Dokument #1011468
Freedom House (Autor)
2007 | 2008 | 2009 | 2010 | 2011 | 2012 | 2013 | 2014 | 2015 | 2016 | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
National Democratic Governance | 4.75 | 4.75 | 5.00 | 5.00 | 5.50 | 5.75 | 5.75 | 6.00 | 6.00 | 5.75 |
Electoral Process | 3.00 | 3.00 | 3.50 | 3.50 | 3.50 | 3.75 | 4.00 | 4.00 | 3.50 | 3.50 |
Civil Society | 2.75 | 2.75 | 2.75 | 2.75 | 2.75 | 2.75 | 2.75 | 2.50 | 2.25 | 2.25 |
Independent Media | 3.75 | 3.50 | 3.50 | 3.50 | 3.75 | 4.00 | 4.00 | 4.25 | 4.00 | 4.00 |
Local Democratic Governance | 5.25 | 5.25 | 5.25 | 5.25 | 5.50 | 5.50 | 5.50 | 5.50 | 5.50 | 5.25 |
Judicial Framework and Independence | 4.50 | 4.75 | 5.00 | 5.00 | 5.50 | 6.00 | 6.00 | 6.00 | 6.00 | 6.00 |
Corruption | 5.75 | 5.75 | 5.75 | 5.75 | 5.75 | 6.00 | 6.00 | 6.25 | 6.00 | 6.00 |
Democracy Score | 4.25 | 4.25 | 4.39 | 4.39 | 4.61 | 4.82 | 4.86 | 4.93 | 4.75 | 4.68 |
NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. If consensus cannot be reached, Freedom House is responsible for the final ratings. The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest. The Democracy Score is an average of ratings for the categories tracked in a given year. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s).
Ukraine has survived the severe political crisis that Russia instigated after popular protests—in what became known as the Euromaidan Revolution, or Revolution of Dignity—led to the fall of then president Viktor Yanukovych in February 2014. However, Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea and its semicovert “hybrid war” in the Donbas region of eastern Ukraine have settled into frozen conflicts, leaving the affected territories under de facto Russian control.
In a deal brokered by Germany and France in February 2015, Ukraine and Russia signed the second “Minsk Agreement,” which called for a cease-fire in eastern Ukraine, set out terms for the withdrawal of military equipment, and provided a sequence of steps for a final political solution between the two sides.[1] The agreement brought some relaxation in the conflict, but a comprehensive cease-fire was achieved only in September, after representatives of Germany, France, Ukraine, and Russia met again in Paris. Full implementation of the Minsk accord faces severe challenges, not only because violations of the cease-fire continue, but also because Russia and Ukraine interpret the agreement’s provisions differently, especially those concerning elections in territories not under the control of the Ukrainian authorities. Ukraine insists that any such elections must meet basic criteria like free access for media and observers, free operation of political parties, and voting rights for internally displaced persons (IDPs). Russia disagrees with these criteria and disregards Minsk’s requirement that it withdraw its military personnel from eastern Ukraine. Constitutional changes required by Minsk, including special status for the occupied portions of the Luhansk and Donetsk regions in the Donbas, are also deeply unpopular in Ukraine and had not passed the parliament at year’s end.
Despite the largely frozen conflict in the east, political life stabilized in 2015, and there was some progress on the huge range of reforms Ukraine requires to become a fully democratic state based on the rule of law. President Petro Poroshenko strengthened his position due in part to the weakness of his rivals; while public confidence in him decreased, he still enjoyed the highest approval ratings of Ukraine’s top politicians.[2] Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk is deeply unpopular, with public support at 2 to 3 percent. Although the constitutional changes of 2014 reestablished a mixed parliamentary-presidential system, the president remains the center of power. The ruling coalition in the Verkhovna Rada (parliament) initially included five political forces: the Poroshenko Bloc, Yatsenyuk’s People’s Front, Samopomich, the Radical Party, and Batkivshchyna. In September 2015 the populist Radical Party left the coalition.
On October 25, elections were held for mayors of cities and villages and for regional, district, city, and village councils. Poroshenko’s party led the balloting, with approximately 19.4 percent of the total vote. It also won the mayoral contest in Kyiv, though other parties won in the major cities of Kharkiv, Odesa, and Lviv.
The year brought long-awaited and significant reforms in local governance. About 7 percent of local communities were consolidated into larger, more manageable units in the first half of the year on a voluntary basis. Deeper constitutional reform on decentralization remained unpopular, however, because it was entangled with the question of implementing the Minsk accord, and with other provisions that could give additional powers to the president.
Civil society remains the strongest element in Ukraine’s democratic transition. From official councils and independent advocacy campaigns to participation in new anticorruption institutions, Ukraine’s powerful civil society is playing a crucial role in driving reforms aimed at building functional democracy and the rule of law.
Ukraine has a pluralistic media environment, and in 2015 there were positive legislative changes that should bolster it, including requirements to disclose the real owners of media outlets and to publish official registers of property—both essential steps for exposing the media assets of the country’s politically powerful business magnates, or “oligarchs.” A new public broadcaster has been created, and privatization of local outlets will help remove local officials’ control over media. Despite such progress, there continue to be an unacceptable number of attacks on journalists.
Judicial reforms are also under way, but it is too early to determine whether they will be successful. Political bias, corruption, incompetence, and dishonesty are deeply entrenched in the judiciary and prosecutors’ offices. However, the launch of a new police force and significant changes in the legislation regulating the Prosecutor General’s Office in 2015 were seen as steps in the right direction. Similarly, new anticorruption institutions have been established and a new national strategy for the fight against corruption has been adopted, but the struggle to actually uproot corruption in practice still lies ahead.
Score Changes:
As a result, Ukraine’s Democracy Score improved from 4.75 to 4.68.
Outlook for 2016: Ukraine will continue to face challenges to its statehood and territorial integrity due to Russian aggression and the fragility of its national democratic institutions. At the same time, the most severe crisis has likely passed, and the country will have more space for implementing reforms and encouraging economic recovery. The largest challenges remain the high level of corruption and the weakness of institutions tasked with ensuring the rule of law. The majority coalition in the parliament suffers from internal rifts, and the dissolution of the Verkhovna Rada for early parliamentary elections in 2016 cannot be ruled out.
2007 | 2008 | 2009 | 2010 | 2011 | 2012 | 2013 | 2014 | 2015 | 2016 |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
4.75 | 4.75 | 5.00 | 5.00 | 5.50 | 5.75 | 5.75 | 6.00 | 6.00 | 5.75 |
2007 | 2008 | 2009 | 2010 | 2011 | 2012 | 2013 | 2014 | 2015 | 2016 |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
3.00 | 3.00 | 3.50 | 3.50 | 3.50 | 3.75 | 4.00 | 4.00 | 3.50 | 3.50 |
2007 | 2008 | 2009 | 2010 | 2011 | 2012 | 2013 | 2014 | 2015 | 2016 |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
2.75 | 2.75 | 2.75 | 2.75 | 2.75 | 2.75 | 2.75 | 2.50 | 2.25 | 2.25 |
2007 | 2008 | 2009 | 2010 | 2011 | 2012 | 2013 | 2014 | 2015 | 2016 |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
3.75 | 3.50 | 3.50 | 3.50 | 3.75 | 4.00 | 4.00 | 4.25 | 4.00 | 4.00 |
2007 | 2008 | 2009 | 2010 | 2011 | 2012 | 2013 | 2014 | 2015 | 2016 |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
5.25 | 5.25 | 5.25 | 5.25 | 5.50 | 5.50 | 5.50 | 5.50 | 5.50 | 5.25 |
2007 | 2008 | 2009 | 2010 | 2011 | 2012 | 2013 | 2014 | 2015 | 2016 |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
4.50 | 4.75 | 5.00 | 5.00 | 5.50 | 6.00 | 6.00 | 6.00 | 6.00 | 6.00 |
2007 | 2008 | 2009 | 2010 | 2011 | 2012 | 2013 | 2014 | 2015 | 2016 |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
5.75 | 5.75 | 5.75 | 5.75 | 5.75 | 6.00 | 6.00 | 6.25 | 6.00 | 6.00 |
Author: Oleksandr Sushko and Olena Prystayko
Dr. Oleksandr Sushko is the research director of the Institute for Euro-Atlantic Cooperation in Kyiv, Ukraine. Dr. Olena Prystayko is the executive director of the Ukrainian Think Tanks Liaison Office in Brussels. Among other positions, she has previously worked as a project manager at the Directorate of Internal Oversight of the Council of Europe (2013); representative in Brussels of the Memorial Anti-Discrimination Center and the Sova Center (2012); and as a research fellow at the EU-Russia Center in Brussels (2008–2011).
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[73] “Ukraine’s High Fliers Accused in Parliament of Black Market Payments for Private Jets,” bne Intellinews, 16 October 2015, http://www.intellinews.com/ukraine-s-high-fliers-accused-in-parliament-of-black-market-payments-for-private-jets-500447448/?archive=bne
[74] “Rada Adopted the Law on Civil Service,” It’s Ukraine, 10 December 2015, http://en.reporter-ua.ru/rada-adopted-the-law-on-civil-service.html
[75] “Adoption of the Law of Ukraine ‘On Service in Local Self-Government Bodies’ (new version),” National Reforms Council, accessed 5 April 2016, http://reforms.in.ua/en/reform/indicator/8974
Nations in Transit 2016 - Kazakhstan (Periodischer Bericht, Englisch)