Nach einer Recherche in unserer Länderdokumentation und im Internet können wir Ihnen zu oben genannter Fragestellung Materialien zur Verfügung stellen, die unter anderem folgende Informationen enthalten:

Eurasianet erwähnt im April 2005, dass Akajew im Exil außerhalb Moskaus lebe:

“Kemin, a village in northeastern Kyrgyzstan that is former president Askar Akayev’s hometown, remains a bastion of support for the country’s old order. But with Akayev now living in exile outside Moscow, Kemin has gone from a privileged place to a political ghost town.” (Eurasianet, 18. April 2005)

Auch Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) erwähnt in einem Beitrag vom 27. Dezember 2005, dass Expräsident Akajew in Moskau lebe (RFE/RL, 27. Dezember 2005).

 

Im März 2006 schreibt das Institute for War and Peace Reporting (IWPR), dass Akajew noch immer im Exil in Russland lebe:

“Akaev, who is still in exile in Russia, naturally disagrees with such views, and still insists the revolt was “unlawful” and “anti-constitutional”.” (IWPR, 18. März 2006)

Die Jamestown Foundation berichtete im April 2005, dass das kirgisische Parlament die diplomatische Immunität für die Familienmitglieder Akajews aufgehoben habe. Dies sei insofern relevant, als Akajews Ehefrau Mairam, seine Tochter Bermet und sein Sohn Aida den Ruf hätten, besonders korrupt gewesen zu sein. Nun könnten Akajews Familienmitglieder wegen Korruption angeklagt werden.

Die Jamestown Foundation berichtete weiter, dass nur noch wenige Unterstützer Akajews im Parlament und in der Regierung verblieben seien: Die meisten hätten entweder die Seite gewechselt und unterstützten nun die neue Regierung oder nähmen am politischen Leben nicht mehr teil. So sei der ehemalige Premierminister Nikolaj Tanajew nun in Russland:

“According to a parliamentary decision on April 8, Akayev was denied the historical status of being the first president of independent Kyrgyzstan.5 The parliament also deprived him of the right to a personal security guard (provided by the state) within the territory of Kyrgyzstan, the right to take part in the political life of the country and diplomatic immunity for his family members.6 This last clause is especially significant, as Akayev’s wife Mairam, daughter Bermet, and son Aidar, had reputations as particularly corrupt figures within the government. In legal terms this means that Akayev’s family members can now be investigated on corruption charges. […]

However, there seem to be few pro-Akayev supporters left in the government or the parliament. Once steadfast supporters have either moved in favor of the opposition or vacated the political scene altogether. For example, former prime minister Nikolai Tanayev is seeking a new position in Russia, while state secretary Osmonakun Ibraimov abandoned Akayev in the last minutes of his regime. Even the world’s “most famous Kyrgyz,” as locals know him, writer and diplomat Chingiz Aitmatov has spoken against the previous government. There are also former ministers, deputies, and secretaries who rushed to publicly criticize Akayev, as Akayev his regime collapsed. In effect, the new parliament elected in February-March, a body intended to become a major pro-Akayev force, has turned against him. Ultimately, 60 out of 63 parliamentarians voted to cancel Akayev’s presidential privileges.” (Jamestown Foundation, 12. April 2005)

Auch Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) schreibt im Mai 2005, dass viele wichtige Personen der neuen Staatsführung bereits unter Akajew prominente Mitglieder der Elite gewesen seien, oft als hochrangige Beamte:

“But many top figures in the current leadership were also prominent members of the country's elite under Akaev, often as high-ranking officials.” (RFE/RL, 4. Mai 2005)

Auch das Institute for War and Peace Reporting (IWPR) zitierte im Dezember 2005 einen Vertreter einer kirgisischen NGO mit der Aussage, dass der neue Präsident Bakijew von den selben Leuten beraten würde, die früher den inneren Kreis um Akajew gebildet hätten:

“Baisalov [head of the NGO Coalition for Democracy and Civil Society] agrees, adding, “They want a lot of talk about reform, but it’s clear Bakiev and his circle are resisting. Bakiev is being advised by the same people who at one time formed Akaev’s inner circle.”” (IWPR, 23. Dezember 2005)

Freedom House gibt in seinem Bericht „Nations in Transit“ vom Juli 2006 an, dass auf der Ebene der Lokalregierungen die meisten Beamte, die noch von Akajew eingesetzt worden sind, auch 2005 ihre Ämter behalten hätten:

„Local Democratic Governance

[…] in fact, most of the officials placed by President Akayev remained at their posts during 2005 under President Bakiyev.” (FH, Juli 2006, S. 15)

Im Juni 2005 berichtete das Institute for War and Peace Reporting (IWPR), dass Jyrgalbek Surabaldiev, ein Verbündeter von Expräsident Akajew, ermordet worden sei:

“Kyrgyz politicians are reeling in shock at the assassination of a leading ally of former president Askar Akaev.

Jyrgalbek Surabaldiev, a businessman and member of parliament, was shot dead on June 10 in broad daylight in the centre of the Kyrgyz capital Bishkek. A second man, Surabaldiev’s driver, was injured in the shooting.” (IWPR, 10. Juni 2005)

Die International Crisis Group (ICG) berichtete über diesen Mord im Dezember 2005, und gab dabei an, dass manche vermuten, dass der Mord einen politischen Hintergrund habe und mit der Unterstützung Surabaldievs für Akajew im Zusammenhang stünde, während andere davon ausgingen, dass der Mord vor dem Hintergrund eines Streites um Eigentum stünde:

“On 10 June, parliamentarian Jyrgalbek Surabaldiyev was shot and killed in broad daylight in the centre of Bishkek. Some suspected a political act since he was a strong Akayev supporter and was rumoured to have organised the young men in white caps who had attacked anti-Akayev demonstrators outside the White House on 24 March.5 He was also a well-known Bishkek businessman, and others believed the slaying, with all the hallmarks of a contract killing, was linked to a property dispute.” (ICG, 16. Dezember 2005, S. 2)

Im Juni 2005 berichtete die Jamestown Foundation von der Ankündigung der kirgisischen Regierung, die Korruption zu bekämpfen. Dabei habe der stellvertretende Premierminister Daniyar Usenow angekündigt, dass mehr Verbündete des Expräsidenten Akajews ins Gefängnis kommen würden. Zu den meistgesuchten Personen würden laut Jamestown Foundation der ehemalige Premierminister Nikolaj Tanajew und Akajews Schwiegersohn Adil Toigonbajew gehören. Beiden würde eine Anklage wegen extremer Korruption drohen.

Weiters würde mehreren prominenten Einzelpersonen vorgeworfen, Akajew Bestechungsgelder bezahlt zu haben, so etwa dem Nationalbankchef Ulan Sarbanow, der aber alle Vorwürfe bestreite und Akajew verantwortlich mache:

“The Kyrgyz government is determined to investigate, prosecute and eliminate corruption in the state. Deputy Prime Minister Daniyar Usenov recently announced that more associates of former president Askar Akayev would find themselves in prison. […]

The government’s most-wanted figures include former Prime Minister Nikolai Tanayev and Akayev’s son-in-law, Adil Toigonbayev, who is a Kazakh citizen. Both men are accused of extreme instances of corruption and face legal prosecution. There are concrete embezzlement charges against Tanayev. Kyrgyzstan’s top prosecutor has issued an arrest warrant, but his current location is unknown.29 Toigonbayev’s case might prove especially difficult to prosecute, because his influence on local businesses was effectively veiled by legal means. Many of the enterprises he controlled were registered under different owners. The Kyrgyz Prosecutor-General is waiting for the Kazakh embassy in Bishkek to recognize the charges against Toigonbayev.

A number of prominent individuals have been accused of paying bribes to Akayev, including the head of the National Bank, Ulan Sarbanov, who is suspected of illegally transferring $480 million to the president’s account in 1999. Sarbanov denies any charges, saying he acted within the law and that it is Akayev who must be held responsible for the money.” (Jamestown Foundation, 7. Juni 2005)

Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) berichtete im August 2005 von Berichten, dass gegen den Schwiegersohn Akajews, Adil Toigonbajew, ein Haftbefehl ausgestellt worden sei. Ihm würde Betrug, Veruntreuung und Steuerhinterziehung vorgeworfen. Es würde vermutet, dass sich Toigonbajew in Kasachstan aufhalte. Seiner Frau, der Tochter von Akajew, sei Wahlbetrug vorgeworfen worden, und ihr sei ihr Parlamentsmandat aberkannt worden:

“A report says Adil Toigonbaev, a businessman and the son-in-law of ousted Kyrgyz President Askar Akaev, has been accused of fraud, embezzlement, and tax evasion. The AFP news agency quoted the Kyrgyz Prosecutor-General's Office as saying Toigonbaev, married to Akaev's eldest daughter Bermet, faces an arrest warrant and detention. He is currently thought to be in his native Kazakhstan.

Bermet Akaeva, who had served as a deputy of the Kyrgyz parliament, had her mandate revoked last month when she was accused of electoral fraud by the country's Central Election Commission.” (RFE/RL, 19. August 2005)

Auch BBC News berichtete am 22. August von der Ausstellung des Haftbefehls gegen Adil Toigonbajew. In dieser Meldung wird auch erwähnt, dass Askar Akajew, der im Exil in Russland lebe, als ehemaliger Präsident Immunität vor Strafverfolgung genieße:

“In another development, a warrant was issued for the arrest of former President Askar Akayev's son-in-law, Adil Toigonbayev. The warrant is in connection with a corruption case involving Mr Toigonbayev's fuel company, which supplied the American military base just outside Bishkek. The Akayev family was generally believed to control many of Kyrgyzstan's most profitable businesses, though family members always denied it. Mr Akayev, who remains in exile in Russia, has immunity from prosecution in Kyrgyzstan as a former president.” (BBC News, 22. August 2005)

Am 22. August 2005 berichtete Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), dass der ehemalige Premierminister Tanajew aus Russland zurückgekehrt sei, wohin er im Zusammenhang mit dem Sturz von Präsident Akajew geflohen sei. Tanajew würde Korruption und Amtsmissbrauch vorgeworfen, er sei jedoch nach seiner Befragung durch die Staatsanwaltschaft gegen eine Kaution entlassen worden. Die Generalstaatsanwaltschaft habe neben Tanajew auch gegen den Sohn und den Schwiegersohn Akajews Anklage erhoben:

“Former Kyrgyz Prime Minister Nikolai Tanaev was released on bail after being questioned by the Prosecutor-General's Office in Bishkek.

A senior aide to the prosecutor-general, Sumar Nasiza, told RFE/RL that Tanaev was facing charges of corruption and abuse of office.

"The Prosecutor-General's Office opened several criminal cases against Mr. Tanaev. It has been reported in all mass media that he was charged in absentia with abuse of office and illegal use of budget funds and it was decided, in his absence, that he was to be arrested as a preventive measure," Nasiza said.

Prosecutors later agreed not to detain him while they investigate in exchange for a written promise that he will not attempt to leave the country.

Tanaev's lawyer, Maxim Maximovich, said his client denied any wrongdoing.

Tanaev has returned to the country from voluntary exile in Russia, where he had fled following the protests in March that led to the ouster of President Askar Akaev.

The Prosecutor-General's Office has also charged two members of the former president's family with corruption -- his son, Aidar Akaev, and son-in-law, Adil Toigonbayev.” (RFE/RL, 22. August 2005)

Im Dezember 2005 berichtete RFE/RL, dass die kirgisischen Behörden von Russland die Auslieferung von Akajews Sohn Aidar beantragt hätten. Aidar Akajew würde Erpressung und Geldwäsche vorgeworfen, er und seine Familie würden diese Vorwürfe aber als politisch motiviert bestreiten. Laut RFE/RL ist Aidar Akajew zwar Parlamentsabgeordneter in Kirgisistan, seine Immunität sei aber aufgehoben worden.

RFE/RL berichtet weiter, dass die Staatsanwaltschaft auch den ehemaligen kirgisischen Verteidigungsminister Esen Topojew wegen Korruption suche:

„Kyrgyzstan's top prosecutor says he has asked Russia to extradite former President Askar Akaev's son Aidar on criminal charges.

Speaking today in Bishkek, Chief Prosecutor Kambaraly Kongantiyev said that Aidar Akaev is in Russia and must be arrested.

In March, Aidar fled Kyrgyzstan with his family during an uprising that overthrew his father. Kyrgyz authorities accuse him of extortion and money laundering. He and his family say the charges are politically motivated.

Aidar Akaev is a member of parliament, but Kyrgyz authorities have taken away his parliamentary immunity, leaving him open to prosecution.

Kongantiyev today also said that Kyrgyzstan's former defense minister, Esen Topoyev, is wanted as well on corruption charges.” (RFE/RL, 27. Dezember 2005)

Transparency International (TI) berichtete im Februar 2006 über die Untersuchen gegen Personen aus der Umgebung Akajews wegen Korruptionsvorwürfen. Hier wird unter anderem angegeben, dass das kirgisische Parlament Akajew zwar seine Privilegien aberkannt habe, dass aber bisher keine Strafverfolgung gegen ihn eingeleitet worden sei. Es seien zwar fast 120 Strafverfahren gegen Firmen eingeleitet worden, die mit Akajew und seiner engeren Umgebung in Verbindung stünden, aber Akajew selbst würde dabei nie direkt genannt:

“Former president Askar Akayev’s last declaration of assets before he was overthrown included a four-room apartment in Bishkek, an old Mercedes and a modest dacha in Moscow. A commission set up in April 2005 to investigate the business interests of the ex-president and members of his family is examining an extensive list of properties. These range from newspapers, radio stations and supermarkets, to hotels, banks, an airport and the country’s largest mobile telephone company, BiTel, worth an estimated US $250 million.8 Unravelling the complex web of ownership surrounding these companies has been difficult, the deputy prime minister and commission chairman Daniyar Usenov admitted. The founders of BiTel were three offshore companies registered in the Isle of Man. The founders of those were two companies registered in the Seychelles, and the founders of those are two Liberian companies. ‘According to our information,’ he said, ‘the founders of those companies are, in turn, the Akayev family on the one hand, and [BiTel’s] management … on the other.’ Other companies have been tracked back to shell companies in Cyprus, the Cayman Islands, Liechstenstein, Panama, Turkey and Germany. Establishing the link between the Akayev family and these alleged business interests, however, may be impossible.9 Though stripped of his privileges by an act of parliament, Akayev has yet to face prosecution. Less than 10 days after it was created, the commission announced a ‘tentative’ list of 42 companies to be investigated for links to the Akayev family. A further 31 companies were added to the original list within days and, by late May 2005, 136 other companies had been added to the original list. The commission is also investigating ‘money transfer schemes through offshore zones, schemes for skimming from the budget, and from such enterprises as the Kumtor [gold mine]’. A further 48 companies are under investigation for making arrangements with the tax inspectorate to avoid paying taxes. Usenov suggested that Manas International Service, an aircraft fuel supplier allegedly owned by Aydar Askayev, the president’s son, had posted sales of US $30 million a year, but profits of ‘only a few thousand dollars’.10 ‘If one calculates the damage done to the country from illegal privatisation, tax avoidance, non-payment of duties, illegal seizure of business from businessmen, in all areas,’ Usenov – himself a businessman – said, ‘I would assess this at billions of soms.’11 The acting general prosecutor Azimbek Beknazarov announced in June that the government had agreed to pay a Vienna-based legal firm US $500,000 and 5 per cent of any monies returned to pursue an out-of-country investigation, because Kyrgyz investigators were not licensed to operate abroad.12 Earlier in the investigation, the commission sent formal requests to Interpol and the fiscal authorities in the United States and the UK for information about the ex-president’s bank accounts. Although the authorities have launched nearly 120 criminal cases against companies connected with the Akayevs and their circle, not a single one has directly named the former president. In response, he has accused Usenov of exacting vengeance on a former political adversary and launched a defamation case through a Russian lawyer.13 During a press interview in April 2005 about the tax evasion schemes businessmen used while Akayev was in power, Usenov stressed future compliance rather than past wrongdoing. ‘We’re not asking about what happened yesterday’, he said. ‘Otherwise we’ll have to put half the country in jail.’14” (TI, 1. Februar 2006, S. 198)

BBC News berichtete im März 2006 von 68 Fällen von strafrechtlichen Untersuchungen gegen Akajew und seine Familie wegen Wirtschaftsverbrechen:

“However, deputy prosecutor general Abibulla Abdygaparov said in an interview published by state media on Friday that there were currently 68 criminal investigations into Mr Akayev and his family over alleged economic crimes worth $30m.” (BBC News, 10. März 2006)

Freedom House (FH) schreibt in seinem Bericht „Nations in Transit“ vom Juli 2006, dass viele Funktionsträger des alten Regimes, darunter auch Expräsident Akajew und Mitglieder seiner Familie, wegen Korruptionsvorwürfen gesucht würden, um einvernommen zu werden:

“Also, many former officials, including former president Akayev and members of his family, were wanted for questioning about corruption before the events of March.” (FH, Juli 2006, S. 4/5)

Freedom House berichtet weiter, dass mit dem Machtwechsel auch das Gerichtswesen die Seite gewechselt habe. So habe die kirgisische Staatsanwaltschaft dem Schwiegersohn Akajews Veruntreuung vorgeworfen, außerdem seien auch gegen Akajews Sohn Untersuchungen eingeleitet worden, und es habe Versuche gegeben, auch die Immunität Akajews aufzuheben. Medienberichten zufolge verfüge die Staatsanwaltschaft über Dokumente, die zeigen würden, dass Akajew, seine Familie und seine Freunde über 20 Mio. US-Dollar gestohlen hätten.

FH berichtet weiter, dass auch dem ehemaligen Premierminister Tanajew eine Anklage drohen könne, obwohl ihm laut eigenen Angaben bei seiner Rückkehr versprochen worden sei, dass ihm kein Verfahren drohe. Der ehemalige Vorsitzende der Zentralen Wahlkommission sei hingegen von den Vorwürfen des Amtsmissbrauches freigesprochen worden:

“After the events of March, the court system switched sides. Former opposition figures, now the country’s leaders, were acquitted of past convictions. An appeal by Bermet Akayeva to regain her lost seat in the Parliament was rejected. A warrant was put out for the arrest of her husband, Adil Toigonbayev, a citizen also of Kazakhstan, who was in charge of supplying the U.S.-led coalition base at Manas with fuel. Kyrgyz prosecutors alleged that he embezzled much of the money made from this deal. An investigation was launched against Aidar Akayev, son of the former president and MP, and there was a move among some former opposition politicians, notably former acting prosecutor general Azimbek Beknazarov, to lift former President Akayev’s constitutional immunity from investigation or prosecution.

On December 18, Kyrgyzstan’s Kabar news agency reported that the Office of the Prosecutor General had documents showing that Akayev, his family, and his friends stole some 400 million som and US$20.2 million from the state. Former prime minister Tanayev returned to Kyrgyzstan on August 22 to answer questions, was caught trying to cross the border into Kazakhstan in early September, and was placed under house arrest “at night” in Bishkek. He may also face charges despite what he claims were guarantees made ahead of his return that he would not be put on trial or imprisoned. Notably, the former chairman of the CEC, Sulaiman Imanbayev, was acquitted of charges of abuse of office in November.” (FH, Juli 2006, S. 16)

In den ACCORD derzeit zur Verfügung stehenden Quellen konnten im Rahmen der zeitlich begrenzten Recherche keine Informationen dazu gefunden werden, ob der kirgisische Staat auch gegen Familienmitglieder ehemaliger Mitarbeiter Akajews vorgeht.

 

Diese Informationen beruhen auf einer zeitlich begrenzten Recherche in öffentlich zugänglichen Dokumenten, die ACCORD derzeit zur Verfügung stehen. Diese Antwort stellt keine Meinung zum Inhalt eines bestimmten Ansuchens um Asyl oder anderen internationalen Schutz dar. Wir empfehlen, die verwendeten Materialien zur Gänze durchzusehen.