinge würden regelmäßig gefoltert, rechtmäßige Verfahren würden ihnen vorenthalten, und es gebe häufige aber unbestätigte Anschuldigungen gezielter Tötungen und Verschwindenlassens von OLF-Mitgliedern. Eine wiederkehrende Methode der Regierung, Kritiker zum Schweigen zu bringen, sei es, sie u. a. der OLF-Mitgliedschaft zu beschuldigen. SympathisantInnen der OLF an die Behörden zu melden verschaffe den DenunziantInnen Gefälligkeiten seitens der Lokalverwaltungen, darunter Kebelle-Gerichtsurteile bei Eigentumsstreitigkeiten. Wenig überraschend gebe es in Oromia das höchste Level an berichteten Menschenrechtsverletzungen:

“Harassment, intimidation and imprisonment of suspected OLF supporters remain widespread. Public and sometimes private criticism of OPDO and the regime are met by arrest. Detainees are regularly tortured and deprived of due process, and there are frequent but unsubstantiated allegations of targeted killings and disappearances of OLF members. A recurrent government method to silence critics is to accuse them of being OLF, OPC (formerly ONC) or OFDM members. Reporting OLF sympathisers buys favours from local administrators, including kebelle court judgments in property disputes. Unsurprisingly, Oromiya has the country’s highest level of reported human rights violations. An atmosphere of suspicion, intimidation and fear prevails.” (ICG, 4. September 2009, S. 26)

[Textpassage aus dem Bericht über die asyl- und abschiebungsrelevante Lage in der Demokratischen Bundesrepublik Äthiopien des Auswärtigen Amtes (AA) vom März 2009 entfernt]

Ein vom UNHCR in Auftrag gegebener Bericht vom Jänner 2010 zu Herkunftsländerinformationen in Äthiopien fasst zur Situation von OLF-Mitgliedern verschiedene Quellen folgendermaßen zusammen:

Die OLF betrachte sich selbst als politische Organisation, werde von den äthiopischen Behörden aber als terroristische Organisation eingestuft. Ziel der 1973 gegründeten OLF sei es laut Eigenangaben, die Selbstherrschaft des Volkes der Oromo, der größten Ethnie Äthiopiens, zu verwirklichen. Seit 1992 sei die OLF verboten und die Regierung habe unter dem Vorwurf des Terrorismus seitdem zunehmend OLF-Mitglieder und andere Angehörige der Oromo, die politisch oppositionell aktiv gewesen seien, verhaftet und angeklagt. Laut Human Rights Watch (HRW) instrumentalisiere die Regierung den langjährigen Aufstand der Oromo dazu, KritikerInnen einzusperren, zu schikanieren und physisch zu misshandeln und zu foltern. Unterstellte Verbindungen zur OLF seien von den Behörden laut HRW auch als Vorwand für unrechtmäßige Verhaftungen, Folter, außergerichtliche Tötungen und andere Formen von Menschenrechtsverletzungen herangezogen worden. Zwischen 1992 und 2005 seien, so HRW, seien Tausende Oromo wegen mutmaßlicher Mitarbeit in der OLF inhaftiert worden. Der Vorsitzende der OLF habe im Jahr 2006 angegeben, dass die Regierung TeilnehmerInnen an Protesten im September und November 2005 in „Konzentrationslagern“ in Senkellé Police College, in Dedesa, in Wollega und in der Nähe von Hurso interniert habe. Schulen und Polizeistationen in vielen Distrikten seien zu Gefängnissen umfunktioniert worden. Laut US Department of State (USDOS) seien im Zuge dieser Proteste, die im November 2005 ausgebrochen seien, zwischen 30.000 und 50.000 DemonstrantInnen inhaftiert worden. 2008 habe das USDOS berichtet, dass die Vorsitzenden von oppositionellen politischen Parteien von häufigen und systematischen Misshandlungen und Einschüchterungen ihrer UnterstützerInnen durch die Polizei und regionale Milizen berichtet hätten. 2007 habe Premierminister Zenawi behauptet, dass einige Mitglieder von Oppositionsparteien eine Front für die OLF gebildet hätten. 2008 sei der Generalsekretär der bedeutenden politischen Partei Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement (OFDM) wegen „Rekrutierens und der Organisation von OLF-Mitgliedern, Unterstützung terroristischer OLF-Aktivitäten und finanzieller Unterstützung der OLF“ verhaftet und angeklagt worden. Auch mutmaßliche OLF-UnterstützerInnen, die außer Landes geflohen seien, würden weiterhin von der äthiopischen Regierung schikaniert. 2005 habe Voice of America darüber berichtet, dass die äthiopischen Behörden Oromo-Flüchtlinge aus Kenia entführt hätten:

“The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) considers itself a political organisation, however the Ethiopian authorities categorize it as a terrorist organization. The OLF’s mission statement states, ‘The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) is a political organization established in 1973 by Oromo nationalists to lead the national liberation struggle of the Oromo people against the Abyssinian colonial rule. The emergence of the OLF was culminations of a century old yearn of the Oromo people to have a strong and unified national organization to lead the struggle. The fundamental objective of the Oromo liberation movement is to exercise the Oromo peoples' inalienable right to national self-determination to terminate a century of oppression and exploitation, and to form, where possible, a political union with other nations on the basis of equality, respect for mutual interests and the principle of voluntary associations’. The Oromo people are Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group. The OLF formed in 1973 in a struggle against Abyssinia rule under which the Oromo language was banned and attempts were made to suppress Oromo culture. The Ethiopian government outlawed the OLF in 1992 and it has increasingly used accusations of terrorism to arrest and charge OLF members and other Oromo people involved in political opposition and armed resistance. Human Rights Watch reports that government authorities have used the longstanding insurgency by the OLF to imprison, harass and physically abuse critics, ‘Since 1992, security forces have imprisoned thousands of Oromo on charges of plotting armed insurrection on behalf of the OLF. Such accusations have regularly been used as a transparent pretext to imprison individuals who publicly question government policies or actions. Security forces have tortured many detainees and subjected them to continuing harassment and abuse for years after their release. That harassment, in turn, has often destroyed victims' ability to earn a livelihood and isolated them from their communities.’ In 2008 Human Rights Watch reported that ‘A dominant theme in the EPRDF's political discourse on Oromia is the need to combat the activities of the outlawed Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), which has been fighting a low-level insurrection against the government for years with Eritrean backing. Across much of Oromia, local officials have routinely and for many years used unproven allegations of links to the OLF as a pretext to subject law-abiding government critics to arbitrary detention, torture, extrajudicial killing, and other forms of human rights abuse.’ In 2005 Human Rights Watch reported that ‘since 1992, security forces have imprisoned thousands of Oromo on charges of plotting armed insurrection on behalf of the OLF.’ Speaking in 2006 about protests between September and November 2005, the Chairman of the OLF claimed that the Ethiopian government was using ‘concentration’ camps to contain protestors. ‘Thousands of Oromos were imprisoned to quell the uprising and protests by students, teachers and peasantry. And because the prisons were full, concentration camps were established, in Senkellé Police College, which was used to imprison about 5.000, 6.000 at one time. And imprison them for about a month and two months and then release some of them and again, substitute others. Another concentration camp was established in Dedesa, in western part of the country, in Wollega and similar concentration camps were used closer to Hurso. Almost all schools and all police stations are full now in most of the Oromo regions. In particular in western Harergé, in Ambo area, in Senkellé and Guder area, in Gimbi area and now it is very difficult to know even the numbers of peasants, teachers and students in prison. In fact there are many high security prisoners (university students and college students) that are in Kaliti, their number is big. And, this is the situation as of yesterday. One university student, a fourth year engineering student was beaten and killed in Kaliti prison, yesterday. He was imprisoned for the last 3 years and he was beaten to death by the security forces. Such actions are rampant all over Oromiya.’ The USDOS reports that between 30,000 and 50,000 demonstrators were arrested after these anti government protests which ‘erupted’ in November 2005. In 2005 Human Rights Watch reported that, ‘regional authorities in Oromia have cultivated a climate of fear and repression by using state power to punish political dissent in often brutal fashion. Regional and local authorities have consistently harassed and abused perceived critics of the current government.’ According to Human Rights Watch, abuses in Oromia are ‘so widespread and arbitrarily inflicted that they have left many people afraid to engage in any kind of public discussion related to issues of concern to their communities.’ Human Rights Watch states that this has resulted in a ‘climate of suspicion and abuse within which many security and government officials make widespread use of arbitrary imprisonment as a weapon in an ongoing war against dissent.’ In 2008 the USDOS reported that, ‘Opposition political party leaders reported frequent and systematic abuse and intimidation of their supporters by police and regional militias, particularly in the months leading up to the local and by-elections held during the year.’ In 2007 Prime Minister Zenawi stated that some members of the opposition parties were acting as a front for the OLF. In 2008 Bekele Jirata, the Secretary General of the mainstream political party, Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement (OFDM), was arrested and charged with ‘recruiting and organizing OLF members, promoting OLF terrorist activities, and financially supporting the OLF.’ Several reports indicate that the Ethiopian government has continued to harass suspected OLF supporters who have sought refuge outside of Ethiopia. In 2005 the Voice of America reported claims that Ethiopian authorities have crossed the border into Kenya and kidnapped Oromo refugees.” (UNHCR, Jänner 2010, S. 29ff)

Zur Situation von Familienmitgliedern und Nachbarn von (tatsächlichen und mutmaßlichen) OLF-Mitgliedern oder –UnterstützerInnen berichtet der von UNHCR beauftragte COI-Bericht vom Jänner 2010 Folgendes:

Laut USDOS und HRW seien Angehörige und Nachbarn von (tatsächlichen und mutmaßlichen) OLF-Mitgliedern und –UnterstützerInnen gezielt von den Behörden schikaniert und verhaftet worden. 2005 habe HRW darüber hinaus berichtet, dass nicht nur aktive KritikerInnen der Regierung, sondern auch andere Personen, die sich den Grund für eine Verhaftung nicht erklären konnten, und deren Familienmitglieder wegen mutmaßlicher Mitarbeit bei der OLF verhaftet worden seien. Ziel der willkürlichen Festnahmen, so HRW, sei es, die Personen selbst, aber auch Nachbarn und Familienmitglieder einzuschüchtern. Auch nach der Freilassung würden viele ehemalige Häftlinge und deren Familienmitglieder weiterhin von PolizistInnen verfolgt, schikaniert und eingeschüchtert. Die Polizei habe auch die Nachbarn, Freunde und Familie ehemaliger Häftlinge schikaniert. Laut HRW habe das in einigen Fällen zur sozialen Isolierung und zum Verstoßenwerden ehemaliger Häftlinge, die beschuldigt worden seien, OLF-Mitglieder zu sein, von ihren Familien geführt:

“The USDOS and Human Rights Watch report that family and neighbours of members and supporters (real and perceived) of OLF, have been targeted, harassed and detained by Ethiopian authorities. In 2005 Human Rights Watch stated that, ‘not all of those arrested by security officials on allegations of OLF involvement are outspoken critics of the government. In fact, many of those interviewed by Human Rights Watch were at a loss to explain why they or their family members had been targeted for arrest.’ In 2008 Human Rights Watch stated, ‘Ethiopia's government has regularly used accusations of support for the Oromo rebels, who have been carrying out a low-level insurgency for a decade, as a pretext for cracking down on political dissent among the Oromo population.’ According to Human Rights Watch many Oromo have been detained, tortured and harassed for expressing political opinions. Human Rights Watch state that these practices have intimidated friends and neighbours into silence. In one case a relative was too frightened to ask about the welfare a family member arrested on suspicion of being involved with OLF for fear that authorities may also suspect that they too were involved with OLF. Human Rights Watch state that several people who were detained have continued to be persecuted on release, ‘in many cases, police officials follow, harass and intimidate former detainees and their families for years after their release.’ They further state that police have harassed former detainees’ neighbours, friends and family. Some former detainees have had to close businesses as a result of police harassing their customers. Human Rights Watch report that as a result of police intimidation people may become frightened of associating with a former detainee if they have been accused of being an OLF member. Several former detainees told Human Rights Watch that they have been rejected by their family as a result of police intimidation, ‘in some cases people had been ostracized almost entirely. One woman who was detained in Agaro said that after her release, police harassment drove most of her family to reject her. ‘After I left I tried to go back to my family in the countryside but they could not accept me because they were afraid. My brother who did not reject me because of this took me in but then he was arrested for two months. They said that he is a thug, but he is a person with a wife and children and he has a job. He is back home now but he avoids talking about anything now and [the police] are always telling him that he has the OLF in his house.’” (UNHCR, Jänner 2010, S. 41f)

Nach Angaben des Länderberichts zur Menschenrechtslage des US Department of State (USDOS) vom März 2010 hätten Behörden im Oktober 2008 mindestens 53 (möglicherweise bis zu 200) Oromos wegen mutmaßlicher Unterstützung der verbotenen OLF verhaftet. 38 von ihnen seien entlassen worden, gegen die übrigen 15 seien Ende 2009 Gerichtsverfahren anhängig gewesen. Im Jahr 2007 hätten Sicherheitskräfte rund 450 Personen, viele von ihnen Mitglieder der Opposition, wegen Verdachts auf Unterstützung der OLF oder terroristische Aktivitäten Verhaftet. Von diesen seien 148 Ende 2008 noch im Gefängnis gewesen, 35 von ihnen seien im Laufe des Jahres 2009 zu vier bis 14 Jahren Haft verurteilt worden, die übrigen 113 seien entlassen worden:

„In October 2008 officials arrested at least 53 ethnic Oromos (possibly as many as 200) for alleged support of the banned OLF. Of the 53 persons arrested, 38 were released, and the cases of the remaining 15 were pending at year's end. In 2007 security forces arrested approximately 450 individuals, many of whom were opposition party members, suspected of supporting the OLF or carrying out terrorist activity. Of the 148 who remained in jail at the end of 2008, 35 were sentenced during the year to four to 14 years' imprisonment, while the remaining 113 were released.“ (USDOS, 11. März 2010, Sek. 1d)

Laut Human Rights Watch (HRW) vom Jänner 2010 pflege die Regierung nach wie vor ihre Praxis, KritikerInnen und OppositionsaktivistInnen selbst dann mittels langer Untersuchungshaft zu bestrafen, wenn letztendlich keine Anklage erhoben werde. Zahlreiche prominente Oromos seien in den vergangenen Jahren wegen Verdachts auf Unterstützung der OLF verhaftet worden; fast keiner dieser Fälle sei vor Gericht gebracht worden, aber die Beschuldigten, darunter die OppositionsaktivistInnen, seien lange Zeit im Gefängnis verblieben:

“The Ethiopian government continues its longstanding practice of using lengthy periods of pretrial and pre-charge detention to punish critics and opposition activists, even where no criminal charges are ultimately pursued. Numerous prominent ethnic Oromo Ethiopians have been detained in recent years on charges of providing support to the outlawed Oromo Liberation Front (OLF); in almost none of these cases have charges been pursued, but the accused, including opposition activists, have remained in detention for long periods.” (HRW, 20. Jänner 2010)

Reuters AlertNet berichtet im Jänner 2010 von der Verhaftung von mehr als 100 OLF-Rebellen, die sich ergeben und ihre Waffen abgeliefert hätten. Nach Angaben der Opposition würde die Regierung derzeit Oromo-OppositionspolitikerInnen unter der falschen Anschuldigung, OLF-Mitglieder zu sein, verhaften, um sie vor den Parlamentswahlen im Mai 2010 aus dem Verkehr zu ziehen:

“Ethiopia has taken more than 100 Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) rebels into custody after they surrendered and handed over a cache of arms, the government said through state media on Sunday. […] The group included Lucho Burbura who has been one of the group's top military commanders and its head of foreign relations, ETV said. The OLF did not immediately deny the reports but said on Sunday it had killed three Ethiopian troops and captured five in renewed fighting. […] The Ethiopian opposition says the government falsely accuses Oromo politicians of OLF membership as an excuse to arrest them before national elections in May. Oromo politicians in the capital Addis Ababa, who did not want to be named, told Reuters on Sunday that the reports on state television looked credible. A government official in neighbouring Kenya, who also asked not to be identified, told Reuters the OLF rebels had been hiding out on their side of the border. ‘More than 103 fighters were brought here (Moyale) by hired trucks (and) taken to Ethiopia, where they gave all their guns and uniforms,’ the official said. The official said Kenya was about to deploy thousands of troops to flush the rebels back into Ethiopia. He said Ethiopia would offer defectors amnesty.” (Reuters AlertNet, 17. Jänner 2010)

Einen Überblick über die Tätigkeiten der OLF bietet Appendix C - The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) des folgenden Berichts der International Crisis Group (ICG) vom September 2009:

·       ICG - International Crisis Group: Ethiopia: Ethnic Federalism And Its Discontents – Africa Report N°153, 4 September 2009 (veröffentlicht auf ecoi.net)

HRW berichtet im März 2010, dass in den 90er-Jahren viele Menschenrechtsorganisationen geschlossen oder des Landes verwiesen worden seien. Eine Reihe von Oromo-Ältesten, die Mitglieder von Mecha Tulema gewesen seien, seien 1997 in einer Operation gegen mutmaßliche Unterstützer der OLF verhaftet worden. Bis 2008 sei die Regierung wiederholt gegen Mecha Tulema vorgegangen und habe große Teile ihrer Führung unter falschen Anklagen inhaftiert. Die Organisation sei effektiv zerstört worden:

“Other nascent human rights organizations were shut down or driven into exile. The Ethiopian Human Rights League, a human rights group established among the Oromo community in Addis Ababa in 1996, was refused registration and at least seven of its founders and staff, as well as a number of Oromo elders involved in Mecha Tulema, were arrested in a 1997 crackdown on alleged supporters of the Oromo Liberation Front. […] After 15 years of legal maneuvering, the government managed to dismantle the Ethiopian Teachers’ Association and replace it with a government-controlled entity in 2008. A similar effort has rendered insignificant the Ethiopian Bar Association, replacing what was a largely independent association with a government-controlled group. The government repeatedly cracked down on Mecha Tulema, imprisoning much of its leadership on trumped-up charges of orchestrating violence against the government; the organization was effectively destroyed.” (HRW, 24. März 2010)

Laut ICG vom September 2009 habe die Regierung Mecha Tulema im Juli 2004 geschlossen:

“Hatred of the EPRDF, its OPDO subsidiary and the security forces is nourished by the government’s harsh reaction to opposition and dissent. The EPRDF closed OLF’s humanitarian wing, the Oromo Relief Association, in August 1995 and the Oromo nationalist Macha Tulema welfare association in July 2004.”(ICG, 4. September 2009,        S. 26)

Amnesty International (AI) berichtet im Mai 2008, dass die Regierung im Berichtsjahr 2007 drei Vertreter der Mecha-Tulema-Assoziation, die seit 2004 als politische Gefangene in Haft gewesen seien, freigelassen habe:

„Over 17,000 prisoners were freed, mostly convicted criminals. Prisoners of conscience released earlier included Diribi Demissie and two other officials of the Mecha Tulema Association, an Oromo community welfare association, who had been detained since 2004.“ (AI, 17. Mai 2008)

Im Mai 2007 berichtet AI, dass Diribi Demissie, ein lokaler Vorsitzender von Mecha Tulema der 2007 entlassen worden sei, 2004 unter Verdacht auf Unterstützung der OLF verhaftet worden sei und von AI als politischer Gefangener betrachtet werde:

“In the Oromia region, there were large-scale arrests in different areas during anti-government demonstrations, particularly by school and college students. Some protesters called for the release of Diribi Demissie, a Mecha Tulema Association community leader on trial since 2004. He and his co-defendants were charged with supporting the OLF, but AI considered them prisoners of conscience. Hundreds of Oromo people detained in November 2005 were reportedly still held during 2006 without charge or trial, as well as others detained in previous years for alleged OLF connections.” (AI, 17. Mai 2007)

Hintergründe zur Gründung und dem Status der Organisation im Zeitraum 1990 bis 2004 finden sich in der folgenden Anfragebeantwortung des Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB) vom September 2004:

·       IRB - Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada: Ethiopia: An organization called Mecha Tulema, including its objectives, structure and status; the treatment of its leaders and members by the current government (1990-Sept. 2004) [ETH43011.FE], 23. September 2004 (veröffentlicht auf Refworld)

  

·       AA – Auswärtiges Amt: Bericht über die asyl- und abschiebungsrelevante Lage in der Demokratischen Bundesrepublik Äthiopien, 25. März 2009

·       ACCORD: Anfragebeantwortung a-6657-1 (Äthiopien: Lage im Oromiya-Gebiet; Lage von Oromos in Dire Dawa; Vorgehen gegen OLF-Funktionäre und deren Familien (aktuelle Lage sowie im Jahr 2004); innerstaatliche Fluchtalternative), 30. März 2009

·       AI – Amnesty International: Annual Report – Ethiopia, 17. Mai 2008

·       AI – Amnesty International: Annual Report – Ethiopia, 17. Mai 2007

·       HRW - Human Rights Watch: “One Hundred Ways of Putting Pressure”, 24. März 2010

·       HRW - Human Rights Watch: World Report 2010 – Ethiopia, 20. Jänner 2010

·       ICG - International Crisis Group: Ethiopia: Ethnic Federalism And Its Discontents – Africa Report N°153, 4. September 2009 (veröffentlicht auf ecoi.net)

·       IRB - Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada: Ethiopia: An organization called Mecha Tulema, including its objectives, structure and status; the treatment of its leaders and members by the current government (1990-Sept. 2004) [ETH43011.FE], 23. September 2004 (veröffentlicht auf Refworld)

·       Reuters AlertNet: Ethiopia says over 100 Oromo rebels lay down arms, 17. Jänner 2010 (veröffentlicht auf ReliefWeb)

·       UNHCR – UN High Commissioner for Refugees: CORI Country Report - Ethiopia, Jänner 2010 (veröffentlicht auf Refworld)

·       UNHCR – UN High Commissioner for Refugees: CORI Research Analysis - Treatment of members of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), including members of their family [HCR00006E], 6. Juli 2009 (veröffentlicht auf Refworld)

·       USDOS - US Department of State: Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2009 - Ethiopia, 11. März 2010