Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1990
	SRI LANKA
	 
	 
	 
	Sri Lanka's constitutional, multiparty form of government
	features a strong executive presidency and a unicameral
	legislature elected by universal adult suffrage. In the
	1980 's, a gradually escalating conflict broke out between Sri
	Lanka's majority Sinhalese and minority Tamil populations. By
	1986 government security forces were involved in major
	military operations against armed Tamil separatists. To end
	the conflict, the governments of Sri Lanka and India in July
	1987 concluded a peace accord, which included provision for
	the decentralization of authority to provincial councils.
	Radicals of both major ethnic groups refused to accept the
	accord. In the Tamil-majority northeast, the Liberation
	Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) waged guerrilla war against the
	Indian Peace-Keeping Force (IPKF), introduced under the
	Indo-Sri Lankan Accord, and India's militant Tamil allies.
	Meanwhile, in the Sinhalese-majority south, government
	security forces were pitted against the Janatha Vimukthi
	Peramuna (JVP), which used terrorism in its attempt to
	overthrow the Government.
	By the end of 1989, security forces had captured or killed
	much of the JVP top leadership. JVP cadres were unable to
	regroup sufficiently in 1990 to resume their campaign of
	intimidation. In the northeast, the IPKF completed its
	withdrawal by March 31. While continuing negotiations with
	the Government begun the year before, the LTTE seized control
	of the Jaffna peninsula, routed India's Tamil allies in the
	northeast, and assassinated rival Tamil politicians. The
	Government enforced a policy of nonconf rontation during
	negotiations, forbidding security forces to react to LTTE
	provocations, acceding to LTTE demands for withdrawal from
	some military and police positions in the northeast, and
	taking other measures which lowered its defensive posture.
	On June 11, the LTTE broke off negotiations and attacked
	police stations and a military convoy in the east, apparently
	killing hundreds of police officers who had surrendered. When
	early attempts to arrange a cease—fire failed, security
	forces spent the rest of the year trying to reestablish
	security and civil administration in the face of continued
	guerrilla attacks.
	In response to escalating terrorism and armed insurgency,
	since 1983 the Government has expanded its navy, air force,
	and army to some 60,000 members. About 25,000 people serve in
	the police force, including 2,000 police commandos in the
	Special Task Force (STF) . The Government increased the Home
	Guards to about 25,000 by the end of 1990 to help provide
	security for Muslim and Sinhalese communities in the northeast
	against LTTE attacks. Although recently the police have
	increased Tamil recruitment and contingents of Muslim and
	Tamil Home Guards have been created, security force personnel
	are overwhelmingly Sinhalese.
	The Tamil and JVP insurgencies have seriously damaged the
	economy; per capita gross domestic product is less than $400.
	About 60 percent of Sri Lanka's productive capacity is still
	owned or controlled by the State. Remittances were
	dramatically reduced as a result of the Iraqi invasion of
	Kuwait, where nearly 100,000 Sri Lankans were working. At the
	same time the economy showed surprising resiliency in 1990,
	growing by more than 5 percent, in part due to Sri Lanka's
	economic reform efforts.
	The human rights situation in the northeast seriously
	deteriorated again in the last half of 1990, after temporary
	improvement in the first half of the year during the truce
	between the Government and the LTTE. Extrajudicial killings
	redoubled after the LTTE broke off negotiations with the
	Government in June and went on the offensive, attacking not
	only police forces but Sinhalese and Muslim villagers. In
	response, regular security forces and newly armed home guards
	carried out a number of abductions and extrajudicial
	killings. In the south, the elimination of the JVP leadership
	resulted in a sharp decline in extrajudicial killings after
	January. However, vigilante groups, some believed to have
	links with security force personnel, continued to operate
	against JVP cadre.
	The total number of noncombatant deaths was estimated to be
	2,600. It was not known how many persons were under
	detention, but estimates range as high as 16,000 by the
	Government, mostly in the south, and several hundred to 2,000
	held by the LTTE. Although there were human rights abuses on
	a large scale, the Government brought only a limited number of
	offenders to trial, and no cases had been concluded by year's
	end. The Government increasingly responded to human rights
	critics, for example by establishing a human rights task force
	in November.
	In addition to the wave of political and extrajudicial
	killings carried out both by the LTTE and government forces,
	other areas of human rights concern included numerous
	disappearances (many carried out by government forces);
	torture and mistreatment of prisoners by both groups;
	widespread arbitrary detentions; restrictions on freedom of
	speech, assembly, and association; and some discrimination
	against Tamils and women.
	The Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) and Emergency
	Regulations (ER) , both of which grant security forces
	wide-ranging powers, remained in effect in 1990, However,
	some provisions of the latter were rescinded, including the
	one of great concern to human rights workers—authorization
	for the security forces to dispose of bodies without inquest.
	 
	 
	RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
	 
	Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from:
	 
	      a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing
	Political killing—carried out by the Government's security
	forces, police, vigilante squads, and separatist
	groups—remains a leading human rights problem. According to
	government statistics and newspaper accounts, an estimate for
	island-wide noncombatant deaths caused by both government and
	antigovernment forces in 1990 was 2,600.
	In the south, over 800 civilians had been killed in political
	violence by the end of September. All but about 100 of these
	deaths occurred in the first 3 months of the year, and life
	for the vast majority of citizens in the south and west
	returned to normal. A few members of the ruling and
	opposition parties were among the civilians killed early in
	the year. Many of these murders were probably committed by
	armed groups in the employ of rival politicians, but
	responsibility for individual killings generally could not be
	established with certainty. Few arrests were made.
	With the death or capture of most of the key JVP leaders by
	the end of 1989, the number of deaths in the south
	attributable to the JVP declined sharply. In contrast, over
	200 JVP members and suspected JVP cadre had been killed by
	government security forces by the end of September 1990. The
	preponderance of evidence indicates that most of these were
	extrajudicial killings. Opposition party members alleged that
	some JVP detainees were summarily executed by the military
	when they redeployed from the south to the northeast to meet
	the new LTTE threat. There is no evidence to substantiate the
	charge. In an earlier step to curb these types of security
	force abuses, the Government in February lifted the ER
	authorizing security forces to dispose of bodies without
	inquest and in April established independent committees to
	monitor the surrender of suspected JVP members.
	Over half of the civilian political killings in the south were
	vigilante-style deaths, characterized by mutilated or burned
	bodies left in public areas. Many of those killed were
	probably suspected JVP cadre. The Government denied knowledge
	of the vigilantes' identities and declared they would be
	treated as terrorists if captured. However, strong
	circumstantial evidence and a wide range of observers,
	including human rights groups, opposition politicians,
	individual government officials, and members of the security
	forces themselves, link individual security force members to
	some vigilante groups. It is likely that vigilantes at times
	operated with the knowledge and acquiescence of some
	government officials.
	The Government in 1989 announced that it would establish an
	independent commission to investigate vigilante groups, but no
	members were ever appointed. Charges were brought against
	security force members in at least two vigilante cases, and
	legal proceedings were initiated in at least 20 other cases in
	which security force personnel allegedly murdered civilians
	between 1988 and 1990. However, none of these cases had been
	resolved by the end of the year, partly owing to a large
	backlog in the judicial system and partly to killings and
	intimidation of witnesses. In one case in which police
	officers were accused of shooting a teenager, a number of
	witnesses received death threats; three witnesses and an
	attorney for the deceased's family were killed, one witness
	disappeared after being abducted from his office by armed men,
	and two lawyers connected with the case went into hiding. No
	defendants appeared in court when the case came up for hearing
	before the chief magistrate in January and March, and the
	defendants requested dismissal for lack of evidence. No new
	hearing date has been set.
	In another important case, journalist and actor Richard de
	Zoysa was abducted from his home in the middle of the night in
	February; his body was found the next day. His mother claimed
	that the abductors included police officers, two of whom she
	identified. The Attorney General found insufficient evidence
	to warrant an indictment against the accused police officers
	and instructed the police to continue their investigation.
	The attorney for the deceased's mother, local human rights
	organizations, and the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL)
	alleged that the police conducted an inadequate investigation
	because police officers were involved and called for an
	independent investigative commission. The principal accused
	officer retained his position in the police force during the
	inquiry. The deceased's mother and her attorney received
	death threats, as did the police guards assigned to the
	attorney after he was threatened. Although motives for the
	murder are not clear, speculation revolves around de Zoysa's
	reporting on human rights matters for an international press
	service, alleged ties to leftist organizations, including the
	JVP, and reputed authorship of a satirical play aimed at
	President Premadasa.
	In a February case, 13 people were abducted by masked gunmen
	who identified themselves as members of the security forces.
	One escaped; the others' naked bodies were found partly
	burned. Thirteen police officers were arrested in the case,
	and six were charged with murder. The magisterial hearing had
	not been completed at the end of 1990.
	In the northeast, during the first half of 1990, as the IPKF
	completed its withdrawal and the LTTE was establishing
	dominance over other Tamil militant groups, the LTTE was
	widely considered responsible for the deaths of many rival
	Tamil politicians. The preponderance of evidence indicates
	that the LTTE was also responsible for the deaths in May of a
	Tamil parliamentarian in Colombo and 13 members (including
	another parliamentarian) of a rival Tamil party who had taken
	refuge in Madras, India.
	In the second half of the year, more than 1,500 civilians were
	believed to have died in the northeast during clashes between
	the LTTE and the Government (see also Section l.g.).
	 
	      b. Disappearance
	Disappearances of both Tamils and Sinhalese, usually young
	men, continued in 1990. Such disappearances may have numbered
	in the thousands, but the exact number is unknown. In many
	cases, family members or other witnesses attested in sworn
	affidavits to seeing persons—who later "disappeared"—being
	arrested. Many affidavits described efforts to visit arrested
	persons at police stations, military camps, or detention
	centers; security officials claimed that the persons seen
	being arrested were not in custody. Other families have
	testified that detainees known to have been released never
	returned home, presumably because they were killed after
	release.
	There were also continuing instances in which fellow detainees
	claimed to have seen in custody persons whom the security
	forces denied arresting. In a few cases, detainees saw
	missing persons taken away by security forces and not
	returned. Such reports suggest that some missing persons were
	killed by the security forces, perhaps in reprisal for attacks
	on security force personnel and their families. While the
	Government in February lifted the ER authorization granted to
	the security forces to dispose of bodies without inquest,
	other Emergency Regulations (55b-f) still restrict full,
	public inquiries into the causes and circumstances of deaths.
	In September two police officers were convicted of illegally
	detaining and torturing a Muslim home guard in May 1989.
	Compensation of over $500 was awarded, although the guard and
	his parents had disappeared in December 1989. The guard and
	his mother reportedly disappeared after they reported to a
	police station, as the guard was required to do regularly as a
	condition of his bail. The father disappeared after going to
	look for the his wife and son at the police station.
	Credible reports indicate that the security forces rounded up
	large groups of Tamils and that many suspects were summarily
	executed. In one case, credible sources reported that over
	100 Tamils disappeared after being taken from a refugee camp
	in the east in early September; the security forces maintain
	that only 35 people from the camp were taken in for
	questioning and that all were later released.
	Sri Lankan attorneys brought 61 lawsuits in 1990 asking the
	Government to produce missing persons. Many earlier cases
	were dropped when the Government released over 3,000 Tamil and
	Sinhalese militants. Government authorities are required to
	respond within days to such suits under normal circumstances,
	but the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) permits a 12-month
	delay. The Government has said that false names given to
	conceal identity or affiliation and the possible departure
	from the country of many detainees after a short detention
	period complicate the process of accounting for disappeared
	persons.
	 
	      c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
	Although the Constitution forbids torture and cruel, inhuman,
	or degrading treatment or punishment, the ER allow the use in
	court of confessions made to police officers and place the
	burden of proof on defendants to show that a confession was
	exacted under duress. Some government security officials
	acknowledge that security forces have used torture to elicit
	information and cooperation from suspected members of the JVP
	and LTTE . Victims and family members have also alleged
	torture by Tamil militant groups. The trial of three police
	officers, charged with murder in the death of a lawyer and
	accused JVP activist while in police custody in September
	1988, was still in progress at the end of 1990; there was
	medical evidence that he had been beaten to death.
	Police have also detained suspects on suspicion and used
	torture to elicit information in criminal investigations. The
	police officers convicted of illegally detaining and torturing
	a home guard (see Section l.b.) were investigating a robbery.
	The prisons ordinance defines two categories of prisoners:
	remand prisoners or those awaiting trial have statutory rights
	to visits by family members and legal counsel among other
	privileges; convicted prisoners also have statutory rights but
	these are less liberal. Harsher conditions are endured by
	persons detained under the emergency regulations or the
	prevention of terrorism statutes; they are held in army
	stockades and prison camps not under the jurisdiction of the
	prisons department, but these facilities also permit some
	visits by relatives and lawyers. Beatings and torture do
	occur in such facilities, and the Red Cross and local human
	rights organizations are working to have them brought under
	control
	.
	 
	      d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile
	The Constitution provides that no person "shall be arrested
	except according to procedure established by law." An
	arrested person must be informed of the reason for his arrest
	and brought within 24 hours before a magistrate who may
	authorize bail or, for serious crimes, order continued
	detention. Detainees are generally brought before a
	magistrate within a few days of arrest, but there are reports
	of detainees who are never informed of the reason for their
	arrest. A suspect may also be detained up to 3 months without
	bail or longer if a court so rules. The PTA, adopted in 1979,
	and the ER, renewed monthly with the extension of the state of
	emergency in effect since 1983, permit preventive and
	incommunicado detention.
	Under the ER, security forces may detain a suspect for up to 3
	months before he must be presented to a magistrate.
	Magistrates are not empowered to investigate the circumstances
	leading to a person's arrest and continued detention but must
	remand him to a prison where he may be held indefinitely. A
	person held under the PTA may be detained without charge for
	up to 18 months. There have been cases in which persons have
	been held longer. Bail may be granted for persons held under
	the ER but, once charged, PTA detainees are ineligible for
	bail. Visits by family, access to lawyers, food, and other
	conditions of incarceration are normally restricted under
	these laws. In one case in 1990, persons acquitted in a
	bombing trial were rearrested under the ER.
	Persons may challenge the legality of their detention either
	by filing a writ of habeas corpus in the Courts of Appeal or
	by charging the Government before the Supreme Court with
	violating fundamental constitutional rights. However, there
	were cases in which these provisions did not provide effective
	means of redress to persons alleging arbitrary detention. The
	Courts of Appeal are located only in Colombo, necessitating
	costly travel to the capital for those seeking redress.
	Fundamental rights suits must be filed—complete with
	documentation—within 30 days of the alleged infringement.
	The 30-day limit makes it virtually impossible for persons
	detained incommunicado for prolonged periods, or relatives of
	those alleged to have disappeared, to bring such suits. The
	Government in November proposed a constitutional amendment
	that would extend this time limit to 4 months.
	In September 1989 the Government stated it would file lists of
	detainees with local officials and permit access to them by
	family members and other interested persons. The Government
	also said it would permit Members of Parliament to visit
	certain places of detention after prior notice to the Ministry
	of Defense. By the end of 1990, the Government had provided
	the names of several thousand detainees to Members of
	Parliament but had not yet provided lists to local officials.
	The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) visited
	over 600 places of detention, primarily in the south, where
	most of the detention sites are located (see Section 4).
	A three-person advisory board, first established in 1988,
	reviews PTA and ER cases and makes nonbinding recommendations
	for handling them. The Government concurred with many of the
	board's recommendations in 1990, but disagreed with or delayed
	implementing others. By mid-August, the board had reviewed
	the cases of over 13,000 suspected JVP members, including
	almost 3,000 who had surrendered to the independent "surrender
	committees" established under the January 1990 Youth
	Commission report on youth unrest. The board recommended the
	release of over 2,000 detainees, the short-term rehabilitation
	and release of around 6,000, and the long-term rehabilitation
	or prosecution of over 4,000. According to government
	statistics in mid-October, over 2,000 detainees had been
	released and approximately 4,000 were in rehabilitation
	centers. There was a credible report in October that the
	Government had stopped releasing detainees in the south and
	that, with new arrests, the detainee population had grown to
	16,000. A government official also stated in August that the
	Government had temporarily halted the release of JVP
	suspects.
	Fearing LTTE attacks in Colombo after fighting broke out in
	June, the Government arrested up to a thousand Tamils in the
	capital area. Some were allegedly beaten while in custody.
	After intervention by Tamil leaders and others, all but a few
	reportedly were released. In October, apparently again
	fearing LTTE attacks in Colombo after the LTTE allowed freer
	travel from Jaffna and thousands made their way southward, the
	Government, resuming an earlier practice, raided hotels and
	arrested several hundred Tamil youths found there. It is not
	known how many LTTE members or others were detained in the
	northeast by the security forces during the second half of the
	year. There are reports that the LTTE is holding as many as
	4,000 political opponents in the northern peninsula but these
	reports cannot be verified (see also Section l.g.).
	 
	      e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
	Substantial due process rights are accorded in nonpolitical
	cases, but trials under the PTA and ER lack several
	significant procedural safeguards. Persons accused of
	criminal acts generally receive a fair public trial, are
	informed of the charges and the evidence against them, and are
	represented by counsel of their choice. Persons tried on
	criminal charges in the High Court and the Court of Appeals
	are provided an attorney at government expense if necessary.
	The Government does not provide attorneys in other cases,
	though private legal aid organizations provide assistance to
	some defendants. Public trial by jury is the custom. Juries
	are not provided in trials under the PTA on the grounds that
	jury members could be intimidated. Confessions are admissible
	in PTA and ER cases but not in cases tried outside the PTA and
	ER framework. Those convicted under the PTA or the ER have
	the same right of appeal to the Courts of Appeal and Supreme
	Court as those sentenced in other cases. In practice,
	however, most people held under these acts are never formally
	charged and therefore do not enter the appeals process.
	According to law, the Sri Lankan judiciary is independent.
	The President appoints all judges of the Sri Lankan Supreme
	Court, Courts of Appeal, and High Courts. The Chief Justice
	and two Supreme Court judges comprise a Judicial Service
	Commission which appoints, transfers, and dismisses lower
	court judges. Judges serve from time of appointment to
	mandatory retirement age (65 for Supreme Court judges and 62
	for others).
	In the northeastern province, hostilities and LTTE
	intimidation prevented the judiciary from functioning in
	1990 .
	It is impossible to determine how many of the approximately
	10,000 detainees the Government acknowledges holding might be
	termed political prisoners. By mid-October, the Government
	had brought indictments against more than 109 persons under
	the PTA and 39 under the ER.
	f.
	Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or
	Correspondence
	The Government generally respects individual privacy and the
	sanctity of the family and the home, and the judiciary usually
	upholds privacy rights in cases that reach the High Court.
	Search and arrest warrants are normally required to enter
	private premises, but the PTA permits certain police officers
	to enter and search any premises without a warrant and seize
	"any document or thing" when there is a presumption or
	evidence of support for, or involvement with, unlawful
	activity. These powers were used extensively in 1990.
	Government monitoring of telephones or correspondence is
	believed to occur on a selective basis.
	 
	      g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law in Internal Conflicts
	During the second half of 1989 and the first half of 1990, a
	truce was in effect between the LTTE and Government while the
	two parties negotiated. During this time, the Government
	acceded to a number of LTTE requests for withdrawal from
	police and military positions. However, on June 11 the LTTE
	attacked seven police stations in the east without warning,
	reinitiating hostilities with the Government which continued
	through 1990 and resulting in indiscriminate killing on a wide
	scale. Over 600 police surrendered or were captured in the
	initial attacks, and although most of the bodies have not been
	found, it is widely believed that the LTTE killed at least 200
	and probably many more. Despite government efforts to limit
	the fighting to the Government and LTTE through frequent
	public calls for communal restraint by the President and other
	high officials, the stationing of extra security forces around
	Colombo, and the recruitment of home guards to protect
	villages, over 1,600 noncombatants were killed in the
	northeast and adjacent areas between June 11 and the end of
	the year. This figure, which is half the figure for combatant
	fatalities, is based primarily on government and newspaper
	accounts and is probably low since many reports of incidents
	never reach the media. It is unclear what percentage of
	civilian deaths is attributable to deliberate attacks by the
	LTTE or government security forces and what percentage is the
	result of civilians being caught in cross fire. The LTTE '
	s
	wide use of antipersonnel mines caused indiscriminate harm to
	many in the northeast, and their tactic of hiding among the
	Tamil population also led to civilian casualties as a result
	of attacks against them. The predominantly Sinhalese security
	forces, not always able to distinguish between Tamil civilians
	and LTTE members out of uniform, caused an unknown number of
	deaths. The LTTE reportedly forced Tamils to leave refugee
	camps so that the guerrilla fighters would have better cover
	for their movements. Tamils deserted scores of villages in
	the east to avoid becoming victims of the fighting.
	Beginning in mid-July, the LTTE attacked numerous Muslim and
	Sinhalese villagers in the northeast and surrounding areas,
	often hacking victims to death. In the first major incident,
	the LTTE kidnaped, killed, and burned around 60 Muslims
	returning from Colombo to their village in the east. In
	October the LTTE threatened more such attacks if the
	approximately 40,000 Muslims in a northwestern area did not
	leave within a few days. The LTTE claimed that the Government
	was responsible for the attacks, but there was no evidence of
	government involvement. In one town where over 100 Muslims
	were gunned down while praying in a mosque, relatives of
	victims identified individual LTTE cadres among the
	attackers.
	Under pressure to provide villagers in the northeast with
	protection, the Government reportedly armed as many as 30,000
	home guards, mostly Muslims, with shotguns and provided them
	minimal training rather than spread the regular forces too
	thinly. Although President Premadasa called for communal
	restraint, by September there were credible reports of a
	number of attacks on Tamil villagers in the east by Muslim
	villagers and the newly recruited Muslim home guards. Despite
	the President's appeals to the military for discipline, there
	were numerous credible reports of abuses committed by the
	military forces, including extrajudicial killings and
	looting. Large numbers of Tamil youths rounded up during
	cordon-and-search operations in the east have failed to return
	to their homes (see Section l.b.). Credible eyewitnesses
	report seeing piles of bodies—allegedly those of persons
	seized by security forces— burning on tires in an eastern
	town. An international organization source and some reputable
	local residents estimate that over a thousand Tamils may have
	been arrested and executed in an eastern district over the
	period from June to October; however, there is no firm
	evidence to corroborate this charge.
	Many Tamils in the northern peninsula, dominated by the LTTE
	since June, reported incidents of apparently indiscriminate
	bombing of civilian areas. Some Tamil leaders in Colombo
	claimed to have information from the peninsula that the Air
	Force was, in fact, aiming for LTTE positions but inaccuracy
	of fire and the location of LTTE military installations in
	populated areas led to civilian casualties. A government
	videotape revealed LTTE bunkers constructed in one school in
	the north. Before heavy bombing around the besieged Jaffna
	Fort, the Air Force repeatedly dropped leaflets warning
	civilians to depart. As a result, there was considerable
	damage to property around the fort but few civilians were
	killed.
	There were also reports of civilian deaths when security
	forces returned LTTE mortar fire from civilian locations. In
	some cases, LTTE fighters initiated attacks on government
	forces from seized private houses, with the apparent intention
	of provoking counterattacks on civilians. The Government
	claims it often withheld return fire in such situations.
	 
	 
	Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
	 
	      a. Freedom of Speech and Press
	The Constitution provides for freedom of speech and
	expression, but permits these rights to be restricted by law
	in the interest of national security.
	Opposition groups alleged that the ER have been used directly
	and indirectly to restrict free speech. For example, persons
	wishing to post bills advertising meetings of any type are
	required under the ER to secure police approval of the text.
	although, pursuant to a Supreme Court ruling in 1987, the
	police must specify a reason for denying permission. There
	were no known prosecutions for distribution of
	"antigovernment" literature in 1990. However, the Government
	considers possession of JVP literature prima facie evidence of
	involvement in the organization and reason for detention under
	the ER. Under the amended 1978 Parliamentary Powers and
	Privileges Act, Parliament may impose an unlimited fine or up
	to 2 years' imprisonment on anyone who criticizes a Member of
	Parliament, a clear deterrent to freedom of expression. The
	amendment was not applied in 1990.
	The Government controls the country's largest newspaper chain
	and owns the radio and television services. Only governmentcleared
	news is allowed to be broadcast on television. A
	variety of independent newspapers and journals provide a range
	of viewpoints on foreign policy and most domestic matters,
	including human rights issues. Many newspapers criticize the
	ruling party and the Government. Many small-circulation
	periodicals are also published by opposition political parties.
	In the wake of the murder of journalist Richard de Zoysa (see
	Section l.a.), four other journalists left the country. One,
	a correspondent for an international press agency, reportedly
	left after receiving a government warning not to publish
	stories concerning human rights. Journalists claim that they
	must balance journalistic integrity with security
	considerations vis-a-vis both the Government and
	antigovernment radicals. Journalists have made credible
	claims that various groups have required their newspapers to
	run articles the groups have provided, and threatened the
	journalists when their demands were not met. The media based
	in the northern peninsula, where the LTTE has been dominant,
	have exercised particular caution.
	There was no formal political censorship in 1990, but some Sri
	Lankans assert the Government can intimidate the press into
	self-censorship. By threatening to take over private media
	which it claims do not serve the public interest, for
	instance, the Government allegedly prevented the media from
	accepting advertisements from certain organizations. Although
	the Government denies it, it is widely alleged by members of
	the media that the Government also exerts pressure on the
	press by controlling permits for the import of newsprint and
	through placement of paid government announcements and
	advertising.
	In 1990 the Government announced it would enforce the Press
	Council Law, which prohibits unauthorized publication of
	cabinet discussions and decisions. Charges have never been
	brought under the law, but fear of sanctions further
	encourages self-censorship. Early in 1990 an editor whose
	newspaper had reported cabinet meeting conversations in detail
	was removed after statements by the President's office that
	media leaders should understand the intent of the Press
	Council Law and that abuses would not be tolerated.
	In February the Government lifted the section of the ER that
	authorized suppression of any article or program that might be
	prejudicial to national security, public order, or the
	maintenance of essential services.
	Although academic freedom is generally respected by the
	Government, a new regulation was imposed in January banning
	political or "disruptive" activities at all schools (see
	Section 2.b.), and dozens of students were expelled from
	university residences for unruly behavior.
	 
	      b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
	The Constitution provides for freedom of assembly and
	association, but these rights can be restricted under
	provisions of the ER and PTA. Sri Lanka has numerous private
	associations, and they are free to maintain ties with
	international bodies.
	In January, shortly before the reopening of universities and
	schools after a hiatus of 3 years, the Government issued a new
	ER prohibiting political and disruptive activity in schools
	and workplaces (see also Section 6.b.). Permission for
	meetings must be obtained from the head of an institution.
	Under this ER, the President (or his designee) was also
	authorized to prohibit any public meetings "likely to cause a
	disturbance to public order and promote disaffection." This
	section of the ER was lifted in April. In practice, the
	police issue or deny permits for outdoor meetings or
	processions at the discretion of the superintendent of police
	in each locality. In 1990 permits to hold public meetings
	were denied in volatile situations where the Government felt
	violence might erupt, such as public meetings called in August
	in response to the LTTE massacres of Muslim and Sinhala
	villagers. The Government retained in effect the order that
	it issued in 1988 to its security forces to shoot on sight
	illegal antigovernment demonstrators, but did not use it in
	1990.
	 
	      c. Freedom of Religion
	The Constitution establishes Buddhism as the official
	religion, which the Government must "protect and foster." It
	also provides for the rights of members of other faiths,
	including Hindus, Muslims, and Christians, to practice their
	religion freely.
	Religious groups are free to maintain active ties with
	coreligionists in other countries, and many Sri Lankans
	perform religious travel each year. Religious publishing and
	proselytizing are freely allowed, and foreign clergy may work
	in Sri Lanka. For over 30 years, however, the Government has
	forbidden the entry of new foreign Jesuit clergy, while
	allowing those already in the country to remain.
	 
	      d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation
	The Constitution grants every citizen "freedom of movement and
	of choosing his residence within Sri Lanka" and "freedom to
	return to Sri Lanka." These constitutional provisions are
	generally honored. However, acting on evidence that Tamil
	militants and their military supplies were frequently crossing
	between southern India and northern Sri Lanka via the Palk
	Strait after fighting broke out in June, the Government
	attempted to interdict suspect boats, some of which carried
	refugees. Despite accusations from various Tamil sources,
	there is no evidence that the Navy deliberately fired on
	refugee boats. The Government did, however, follow a policy
	of turning back refugee boats bound for southern India after
	Indian authorities complained about a wave of new refugees.
	The Government has generally allowed nongovernmental
	organizations (NGO's) and journalists free access to the
	northeast. Exceptions occurred when area commanders forbade
	travel because of short-term security problems.
	Movement in the northeast was also restricted by local curfews
	imposed by the Government during specific operations in the
	second half of the year. According to credible reports,
	movement in the north during this period was hazardous,
	particularly by day, because the Air Force, working under the
	assumption that only the LTTE had access to vehicles and fuel,
	might fire at any vehicle moving on the roads. There were
	reports of civilians traveling by bicycle and foot being fired
	upon by aircraft.
	The LTTE required civilians who wanted to leave the northern
	peninsula to obtain written permission, submit to luggage
	searches, and in some cases pay a large fee. Concerned about
	potential LTTE threats in Colombo when the LTTE briefly
	allowed freer movement out of the peninsula in October, the
	Government required displaced persons coming to Colombo to
	stay with friends or relatives, or in refugee camps, rather
	than in unlicensed places of accommodation.
	Sri Lanka generally denies entry to refugees or displaced
	persons from other countries. The Government does not help
	refugees who attempt to stay in the country while seeking
	permanent residence elsewhere. During 1990 the Government
	helped with the return of almost 90,000 Sri Lankan nationals
	displaced from jobs in Kuwait by the Iraqi invasion. There
	were over 850,000 internally displaced persons in Sri Lanka by
	the end of October. Most lived in refugee camps in the
	northeast or adjacent provinces. Over 200,000 Sri Lankan
	Tamil refugees left the island for southern India during 1990,
	most in the second half of the year. In addition, as many as
	40,000 Sri Lankan Tamils have sought refuge in Western Europe
	and North America.
	Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens
	to Change Their Government
	Citizens have the constitutional right to change their
	government through periodic multiparty elections on the basis
	of universal adult suffrage.
	In December 1988, the current President was elected with 50.4
	percent of the popular vote, In February 1989, the
	President's party won 50.7 percent of the popular vote and 125
	of 225 seats in the nation's first parliamentary elections in
	12 years. International observer teams found both elections
	generally free and fair, given JVP attempts to disrupt the
	voting, but the teams were very small and were able to monitor
	only a small number of polling places. The leading opposition
	presidential candidate challenged the results of the
	presidential election in a petition to the Supreme Court. She
	alleged that the prevailing violence, as well as governmentsponsored
	coercion and vote fraud, unfairly influenced the
	outcome. Witnesses were still being called at the end of
	1990. The one election scheduled for 1990—election of
	members of the Northeast Provincial Council—had to be
	postponed indefinitely because of fighting in the area in the
	second half of the year.
	A total of 24 political parties are legally recognized; 8 hold
	seats in the Parliament.
	Although members of each ethnic community can be found in many
	of the political parties, the most influential political
	parties generally draw their support from one ethnic
	community. Historically, the two parties dominant in the
	majority Sinhalese electorate have alternated rule.
	In 1988 and 1989, several formerly militant Tamil groups that
	had accepted the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord emerged as political
	parties in the northeast, representing the Ceylon Tamil
	population. One of these won 13 seats in Parliament to become
	the third largest party there and the largest parliamentary
	party in the northeast.
	There are no de jure impediments to women's participation in
	politics and government. Although under represented, there are
	women at senior levels in both these areas, including a
	cabinet minister and the leader of the principal opposition
	party, who was formerly prime minister.
	Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and
	Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations
	of Human Rights
	Several local nongovernmental organizations monitor human
	rights, including the Civil Rights Movement and the Movement
	for Interracial Justice and Ecjuality. They collect
	information from families of victims or members of citizens'
	committees near the site of alleged incidents. The Government
	generally does not address their periodic reports and
	appeals. In addition to the killing of journalist Richard de
	Zoysa (see Section l.a.), several human rights activists
	reported receiving threats in 1990 either clearly or
	presumably from members of the security forces.
	The Government showed increased responsiveness to criticism of
	human rights in Sri Lanka. As one example, the President
	established a high-level human rights task force in November
	which, if it fulfills its mandate, will inquire into human
	rights cases referred to it by domestic and international
	sources and promote the disciplining of members of the
	security forces who commit human rights abuses. It will also
	recommend to the President further steps to improve the
	Government's human rights performance. Senior government
	officials have made themselves available to visitors looking
	into human rights issues and have responded to inquiries from
	the United Nations Human Rights Commission (UNHRC) and foreign
	governments. The Government in July invited the UNHRC
	Subcommission on Disappearances to visit Sri Lanka early in
	1991, but, because of the Subcommission' s schedule, the trip
	is now set for September 1991. However, the Government has
	denied Amnesty International permission to visit. In October
	1989, 6 years after the ICRC had first offered its services,
	the Government invited an ICRC team to visit Sri Lanka to
	extend humanitarian assistance. In November 1989, the team
	began visiting places of detention to interview JVP suspects
	and by June 1990 had visited over 600 places of detention and
	registered more than 15,000 detainees. In the north, however,
	the Indian Peacekeeping Force denied the ICRC access to
	prisoners it held.
	Several times in 1990 the Government prevented human rights
	activists from removing human rights-related materials from
	the country. In one case the material was a newspaper article
	from a major Colombo English- language daily. In another
	instance, a Member of Parliament was prevented from taking
	documents concerning human rights abuses to a session of the
	Subcommission on Disappearances of the UNHRC in Europe. The
	vast majority of the documents were returned to the
	parliamentarian several weeks later, after extensive publicity
	and the threat of legal action against the Government.
	Section 5 Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion,
	Language, or Social Status
	Tamils have long charged with some justification that they
	suffer systematic discrimination in competition for university
	entrance, employment opportunities, and other matters under
	government control. Government officials have denied these
	charges, pointing out that prominent Tamils occupy
	senior-level civil service positions. Many of these Tamils
	are approaching retirement age, however, and there are few
	Tamils in the lower ranks of the civil service and military to
	take their places. The low proportions are due in part to
	Tamils declining many positions offered them in government and
	the security forces because of ethnic hostilities in the
	1980 's. There was no evidence of systematic or official
	discrimination in university enrollment or government or
	private employment in 1990. Under the Constitution's 13th
	Amendment, enacted in November 1988 to implement the terms of
	the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord, Tamil and Sinhalese were made
	coofficial languages and English the "link" language.
	However, one observer estimates that 98 percent of all schools
	still are segregated by language. During 1990 the Government
	continued its efforts to resuscitate the teaching of English
	as a lingua franca.
	Indian Tamils have suffered particular discrimination. No
	longer qualifying for citizenship under Indian law, they were
	also denied Sri Lankan citizenship by laws adopted after
	independence. Since then, the Sri Lankan and Indian
	Governments have reached several agreements aimed at resolving
	the problem of these stateless Tamils. Under a 1986
	agreement, the Sri Lankan Government agreed to grant
	citizenship to all remaining stateless Tamils. In November
	1988, the Government eliminated processing delays by passing a
	law making extension of citizenship to these stateless persons
	automatic upon simple request. The new legislation did not
	cover some 94,000 Tamils who themselves or whose parents once
	applied for Indian citizenship but who now wish to stay in Sri
	Lanka. These will be compelled to leave Sri Lanka, presumably
	for India. None, however, had been forced to leave by the end
	of 1990.
	To help address Tamil concerns, the Government had been
	attempting to recruit Tamils to the largely Sinhalese m.ilitary
	and to establish a predominantly Tamil police force for the
	northeast province. There were few Tamil volunteers for the
	military, but a number of candidates for the provincial police
	force were offered by the LTTE. Allegations by some Tamil
	leaders that the Government deliberately delayed hiring Tamil
	policemen are difficult to judge, and the plan for a
	provincial police force could not be implemented because of
	the LTTE attacks in June.
	Complaints in the past that Buddhists had an advantage over
	members of other religions in winning senior government
	positions are still heard, but less frequently. Members of
	all religious groups hold influential positions in the
	Government and in major political parties.
	Sri Lankan women have equal rights under the law, including
	equal property and inheritance rights. However, various
	ethnic and religious groups have their own strictures which
	place limitations on women. Some Tamil families believe their
	women members should not be seen working in public. Some
	Muslim women are discouraged by members of their community
	from seeking higher education or employment. Women do fill
	important posts in the civil service, the professions, and
	business, but most are found either in manual and semiskilled
	jobs or in the home. The Government sets pay rates for most
	agricultural and nonagricultural work, and according to
	Ministry of Labor Statistics, women are paid equally for equal
	or similar work.
	Violence against women occurs in Sri Lanka, but little is
	published about its extent. There are no official statistics
	on the subject. Abuse within the family is seldom reported or
	discussed publicly owing to a strong sense of family privacy.
	Perpetrators of violence against women may be prosecuted under
	the criminal code, but many women are reluctant to pursue
	charges against family members. There are infrequent reports
	of rape, wife beating, and murder of wives by husbands.
	Several women's advocacy groups have begun documenting and
	treating cases of violence against women.
	The Government established a commission for the elimination of
	discrimination and the monitoring of fundamental rights late
	in 1985. Charged with investigating individual complaints on
	the basis of race, religion, language, caste, sex, political
	opinion, or place of birth, the commission resolved over 200
	complaints by year's end. Many of these complaints were
	related to the workplace.
	 
	 
	Section 6 Worker Rights
	 
	      a. The Right of Association
	The Constitution provides for freedom of assembly and
	association and the right to form and join trade unions. Any
	seven workers may form a union, draw up their own procedures,
	elect their own representatives, and formulate programs.
	Worker rights, including the right to choose representatives,
	publicize views, and determine programs, are protected by
	law. Unions are free to affiliate internationally, and
	different Sri Lankan trade union federations are affiliates of
	all three major international trade union organizations.
	Public servants have no right to strike and are not provided
	arbitration machinery. Aggrieved public servants may appeal
	to the Public Service Commission for relief. However, union
	activists and labor lawyers claim that the Commission is
	biased against employees. Other workers are free to strike,
	and have done so frequently in the past. There were only a
	few strikes in 1990. These were small, isolated strikes in
	the plantation sector, mostly over administrative matters that
	were subsequently settled. Strikes in key industries require
	21 days' notice and are subject to other limitations. Under
	the Essential Services Act, the President may declare any
	business to be an essential service, making a strike illegal.
	There were no JVP-enforced involuntary strikes during 1990, as
	there had been in the years 1987-89.
	Together, about 1,000 labor unions and federations—there are
	no clearly dominant trade union centers—represent about
	one-third of the 5.5 million-strong labor force. Although
	there are a few independent unions, most large worker
	organizations are affiliated with political parties and play a
	significant role in the political process. Two unions are
	affiliated with, but are not directly controlled by, the
	ruling party.
	 
	      b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively
	Antiunion discrimination is prohibited by law, and workers are
	expressly granted the right to bargain collectively by
	formation of workers' councils to promote a voluntary
	worker-employer dialogue. Workers who believe that they have
	suffered discrimination as a result of their union affiliation
	or who believe that the right to bargain collectively has been
	abridged may lodge complaints with the Commissioner of Labor,
	the Labor Tribunal, or the Supreme Court. Department of Labor
	officers may arbitrate when workers and employers are not able
	to resolve a dispute. These officers are stationed throughout
	the country to assure that employers fulfill their legal and
	contractual obligations to workers and to be available for
	mediation in minor local disputes.
	Workers in the nonplantation agricultural sector and most of
	those employed in small businesses, as well as workers in the
	free trade zones, are not represented by unions. Unionization
	in the zones is not prohibited by law but is discouraged in
	practice by employers and the Government. Union organizers do
	not have access to workers inside the zone. Zone employees
	participate in labor-management company associations. Workers
	in the zone have the same legal right to strike, but in
	practice strikes are rare. Workers in the unorganized
	agricultural sector are not covered by labor laws, although
	the Government may investigate individual complaints. In
	January a new regulation prohibiting political or disruptive
	activities at all workplaces and schools took effect (see
	Section 2.b.). At that time, there had been no JVP-enforced
	strikes for 6 months, and concern was expressed that the
	regulation, which requires obtaining permission from the head
	of an institution before holding a meeting, might be used to
	prohibit legitimate labor activity. To date the regulation
	has not been enforced in the workplace.
	 
	      c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor
	While not prohibited by law, forced labor is not practiced by
	the Government or the private sector. The LTTE began forcibly
	conscripting labor for digging trenches and building bunkers
	beginning in September 1990.
	 
	      d. Minimum Age for Employment of Children
	Employment of children under age 12 is prohibited. Those
	between ages 12 and 14 are called child workers and may not be
	employed in industry or daiigerous occupations. Employment of
	young persons between 15 and 18 is subject to certain
	restrictions. Employees under age 18 cannot be required to
	work outside specified hours. In addition, employers are
	required to provide young workers with annual leave, rest
	periods, and meal breaks similar to those provided to adult
	workers. There is no compulsory education law.
	In practice there is a work force of children, probably
	numbering in the thousands, who work illegally, mostly at jobs
	in rice cultivation, as domestics, or as street peddlers.
	Public awareness of this problem is increasing, but efforts to
	redress it have been hampered by the fact that in many cases
	child workers are an important source of family income.
	 
	      e. Acceptable Conditions of Work
	There is no national minimum wage, but wage boards for 37
	different trades set minimum wages and working conditions.
	For example, the minimum wage rate for nurses, bus drivers,
	and garment workers is about $25 per month. Actual wages and
	working conditions generally exceed these minimums , which many
	union leaders consider insufficient for maintaining a decent
	standard of living. Most permanent full-time workers are
	covered by laws that provide that they shall work no more than
	45 hours per week and that they will receive a 14-day paid
	annual holiday.
	Minimum conditions for the protection of the safety and health
	of workers are set forth in legislation passed by Parliament
	and implemented by the Department of Labor, which employs a
	small staff of engineers and inspectors for this purpose.
	Fines up to $150 may be levied on employers who fail to meet
	the prescribed standards. The Department of Labor educates
	workers about minimum standards for different workplaces and
	encourages the use of safety equipment such as earplugs and
	safety guards. Government enforcement of health and safety
	standards is poor.