Dokument #1081005
IRB – Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (Autor)
Specific information on the above-mentioned
subjects could not be found among the sources consulted by the
DIRB. However, the following general information on marriage
between low-caste or outcast Somalis and those from the major clan
families was obtained in a 13 September 1996 telephone interview
with a professor of African and women's studies at City College in
New York, who is knowledgeable about Somali customs and
traditions.
According to the professor, marriages
between the major Somali clans and those groups considered
low-caste or outcast were and are rare. The professor explained
that the Sheikhal have a reputation for religious probity, and that
a marriage to someone from one of the low-caste groups like the
Tuni would be exceptional. However, the source explained that the
circumstances of the couple that led to the marriage would need to
be known in order to understand the consequences, if any, of a
marriage between a Sheikhal and a Tuni.
A family might shun a son or daughter who
marries without his or her family's approval. In addition, the
family would be expected to treat the offender in this fashion,
otherwise it might be mocked by the larger community. The source
also described an example of an extreme response, such as when a
relative decides that a marriage brings such dishonour on the
family that he kills the couple, or in the case of a woman who
marries without approval, the woman. The source stressed that this
was an extreme example and that family reactions could be mitigated
by a number of factors. For example, an only son might be treated
differently than a son from a family in which there are two or
three sons; likewise, the eldest son from his brothers.
The source also stated that the 1960s and
1970s were a period of Somali nationalism in which clan identity
was outlawed and less emphasis placed on clan identity. Young
people were encouraged to identify with being Somalis first and
with the objectives of the Somali state. Clan membership might not
have been at issue for younger people in an urban setting during
this period. Some Muslims also consider clanism and nationalism to
be secondary to Islam, so an inter-clan marriage may not be
problematic.
The professor added that marriage in Somali
society also mirrors the fluidity of Somali politics and clan
relationships, to the extent that in times of conflict clans will
be more restrictive about who constitutes an eligible marriage
partner. During times of peace exogamous marriage is the
traditional and strategic norm. Low-caste groups have always tended
to be endogamous because of their limited social status in Somali
society.
In a February 1996 presentation to the
Immigration and Refugee Board in Toronto, Matt Bryden, a consultant
with the United Nations Emergency Unit for Ethiopia (UN-EUE),
stated that the minority or outcast groups in Somalia tend to marry
within their group (15 Feb. 1996, 45). He also added the following
information on marriage between major clans and outcast groups,
which may be of interest.
According to Bryden, "marriage typically
requires the consent of both clans," and "it depends which member
of the couple is male and which is female" (ibid.). Bryden states
that in the situation of an Issaq male marrying a Midgan women, the
man's family "would have nothing to say in [the marriage] if he
chose to do so (ibid.)." In the woman's case her father or uncle
would be responsible for the ceremony, so she would have the
consent of her family (ibid., 46). Regarding an elopement between
an Issaq male and a Midgan woman, Bryden states that it would be
rare for the couple to be subjected to persecution from either
family (ibid.). "It is very hard to envisage, so I think someone
who is claiming on those grounds would probably have some further
explanation to make" (ibid.).
For additional information on marriage
between low-caste groups and Somali clans, please consult Responses
to Information Requests SOM23044.E of 20 March 1996 and SOM23701.E
of 29 March 1996, which are available at Regional Documentation
Centres.
This Response was prepared after
researching publicly accessible information currently available to
the DIRB within time constraints. This Response is not, and does
not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular
claim to refugee status or asylum.
References
Convention Refugee Determination
Division, Immigration and Refugee Board, Toronto. 15 February 1996.
Information Session on Somalia.
Professor of African and women's
studies, City College, New York. 13 September 1996. Telephone
interview.