a-4546 (ACC-AFG-4546)
Nach einer Recherche in unserer Länderdokumentation und im Internet können wir Ihnen zu oben genannter Fragestellung Materialien zur Verfügung stellen, die unter anderem folgende Informationen enthalten:
Machtverhältnisse in Jaghori
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) erwähnt im März 2005 Zafar Sharif als „chief administrator“ des Bezirks Jaghori in der Provinz Ghazni (RFE/RL, 9. März 2005).
UNHCR Canberra berichtet im Jänner 2004 über Mohammad Ali Ahmadi, der auch Ahmadi Awborda genannt werde. Er sei nach dem Fall der Taliban de-facto-Bezirkschef von Jaghori geworden, im Oktober 2003 sei er durch den unparteilichen Zafar Sharif ersetzt worden. Auch die Parteizugehörigkeit Ahmadis (Jabha-e-Mutahid bzw. Wahdat) sowie der Polizeichef werden erwähnt:
“2. Mohammad Ali Ahmadi (known as Ahmadi Awborda)
Mohammad Ali Ahmadi known by the people as Ahmadi Awborda, is originally from Jabha-e-Mutahid, one of small parties founded in Iran during 1980s that later merged with some other Shia parties and formed Wahdat party, became in fact the head of Jaghori district after the fall of Taliban. During the time that this district was under the control of Taliban, several fighting took place between Ahmadi and Ahsani armed people. In October 2003, Mr. Zafar Sharif, an impartial person was appointed as the head of Jaghori district and Mohammad Hanif Ahsani, the former head police unit of the district remained in his post.
This office did not receive any report of discrimination done by the commander Awborda so far, and we believe the IC would not face specific problems from Awborda at the present time. Awborda's name in famous in Australia because of the presence of a number of population from his village of origin.” (UNHCR Canberra, 21. Jänner 2004, S.5-6)
In den Empfehlungen zu Fragen zur Feststellung der Identität (für Details siehe im Bericht) finden sich noch folgende Angaben zu Ahmadi und Ahsani:
“IV Identity Issues for Hazaras claiming to be from Ghazni, suspicion they may be Pakistani
[...]
Who was the head of Jaghouri district after the fall of the Taleban? (Commander Ahmed Awborda from the Jabha-e-Mutahid).
[...]
Who is Mohammed Hanif Ahsani? (The head of the Police Unit)” (UNHCR Canberra, 21. Jänner 2004, S.6)
Im UNHCR-Bezirksprofil zu Jaghori vom Juli 2002 finden sich u.a. folgende Hintergrundinformationen zum Bezirk:
“Head Of District: No woleswal officially appointed by the provincial Government Commander Mohammed Ali Ahmadi is acting Head of District.
Other Information:
Since the fall of the Taliban’s regime, Commander Mohammed Ali Ahmadi has led Jaghori district. So far, there has been no official appointment made by Provincial and central Governments for the district of Jaghori. The current local administration expects the official appointments to be made in the coming weeks.
Mohammed Ali Ahmadi, who belongs to Hezb-e-Wahdat Khalili, is assisted in his tasks by Security Commander, Mohammed Anif Hissani, also member of the same political & military wing.
The acting head of district and the security commander take decisions with the assistance of an informal Shura, of seven members, that has not received official nor popular endorsement. These members are teachers, commanders and a civil administrator.
The security commander refers disputes to a council of five judges (Mullahs), one acting as Head of informal Court. Study of the cases is based on custom and decisions taken on consensus. Should the case be of specific nature, Sharia would be the reference to adjudicate. Cases can also be transferred to Ghazni provincial court of second instance (Mahkama Mura’fi’a) for appeal or first instance, should the informal court declare itself incompetent to deal with case.
According to Jaghori’s local authorities, two people represent the district in Ghazni city. The first representative is Ustaz Irfani, Commander native of Sange-e-Marsha, Jaghori, and important figure of Hezb-e-Wahdat Khalili. Mr. Irfani, who has no official portfolio at district and provincial levels, remains influential in the district due to his resistance against the Soviet occupation and under Taliban regime. The second representative is Ismatullah Hamadi.
[...]
According to Jaghori’s local authorities, the district had sent 11 females representatives for provincial elections to the Loya Jirga. However, only one was selected for central Loya Jirga. There is no other example of woman playing an official and influential role in Jaghori dsitrict.
The security situation in the district is apparently satisfactory. However, disarmament has not started yet. No indication was provided on planned schedule to conduct these activities. Officially, there is no garrison under the control of the Ministry of Defence in Jaghori. However, armed elements are still present, belonging to local commanders, all under Commander Hissani and Hezb-e-Wahdat Khalili’s control.
Jaghori district, as the rest of Hazara-majority regions, is under the control of Hezb-e-Wahdat (Khalili faction). Officially, members of other political & military parties, specifically Harakat are said to be accepted but not present.” (UNHCR, 30. Juli 2002, S.1-2, Hervorhebungen ACCORD)
Die im UNHCR-Bezirksprofil erwähnten Kommandanten Irfani und Hissani werden auch in einem Bericht von Human Rights Watch (HRW) vom Juli 2003 erwähnt. Der Bericht enthält auch Informationen zur Hisb-i Wahdat (engl. Hezb-e Wahdat) in Jaghori (und anderswo):
“In Ghazni province, U.N. officials confirmed cases, based on their own field investigations, of kidnappings, rape, and forced marriages of girls and women, mainly in districts under the control of Hezb-e Wahdat forces, including Jaghori, Malistan, Qarabagh, and Sharistan districts:
‘There are serious abuses: kidnapping, rape, forced recruitment. This exists in all areas. In Jaghori, there is this commander Irfani. In Mailistan, Commander Qasemi, who is with Khalili. In Sharistan, there is commander Etumadi—he is linked with the kidnapping of young girls.’46
U.N. officials said that some of these commanders’ troops were kidnapping and ransoming back girls and women to their families.47 For example, it was reported that in Bella Ghu village, close to Dalla (where Commander Hissani, member of a faction connected with Hezb-e Wahdat, has an office), in Malistan district, soldiers connected with Hezb-e Wahdat “were erupting into houses, picking girls and women of their choice and taking them to Dalla where they were ‘forcedly married.’ . . . [S]hould the family of the victims ask for the release of their daughters, they were asked to pay significant amounts of money.” [...]
In the Pay Jilga area of Jaghori district, it was reported that soldiers connected with Hezb-e Wahdat had kidnapped girls on their way to school, with one instance in late October or early November 2002 cited in particular.” (HRW, Juli 2003, S.26-27, Hervorhebung im Original)
“In Jaghori district in Ghazni province, in late 2002, families were reportedly reluctant to send their girls to school because soldiers connected with Hezb-e Wahdat had kidnapped girls on their way to school.” (HRW, Juli 2003, S.80, Hervorhebung im Original)
“According to U.N. humanitarian officials, refugees have also been avoiding returning to several districts in Ghazni province. In fact, recent abuses by Hezb-e-Wahdat troops in Malistan, Jaghori, Nawur, and Qarabagh districts have reportedly caused people to leave those areas for Ghazni City, as well as for Kabul and Mazar-e- Sharif.180 Abuses include political persecution, extortion of money, arbitrary arrests and detentions, and kidnapping and forced marriage of girls and young women.181 One man from Jaghori, displaced in Kabul, who was afraid to return to Jaghori district, told Human Rights Watch that he feared the local commanders there: ‘[T]here are fundamentalist agents there, and I am afraid of them.’ “ (HRW, Juli 2003, S.45, Hervorhebung im Original)
HRW gibt an, diese Informationen von UN-Beamten bezogen zu haben (mit Ausnahme des letzten zitierten Satzes, bei dem HRW sich auf H.W.D. beruft)
Auf einer undatierten Webseite wird ein Irfani Jaghuri als Kommandant in Jaghori und Mitglied der Shura-e Markazi (Schura-i Markasi, Zentralkomitee) der Hisb-i Wahdat geführt (HazaraLeaders, ohne Datum).
In einem Bericht des International Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) vom Jahr 2004 wird über die Beziehung zwischen der Hasara-Bevölkerung Jaghoris und dem Gouverneur der Provinz Ghazni folgendes berichtet:
“In Ghazni province the lack of good governance also rebounds on Kabul mainly because the transitional administration has not succeeded in installing better local officials. The governor in late 2002 was a youngish commander and appointee of the old mujahedin leader Sayaff (who had no position in the ATA [Afghan Transitional Administration, Anm.]), while the deputy governor was a former jihad commander, an ex-Taliban official, and a tribal leader. ‘We hoped we had seen the last of these people’ a local shura member complained in late 2002. By April 2003 the Hazara population in the Jaghori district of Ghazni refused any contact with the governor due to Sayaff’s past atrocities against the Hazaras.” (PRIO, 2004, S.14)
Das australische Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) veröffentlicht manche seiner Entscheidungen. In drei seiner Bulletins ist je eine hier relevante (zusammengefasste) Entscheidung enthalten. Sie beschäftigen sich mit Machtverhältnissen in Jaghori, der Lage der Hazaras dort und enthalten auch Namen rivalisierender Fraktionen der Wahdat-Partei. Der oben erwähnte Kommandant Irfani ist ebenso einmal enthalten. Wegen der Relevanz werden die drei Zusammenfassungen im Folgenden zur Gänze zitiert (in chronologischer Reihenfolge, die jüngste Entscheidung stammt vom Juni 2005):
Entscheidung N04/49563 vom 21. Juni 2005:
“AFGHANISTAN - RACE - HAZARA - RELIGION - SHIA MUSLIM - FURTHER PROTECTION VISA - The applicant from Jaghouri district was previously recognised as a refugee in Australia on the basis that he was a potential target for harassment and persecution by the Taliban. He now claimed that although the Taliban no longer ruled, its members were still operating and the Pashtuns who were in control were hostile to Hazaras. The applicant claimed that because his family were not supporters of the Wahdat Party they were perceived as being hostile to it. He claimed that his father had been a member of a group supported by western countries and as a result local political leaders would not allow him to join the local factions. The applicant also claimed that if he returned people would think he was wealthy and this would put him at risk of harm and extortion from local warlords. He claimed that if he returned to other areas of Afghanistan he would suffer because he was Hazara.
Held: Decision under review set aside.
The Tribunal found that the circumstances in which the applicant was recognised as a refugee had ceased to exist and accordingly Article 1C(5) of the Refugees Convention applied. It accepted that the applicant’s father was a member of a pro Western group many years ago and since that time his family had been perceived to be hostile to local factions in Jaghouri. The Tribunal noted that the family did not have any protection against the local warlords who acted with considerable impunity. It accepted that the family left Afghanistan because they had been harassed and threatened by local warlords. The Tribunal found it was possible that if the applicant returned he would be targeted and face serious harm for reasons of imputed political opinion and would also be perceived to have acquired wealth. It found that the government could not offer any reasonable level of protection. Accordingly, the Tribunal found that the applicant’s fear of persecution was well-founded.” (RRT, 19. September 2005, S.2)
Entscheidung V04/16959 vom 29. November 2004:
“AFGHANISTAN - RACE - HAZARA - RELIGION - SHIA MUSLIM - POLITICAL OPINION - AKBARI FACTION OF WAHDAT PARTY - FURTHER PROTECTION VISA - ARTICLE 1C - The applicant from Jaghori district, Ghazni province had previously been recognised as a refugee in Australia on the basis that he had a well-founded fear of persecution from the Taliban as a Hazara and Shia Muslim. He claimed that despite the fact that the Taliban were no longer in power officially, at the local level Taliban continued to be in power and enforced their views. The applicant claimed that his brother paid money to the Akbari faction of the Wahdat party for protection when the family went to Jaghori from Kabul and that the Khalili faction of Wahdat was back in control of his area. He claimed that his family suffered persecution from this faction because they did not like the fact that the applicant and his family were former communists who had supported the Akbari faction. Further the applicant claimed that the government could not protect Hazaras.
Held: Decision under review set aside.
The Tribunal found that the Taliban had been removed from power in Afghanistan and there was no real chance of the Taliban re-emerging as a viable political movement. Nor did it accept that Taliban remnants were targeting Hazaras in Jaghori. The Tribunal found that the circumstances in connexion with which the applicant was recognised as a refugee had ceased to exist for the purposes of Article 1C(5) of the Refugees Convention. However, it accepted that his brother was perceived by the Khalili faction of Wahdat as supporting the Akbari faction and that the Khalili faction controlled his local area. The Tribunal accepted there was a real chance that on return the applicant could face serious harm from local militias and warlords for his imputed political beliefs due to his family’s support of the Akbari faction. Further it accepted that there was a selective and discriminatory failure on the part of the government to provide a Hazara, especially with the applicant’s imputed political profile, with effective protection. Accordingly, the Tribunal was satisfied that he had a well-founded fear of persecution.” (RRT, 2. Mai 2005, S.2 – Anm.: derselbe Bulletin enthält eine weitere, weniger Details enthaltende Entscheidung zu Hazaras)
Entscheidung N03/47455 vom 10. Dezember 2003:
“AFGHANISTAN - RACE - HAZARA - POLITICAL OPINION - WAHDAT PARTY - FURTHER PROTECTION VISA - ARTICLE 1C - The applicant had previously been recognised in Australia as having a well-founded fear of persecution at the hands of the Taliban on the basis of his Hazara ethnicity and Shia Muslim faith. He now claimed to fear persecution on the basis of his membership of the Wahdat Party. The applicant claimed there was inter-factional fighting and as he supported the defeated faction, he now feared persecution from the victorious Irfani faction. He also claimed to have been involved in a conflict at the local level between the Wahdat party and Hizb-e Islami, and stated that a Hizb-e Islami commander who supported the Taliban when they came to power was linked with the Hekmatyar group, who were still armed and dangerous. The applicant feared harm at the hands of members of this group on account of his past opposition to and confrontations with them.
Held: Decision under review set aside.
As the Taliban had been removed from power and no longer existed as a political movement, the Tribunal found that the circumstances in connexion with which the applicant was recognised as a refugee had ceased to exist for the purposes of Article 1C(5). However, noting independent evidence the Tribunal accepted that the applicant was widely identified as a supporter of a faction of the Wahdat Party. It also accepted that in Jaghori, power lay in the hands of two commanders from the Khalili faction and that one of those commanders was Irfani. It also accepted that he was known to Irfani and another Commander as a supporter of the Wahdat Party whose members they sought to destroy. It found there was a real chance that harm amounting to persecution would befall the applicant if he returned to his village. It accordingly found that the applicant had a well-founded fear of persecution for a Convention reason.” (RRT, 8. März 2004, S.2)
Karim Khalili (in oben zitierten Quellen wird berichtet, Jaghori sei unter Kontrolle der Khalili-Fraktion der Hisb-i Wahdat) ist laut BBC Monitoring und dem deutschen Auswärtigen Amt (AA) derzeit zweiter Stellvertreter von Präsident Karzai (BBC Monitoring, 2. Oktober 2005; AA, August 2005). Im CIA World Factbook wird Mohammad Karim Khalili als Anführer der Partei Hezb-e-Wahdat-e-Islami Afghanistan genannt (CIA, 1. November 2005).
Für weitere Informationen zu Khalili siehe
Für Hintergrundinformationen zur Hisb-I Wahdat siehe
Parteien in Afghanistan
Für Informationen über die Parteienlandschaft Afghanistans siehe folgende Berichte:
International Crisis Group (ICG): Political Parties in Afghanistan, 2. Juni 2005
UK Home Office: Country Report Afghanistan, Oktober 2005, insbes. Abs. 5.10 bis 5.31 (bzgl der Parteien bezieht sich das UK Home Office hauptsächlich auf oben zitierten ICG-Bericht), sowie Liste politischer Parteien in Annex B, S.197ff (die Liste bezieht das UK Home Office von der afghanischen Wahlkommission:
www.jemb.org)
UNHCR: Update on the Situation in Afghanistan and International Protection Considerations, Juni 2005, Annex 4, S.86-91
Afghanistan-seiten.de: Politische Parteien Afghanistans ab 2001, ohne Datum
Siehe auch:
Diese Informationen beruhen auf einer zeitlich begrenzten Recherche in öffentlich zugänglichen Dokumenten, die ACCORD derzeit zur Verfügung stehen. Die Antwort stellt keine abschließende Meinung zur Glaubwürdigkeit eines bestimmten Asylansuchens dar.
Quellen:
Machtverhältnisse in Jaghori
Parteien in Afghanistan
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UNHCR: Update on the Situation in Afghanistan and International Protection Considerations, Juni 2005, Annex 4, S.86-91
