Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1985
NAMIBIA
Formerly German South West Africa, Namibia has been ruled by
the Republic of South Africa since 1915. The United Nations
lifted South Africa's 1920 League of Nations mandate in 1966.
However, South Africa refused to relinquish its possession and
has ignored a 1971 advisory opinion of the International Court
of Justice upholding U.N. authority over Namibia and calling
for South Africa's immediate withdrawal. In 1978, the United
States, United Kingdom, France, Federal Republic of Germany,
and Canada drafted a proposal for Namibian independence worked
out in talks with South Africa, the South West Africa Peoples
Organization (SWAPO) insurgents, and the neighboring states
(known as the "frontline states"). This proposal became
United Nations Security Council Resolution 435. It calls for
the cessation of all hostilities, the phased withdrawal of
South African forces, and free elections under U.N.
supervision. South Africa has said that it will not implement
Resolution 435 without a satisfactory commitment by the
Angolan Government on the parallel withdrawal of Cuban forces
from Angola. In the fall of 1984, the Angolans made a formal
proposal on the numbers and timing of Cuban troop withdrawal.
South Africa responded with its own proposals. The United
States is committed to the U.N. plan and has been playing a
mediating role in negotiations between South Africa and Angola.
A South African Government proclamation in June 1985 gave
considerable autonomy over internal affairs to a group of
internal political parties, known as the Multiparty Conference
(MFC). The MFC formed a "Transitional Government of National
Unity," more widely known as the "interim government." A
number of parties opposed to South African rule refused to
join the MPC. Among these parties was SWAPO, which is waging
a guerrilla war against South African rule from outside the
country but is still allowed to operate as a political party
in Namibia, despite harassment by the authorities. A number
of other parties, including a major part of The Southwest
Africa National Union, the oldest nonviolent opposition group,
also refused to join the MPC. A South African appointed
Administrator General still sits in Windhoek but with
drastically reduced powers. The United States and the rest of
the international community do not recognize the interim
government and hold the Republic of South Africa responsible
for the actions of the Namibian authorities it has appointed.
A majority (60 percent) of Namibians live by subsistence
agriculture. The economy relies on mining, ranching, and
fishing. A weak and unstable market for minerals, persistent
drought, and overfishing by some foreign concerns — particularly
from the Soviet bloc — have caused a lingering recession.
Uncertainty about Namibia's political future has discouraged
potential foreign investment. Tourism is one of the few
bright spots on the economic horizon. Meanwhile, the South
African Government provides almost $400,000 a day in direct
aid to Namibia.
Most reports of human rights violations by government
authorities or SWAPO involve actions taken in the war zone in
the north. Low-level guerrilla conflict has focused on
northern Namibia since 1966 when SWAPO first turned to
violence. Sporadic incidents of violence plague the entire
country, but most of the fighting takes place along Namibia's
border with Angola, especially in the Ovamboland region. The
Ovambo ethnic group comprises about 50 percent of Namibia's
population and provides the main support for SWAPO. In recent
years, the combat has been conducted by small groups belonging
to SWAPO' s military branch, the People's Liberation Army of
Namibia (PLAN). SWAPO uses the denser foliation of the rainy
season to infiltrate annually northern Namibia from bases in
Angola and to carry out sabotage missions. The South African
Defense Force (SADF) and the South West African Territorial
Force (SWATF) attempt to root out the SWAPO teams and on
several occasions in 1985 conducted major "hot pursuit"
operations across the border into Angola. A police counter
insurgency force known as "Koevoet," (meaning crowbar) has
played a prominent role in combat operations.
There were a number of civilian deaths attributed to both
government security forces and to SWAPO, including a number
caused by mines or bombs planted by SWAPO in public places.
1985 saw a continuation of arbitrary detention without access
to counsel or visits by family members and of torture and
other abuses by security forces. However, in 1985 a number of
prisoners were released.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for Integrity of the Person, Including
Freedom From:
a. Political killing
As an arena of guerrilla conflict, Namibia has seen a number
of deaths due to terrorist bombings. Post offices, schools,
and other government buildings in the north are heavily
barricaded and patrolled. According to security forces, land
mines planted in roads in Ovamboland and even farther south
have claimed the lives of 15 civilians, with an additional 41
civilians killed in other SWAPO actions. SWAPO guerrillas
have reportedly murdered some Ovambo civilians, apparently in
an attempt to intimidate others from cooperating with the
South African Government.
The SADF and SWATF and the police have themselves been accused
of murder. It is a familiar axiom that SWAPO guerrillas who
are captured rarely see the inside of a courtroom, and killing
or disappearance of captives who refuse to cooperate with
authorities have been reported. Defense officials insist that
they investigate all charges of murder. They also assert that
the murders they have confirmed are acts of indiscipline and
not policy. Critics contend that the SADF/SWATF sometimes do
nothing, even when informed of instances of misconduct. In
October, in a case given considerable publicity, two SADF
servicemen were convicted of murdering an Ovambo shopkeeper in
February. The two men were given jail terms of 22 and 18
years respectively.
Some clergymen and human rights activists have accused the
police paramilitary unit known as "Koevoet," of numerous
atrocities, including murder (the name "Koevoet" was dropped
in mid-1985 when the unit came under the authority of the
Southwest Africa Police, reporting to the interim
government). On January 26, 1985, the South African
Government agreed to pay $35,000 in damages, along with legal
costs, to settle claims of an alleged unlawful killing and a
series of assaults by Koevoet. No criminal prosecutions, for
which a higher standard of proof is required, have resulted
from these cases.
On January 27, 1985, Thomas Shindoba Nikanur, a contract miner
with Consolidated Diamond Mines in Oranjemund, died while in
detention in Osire. Nikanur had been detained under security
legislation and, according to security police, allegedly had
hung himself with his own socks. An official inquest into his
death was launched on September 30 but was later postponed to
January 27, 1986 .
b. Disappearance
The security forces are not obliged to notify anyone when a
person is detained and often hold detainees incommunicado.
They are sometimes accused of ignoring requests for
information from family members and friends of those who' have
been detained. As a result, some Namibians have "disappeared"
only to turn up in detention cells.
SWAPO reportedly uses abductions to win recruits, although
SWAPO officials contend that all its recruits join
voluntarily. In May, news accounts reported that SWAPO forces
had abducted some 80 Ovambo school children from a school near
Oshakati. Sixteen of the children subsequently escaped. The
reported number of those involved was later revised downward.
Nevertheless, the episode seemed a large-scale revival of a
tactic which SWAPO had apparently discontinued several years
ago because of the negative publicity which ensued. A SADF
officer said smaller scale SWAPO abductions remain a common
feature of life in Ovamboland.
c. Torture and Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or
Punishment
Political leaders, clergymen, and others regularly make
detailed allegations that the police and security forces have
engaged in brutal treatment against civilians, both in and out
of detention, including the use of solitary confinement and
beatings. Several civil cases in 1985 confirm at least a few
of these allegations. Documents filed in a court case in 1985
contained statements that the plaintiff, a Mr. Katofa, had,
during the initial stages of his detention, been "assaulted
from time to time by members of the security police."
Security officials point to these court cases as proof that
claims are investigated and, if valid, pursued in legal
channels .
Several attorneys and journalists have asserted that security
forces in the north are ruthless when extracting information
from alleged SWAPO sympathizers or agents.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile
Two key articles of security legislation, enacted into law via
proclamations by the Administrator General (AG 9 and AG 26),
give security forces to broad detention power. AG 9 of 1977
constitutes the legal basis for most detentions and permits
30-day detentions without charge of anyone deemed to have
committed an offense, to be planning an offense, or to have
knowledge of an offense. Security forces are considered to
include the police, the railway police, the South African
Defense Force, and the South West Africa Territorial Force.
Namibians detained under AG 9 are denied access to legal
counsel, except with permission from the cabinet of the
interim government. AG 9 initially applied only to the far
northern areas of Namibia. However, since 1979 the "security
districts" have been extended south to include most central
areas, including Windhoek. Altogether, more than 80 percent
of the population is subject to AG 9 .
In security cases another provision, AG 26, allows indefinite
detention without trial, under authorization from the cabinet
(previously from the Administrator General). AG 26 also
provides several constructive guarantees not provided by AG 9.
It states that detainees are entitled to a copy of the arrest
warrant and to reasons for the arrest in writing. It further
stipulates that they are also entitled to visits by medical
practitioners and magistrates. AG 26 also provides for a
review committee, but the cabinet is not required to follow
review committee recommendations. The record in enforcing AG
26 rights is mixed. Persons detained under AG 26 are rarely
aware of their rights and even more rarely have access to
legal counsel prepared to pursue those rights. However, in at
least two cases taken up by attorneys legal action or the
threat of such action won releases. The Katofa case was one
instance. Until mid-1985 Namibians detained under security
legislation had no recourse to the courts. In 1985, however,
attorneys for Mr. Katofa, who was detained under AG 26,
applied in the Windhoek Supreme Court seeking legal access.
They pointed out that the Administrator General had been
replaced by the interim government, which owed its
establishment to a South African Government proclamation
containing the MFC's "bill of fundamental rights." These
rights included one that guarantees "no one shall be detained
for an indefinite period of time without a fair and proper
trial by a court." The Windhoek Supreme Court found that the
cabinet had failed to show sufficient cause and ordered
Katofa' s release. In another 1985 case, the threat of legal
action won release of an AG 26 detainee, Mr. Abed Christian.
Section 6 of the South African Terrorism Act 83 of 1967 still
applies in Ncimibia. However, it is rarely invoked as grounds
for detention.
South African State President P.W. Botha stated in Parliament
that as of February 1985, 54 persons were being detained
without trial for periods of more than 30 days. He also said
that another seven were being held indefinitely under
provisions of AG 26. On November 14, 1985, interim government
Minister of Justice Fanuel Kozonquizi stated that 50 Namibians
were being held under AG 9, primarily because they are
"witnesses" in pending trials, and that another 6 were being
held under AG 26 .
The Newspaper, The Namibian, publishes a weekly column listing
those known to be in detention and those believed to be in
detention. Its November 8 edition listed those figures as 22
and 23, respectively. Among those known to be detained
without trial is Petrus Haimbondi, reportedly detained in
1981, who was the only known intern of the Keikanachab Camp
outside Mariental not released from custody when the camp was
closed in late 1984. On October 22, 1985, a senior member of
the Evangelical Lutheran church. Rev. Junius Kaapanda, was
taken into custody under security legislation. He was still
being held at the end of the year .
In the recent past some detainees were released subject to
certain restrictions, as under the South African Internal
Security Act. These restrictions usually entailed strict
curfew hours, confinement to the city of residence, and a
prohibition on meetings with more than four other persons. In
1985, 19-year-old restrictions were lifted against Nathaniel
Maxwilili, a SWAPO acting president living in Walvis Bay. In
late October, the interim government lifted the ban on a Roman
Catholic priest. Father Herman Klein-Hitpass, who had been
exiled from Namibia to Walvis Bay in 1978. No reliable
statistics exist on others who remain in restriction.
In late 1983, the Administrator General established a
commission of inquiry to make recommendations on the
"adequacy, fairness and efficacy of legislation pertaining to
the internal security of the territory." The commission was
chaired by Justice H.P. Van Dyk and conducted hearings
throughout the country during 1984. In late 1985, the
commission's report was handed to the interim government
cabinet. The report has not yet been made public.
There is no forced labor in Namibia.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
On November 14, the interim government released 21 SWAPO
members who had been transferred several months earlier from
Robben Island prison in South Africa. Robben Island is
reserved for political prisoners. All but four of the
released men had been serving life sentences for violations of
the Terrorism Act. Fourteen of them had been sentenced
together on February 9, 1968, after one of the most important
political trials affecting Namibia. SWAPO Secretary-General
Toivo Ja Toivo, who was released from Robben Island in 1984,
was also sentenced at this 1968 trial. The interim government
cabinet said it had taken the decision to release the
prisoners "within the spirit of national reconciliation."
Also on November 14, the interim government released from
Windhoek central prison another SWAPO member who had served 5
years of a 7-year sentence.
Many detainees are held without charges under AG 9 and AG 26 .
However, persons brought to trial can expect a hearing based
on the legal merits of their case. They have access to legal
counsel and can expect the charges against them to be clearly
stated. The judiciary has demonstrated independence from
government intimidation.
f . Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or
Correspondence
Security legislation allows the security forces almost
unlimited powers of search and seizure. In the operational
area — the sectors along the northern border — invasion of home
is said to be routine. On May 27 security police raided the
homes of 11 senior SWAPO members in Windhoek and the southern
city of Gibeon. This night raid saw the confiscation of SWAPO
literature, pamphlets, and badges. Cars are regularly stopped
and searched when entering checkpoints to the northern region;
they are also periodically stopped and scrutinized when
entering or leaving government installations in the
operational area.
Politically active Namibians regularly complain that the
authorities keep them under surveillance. Security police,
often disguised as businessmen, reportedly have offered money
to activists' friends in return for information on their
movements. In December 1984, a prominent Namibian journalist
found in her mail a top secret instruction from the Pretoria
police to the postmaster in Windhoek ordering that her mail be
screened. The journalist revealed the letter to the press and
was promptly arrested for violating the Official Secrets Act
and the Post Office Act. The charges were withdrawn January-
Si, 1985.
In 1977, Judge T. Marthinus Steyn used his tenure as
Admininistrator General to ease apartheid in Namibia. Laws
prohibiting interracial marriage and sexual relations were
repealed, and laws restricting the movement of individuals
based on race were abolished. Today integrated facilities are
the rule. Most hotels and restaurants are officially open to
all races. However, at least one Windhoek restaurant
blatantly maintains a whites-only admission policy. Several
others seem to use more subtle methods to discourage nonwhite
patrons. Nonwhites reportedly face open hostility from white
thugs when attempting to use the municipal swimming pool.
Poverty restricts most blacks and coloreds from moving out of
their respective townships into the white neighborhoods of
Windhoek. In December 1985, Namibia's libraries, including
the Windhoek public library, which were operated by the
second-tier Administration for Whites were opened to nonwhites.
Section 2 Respect for Civil Rights, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press
Namibian newspapers are subject to South African press laws,
including the Internal Security Act of 1950. These laws limit
reporting on certain matters such as military affairs and
prisons. Yet even with this restriction, the Namibian press
often contains lively and irreverent reporting, and its
editorial writing regularly includes anti-South African and
even pro-SWAPO comment. Newspapers have embarrassed the
interim government with disclosures of the salaries and
perquisites provided to MPC representatives. The installation
of the interim government, whose bill of fundamental rights
guarantees the freedom of expression, suggested a looser rein
on the press. However, the cabinet required an $8,000 deposit
from the owners of The Namibian newspaper before allowing them
to publish the newspaper's inaugural edition on August 30,
1985.
Pxiblications which are banned in South Africa are also banned
in Namibia. However, Windhoek book and periodical retailers
carry many publications which one would not find in South
Africa. Censorship laws seem to be less stringently applied
in Namibia than in South Africa.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
On June 17, 1985, critics of the interim government organized
a peaceful demonstration to protest the installation of the
government. The demonstration took place in Katutura, a
subsection of Windhoek. Security police, many of them
"Koevoet" members, disrupted the event and brutally dispersed
participants. Church observers reported that over 70 people
had been injured: one was a pregnant woman who subsequently
suffered a miscarriage. The interim government pledged to
pursue the matter, but no convictions resulted.
All political parties must apply for permission to convene
meetings. The Prohibition and Notification of Meetings Act of
1981 bars any political party from holding a public meeting of
a certain size if that party advocates violence as a means of
changing the status quo. This provision has allowed the
government to limit the political activities of SWAPO
members. In 1985, applications of the faction of the South
West Africa Union (SWANU) which refused to join the interim
government were also denied. This group is an important part
of the nonviolent opposition to the interim government. On
August 25, 1985, police arrested 52 people during preparations
for a commemoration in Katatura of the 19th anniversary of the
"armed struggle" in Namibia. On August 26, police dispersed a
demonstration which followed the court appearances of those
arrested the previous day. The case was subsequently
postponed twice. On September 30, the date of one
postponement, police arrested 75 people outside the Windhoek
magistrate's court under the Demonstrations in or near Court
Buildings Prohibition Act of 1982. This law had been made
applicable to Namibia on June 15, 1985, — 2 days before the
inauguration of the interim government, even though the
interim government's bill of fundamental rights guarantees the
right of "peaceful assembly."
Six labor unions are registered in Namibia, and all are
nominally open to all races. Only one of the six has a
sizable black membership: the Mine Workers Union (MWU) based
in Tsumeb . The Department of Civic Affairs reports that only
the MWU and the Municipal Staff Association are functioning
labor organizations. The MWU is represented in only one of
the three mining firms. Neither union has been noticeably
active. Migrant labor is a staple of the mining and fishing
industries. Many of the migrant workers are Ovambos unwilling
to risk being discharged and forced back to the operational
area by loss of their income, a situation which may discourage
labor militancy.
In November, the Namibian national assembly approved a bill
prohibiting outsiders from forming trade unions and employers
organizations in the territory. A cabinet spokesman said the
bill was not intended to restrict the right of Namibians to
form trade unions but to ensure that they exercise that right
on their own initiative free from outside influences.
c. Freedom of Religion
Namibians enjoy complete freedom of religion. Almost all
Namibians are Christians. The Lutheran church has by far the
largest share of adherents: the 1985 merger of two Lutheran
branches formed the Evangelical Lutheran Church, to which 7
out of 10 Namibians belong. The Catholic, Anglican,
Methodist, and Dutch Reformed churches are also active.
Most church officials are openly critical of the South African
and interim governments and complain that this stance causes
them to be regularly harassed and inconvenienced by the
authorities. Clerics have been affected by detentions and
passport denials. The interim government reportedly delayed
one education aid project sponsored by the Namibian Council of
Churches until the project was taken over by a secular group.
Several South African Defense Force officials have argued that
the clerics are SWAPO sympathizers and supporters. The
clerics deny allegiance to SWAPO, stating only that they wish
to see Namibia become independent. Clergymen in northern
Namibia complain that security regulations hamper their travel
to outlying areas.
The military conscription system makes no provision for
conscientious objectors.
d. Freedom of Movement within the Country, Foreign
Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation
On February 26, 1985, the Administrator General issued an
order under the Security Districts Proclamation which states
that no person may enter six northern and northeastern
districts without first obtaining a permit issued by the
police. The districts are Ovamboland, Kavango, Kaokoland,
Eastern Caprivi, Bushmanland, and Hereroland east. Everyone
must apply in person at a police station and fill out a form
giving their reason for travel. Approval of such applications
can take up to 2 weeks. Since the order was issued, several
people have been denied permits. In at least one case, the
police refused to give reasons for the denial.
Clerics in northern Namibia complain that these regulations
greatly restrict their ability to attend to their
congregations, particularly when they must travel from
Ovamboland into Kavango. One church leader was offered a
multiple-entry permit, but he rejected it as an illegitimate
special privilege.
Though enforcement of the requirement that travelers present
permits at roadway checkpoints leading into the northern
sectors has reportedly grown lax during the latter half of
1985, travelers without permits still risk being turned away.
A dusk-to-dawn curfew in the operational area also restricts
freedom of movement. In addition, the potential danger of
land mines discourages travel on nontarred roads.
The authorities control travel beyond South Africa through
denials of passports or "travel documents," which are required
of Namibians seeking to journey overseas. Those persons
deemed to be sympathetic to SWAPO or who are officially
associated with SWAPO are usually given passports valid for
only 1 year rather than the regular 5-year period. For
example, Roman Catholic Bishop Boniface Haushiku has been
denied written requests for a 5-year passport and issued
passports valid only for one year. Editor of the Namibian,
Gwen Lister, and SWAPO Secretary-General Toivo Ja Toivo are
other examples. In some cases, individuals are refused
passports altogether, as in the 1985 case of SWAPO internal
Foreign Affairs Secretary Nico Bessinger. All persons
entering South Africa or Namibia must have a passport and visa
unless they can prove to be South African or Namibian by law
or descent .
In November, the national assembly passed a law requiring
non-Namibians to apply for special permits if they wish to
reside in Namibia for longer than 30 days. The law also
provides for the deportation of people deemed to be
"detrimental to the welfare of the territory or its
inhabitants. "
Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: the Right of Citizens
to Change Their Government
Namibians do not have the right to change their government.
Ruled by an Administrator General prior to June 17, 1985, they
are now ruled by South Africa through an interim government
which they did not elect and which is not accountable to
them. Ostensibly, the MPC interim government has full control
over all government portfolios, excepting defense and foreign
affairs, which the South African Government retains. The six
parties of the MPC divided the cabinet seats among themselves
after sustained negotiations. No elections were held. The
cabinet enacts legislation through a national assembly, whose
members were also appointed by the parties.
In 1978, the prospect of independence led to the creation of a
number of political parties seeking representation via the
election mandated by United Nations Resolution 435. At one
period, some 44 political organizations existed, several of
which had only a handful of members. About a dozen political
parties have credible structures and membership rolls. Six of
these "credible" parties take part in the interim government.
The interim government inherited a complex three-tier
administrative structure. The first-tier is the central
government level. The second-tier authorities are separate
ethnic governing bodies representing each of the 10 officially
designated population groups. Third-tier authorities, such as
municipal governments and village management boards, provide
local services. The control of facilities such as schools,
hospitals, and libraries by the ethnic second-tier authorities
tends to reserve the best available facilities for whites, who
enjoy a much higher tax base. The issue of whether to
dismantle the second-tier structure or if not, how to amend
it, is the most divisive question facing the interim
government. Unable to resolve the matter, the cabinet and
national assembly in September 1985 created a constitutional
council charged with arriving at a compromise on this and
other constitutional issues.
Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and
Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations
of Human Rights
Critics of Namibia's human rights situation have visited
Namibia. U.S. Senator Edward Kennedy paid a 1-day visit to
Windhoek in January 1985. A labor party delegation from the
United Kingdom's House of Commons journeyed through Namibia in
early 1985. The Namibian Council of Churches occasionally
sponsors visits of individuals and groups critical of the
internal situation. The Namibia Communications Center, an
ecumenical agency based in London, chronicles reported human
rights abuses in Namibia.
Amnesty International, in its 1985 Report (covering 1984),
expressed concern about the detention without trial of
political detainees and the allegations that some detainees
were tortured and ill-treated. In its 1985-86 report. Freedom
House upgraded Namibia to "partly free" based on the
establishment of a "semblance of home rule and
self-determination in 1985."
ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, AND CULTURAL SITUATION
Namibia's population of 1.1 million (7 percent white, 93
percent black) is growing at the rate of 3 . 1 percent a year.
Per capita gross national product was $1,935 in 1982 but is
misleading because Namibia is a blend of two economies: one
modern and sophisticated, the other traditional and based on
subsistence-level agriculture. Some 60 percent of Namibia's
labor force works in agriculture; the vast majority.
particularly in the north, is employed in the traditional
sector. Whites dominate the modern sector. Some blacks find
work in the modern sector but primarily in the lower echelons.
Mining is the single most important economic activity,
contributing over a quarter of the gross domestic product.
Some mining firms — particularly in the diamond mining
industry — have been accused of overmining in anticipation of
Namibian independence. Other allegations are that Namibia has
lost revenue on diamond exports due to schemes such as secret
exchanges of high-quality Namibia diamonds for lower-quality
diamonds from South Africa. An independent commission,
chaired by Judge P.W. Thirion, conducted an inquiry into
alleged maladministration and corruption in government and
also examined the mining sector. In November 1985, the
commission delivered its report to the cabinet of the interim
government. The report will not be published until the
cabinet authorizes its release. The fishing industry also
faces concerns that its resources are being depleted. There
has been large-scale indiscriminate fishing in Namibian waters
by foreign fleets, particularly those from the Soviet bloc
countries .
Life expectancy at birth is approximately 61.5 years, and the
infant mortality rate (1985) is 113 per 1,000 live births.
Calorie supply as a percentage of requirements was 99 percent
in 1977, the most recent year for which data are available.
Literacy figures (1983) are 100 percent for whites and 28
percent for blacks, with primary school attendance 100 percent
for whites and 16 percent for blacks.
The South African Government gives Namibia direct budgetary
aid of roughly $400,000 a day. In addition, it annually
guarantees loans of $72 million to Namibians by third
parties. Namibian government officials insist that the
territory can become financially self-sufficient upon
independence but concede that such an accomplishment will not
come easily. The development of a gas field off the southern
coast promises revenue and employment potential.
There is no minimum wage in Namibia. The minimum working age
is 15. Reliable information about the extent to which
occupational health and safety standards are enforced in
Namibia is not readily available.
Women encounter considerable difficulties in both traditional
and modern settings. Under traditional practice, a woman is
usually the ward of her father or, when married, her husband.
She is never independent. Women in the modern sector complain
of discrimination in employment and in financial affairs.
Women's groups have been formed generally under the auspices
of the churches. Women are represented in the national
assembly, though not in the cabinet. In 1985 the Council of
Churches helped establish a women's organization, Namibian
Women's Voice (NWV) , whose representatives traveled to Nairobi
for the U.N. conference marking the end of the U.N. decade for
women. In Nairobi, these 18 women joined 18 Namibians in
exile and sat together as a united delegation. The NWV has
undertaken projects commemorating the role of women in
Namibia's history.
