Anfragebeantwortung zu Ägypten: Korruption, insbesondere der Polizei; Informationen zu Familienfehden/Blutfehden und Racheakten [a-10107]

10. März 2017

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Die folgenden Ausschnitte aus ausgewählten Quellen enthalten Informationen zu oben genannten Fragestellungen (Zugriff auf alle Quellen am 10. März 2017):

Korruption, insbesondere der Polizei

·      USDOS - US Department of State: Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2016 - Egypt, 3. März 2017 (verfügbar auf

„The law provides criminal penalties for official corruption, but the government did not consistently enforce the law. There were allegations members of the government, as well as the previous Mubarak and Morsy governments, engaged in corrupt practices with impunity. Court cases still pending at year’s end were inconclusive regarding the accusations of impunity. The existing government pursued corruption cases against senior officials.

Corruption: The Central Agency for Auditing and Accounting (CAA) was the government’s anticorruption body and submitted reports to the president and the prime minister that were not available to the public. The auditing and accounting agency stationed monitors at state-owned companies to report corrupt practices. The Administrative Control Authority, another independent body, had jurisdiction over state administrative bodies, state-owned enterprises, public associations and institutions, private companies undertaking public work, and organizations to which the state contributes in any form.

On March 28, the president dismissed the head of the CAA, Hehsam Geneina. In December 2015 Geneina publicly claimed that corruption in public and government circles led to the squandering and misappropriation of more than LE [Egyptian Pound] 600 billion ($33 million). In January a government fact-finding committee alleged that Geneina deliberately exaggerated figures about corruption for political purposes. Geneina told media that the allegations against him were politically motivated. On July 28, a Cairo court convicted Geneina of spreading false information, sentencing him to a one-year suspended prison term and a fine of LE 20,000 ($1,100). A court rejected Geneina’s appeal on December 22 but suspended the implementation of his sentence for three years.

On January 9, the Court of Cassation rejected an appeal of a May 2015 Cairo criminal court conviction of former president Hosni Mubarak and his sons, Alaa Mubarak and Gamal Mubarak, on corruption charges, sentencing all three to three years’ imprisonment. They were also fined collectively LE 21.2 million ($1.17 million) and ordered to repay LE 125 million ($6.9 million) in stolen funds. In October 2015 the court ordered the release of Alaa Mubarak and Gamal Mubarak from prison upon completion of their sentences. No further appeals are possible.

On March 12, the government announced it had reached a reconciliation agreement with businessman Hussein Salem. Salem had lived in Spain since 2011, following sentencing in his absence to 15 years in prison on corruption charges related to the sale of natural gas and 10 years in prison on corruption charges related to the sale of electricity. According to Salem’s lawyer’s comments to media, the agreement included the transfer of 78 percent of the assets held by Salem, his children, and his grandchildren to the government.

On April 11, a Cairo court sentenced former agriculture minister Salah Eddin Helal to 10 years in prison and a fine of LE one million ($55,100). The court convicted Salah and other ministry officials of accepting bribes to help businessmen illegally acquire state land. Salah appealed the decision, and court proceedings continued at year’s end.

Financial Disclosure: There are no financial disclosure laws for public officials. A 2013 conflict-of-interest law forbids government officials from maintaining any pecuniary interest in matters over which they exercise authority.

Public Access to Information: There is no legal framework stipulating how citizens can access government information. The government generally was not responsive to requests for documents regarding government activities and did not provide reasons for its lack of responsiveness.“ (USDOS, 3. März 2017, Section 4)

·      The New Arab: Five ways Egypt's corrupt police profit from their jobs, 7. Juni 2016

Low-rank Egyptian police officer Mohamed Abdel Samee sparked outrage and controversy when he had to return 19 million EGP ($2.14 million) he had received from Mubarak-era interior minister Habib al-Adly as a ‘bonus’, while his main salary was no more than 3,000 EGP ($338). Abdel Samee was one of 73 other defendants in a police corruption case. Charges against them were dropped in exchange for the return of a total of 182 million EGP ($20 million) of illicit gains. Police officer and security expert Mahmoud Qatari described the case as ‘legalised corruption’. ‘This is evident in the massive income disparity among police officers and leading ranks,’ he told The New Arab. ‘Corruption began to spread in the interior ministry during the era of late President Mohamed Anwar al-Sadat [1970-1981],’ he explained. ‘With the decline of income for state employees as opposed to business owners, rich and poor classes emerged within the interior ministry.’ Qatari, who has previously led three initiatives to reform the security sector in Egypt, added that police officers were tempted to accept bribes from arms and drug dealers as they see their superiors' wealth expanding. ‘One police officer asked for 2,000 metres of tiles for the floors in his house [without paying], and when the storeowner refused, his son was arrested for [false] possession of 20 kilograms of marijuana,’ he said.

The interior ministry does not provide any statistics or official reports about financial corruption among its staff, who are not allowed to speak to the media or make any statements without the approval of its media office. However, based on the archives of several leading Egyptian newspapers, this investigation has documented the imprisonment of 19 low-rank officers and 25 others with various ranks on charges of profiteering, abuse of power, fraud, bribery, embezzlement, car smuggling and drug possession during 2014 and 2015.

Below are five ways Egyptian police officers of various ranks use their power and positions for profit.


Bribery is one of the main forms of corruption within Egypt's interior ministry. This was shown in the case of the al-Doksh gang. This case only surfaced by coincidence after officer Mostafa Lotfy was killed in an undercover mission aiming to arrest fugitive Mohamed Hafez, known in his circles as al-Doksh. When al-Doksh and his father were arrested in a police raid after Lotfy was killed, they confessed to recruiting a number of police officers, with monthly salaries of up to 60,000 EGP ($6,760). According to media reports, six senior police officers were subjected to disciplinary measures after being proven to provide the gang with information about police raids in exchange for bribes and drugs. This case was not the first, but it was the largest in terms of the number of officers involved (27 according to media reports). In 2014, three low-rank officers were arrested for smuggling a detainee in exchange for a bribe, while three others were referred to trial for accepting 600 Emirati Dirhams ($163) from an Emirati woman accused of drug possession in Cairo in exchange for manipulating evidence.

Extortion of prisoners

Mohamed Saad Sariya, assistant professor of chemistry at the University of Mansoura, who was arrested over affiliation with the Muslim Brotherhood, could not get his medication in prison until he bribed police officers, even though Egypt's prison laws guarantee the inmates' right to receive medical treatment. Sariya is one of 337 inmates who have been denied access to medication since 30 June 2013, according to estimates by the UK-based Arab Organisation for Human Rights. Halim Hanish, lawyer at the Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms, said regular prisoners' rights such as access to food or medication can only be obtained by paying low-rank police officers and recruits. The payment ranges between 50 EGP ($5.6) to 200 EGP ($22.5), depending on the case. In addition, a source said, guards receive money in the form of cigarettes (money is prohibited in prison), which are used as currency inside prison, while outside, they are sold to merchants for less than their official price. Wealthy prisoners pay a monthly salary to the guards in the form of cigarettes in exchange for better living conditions and demands.

Abuse of Power

The interior ministry has received nearly 500 police reports on how low-rank officers benefited from state subsidies for vehicles of people with special needs. The officers made deals with a number of people with special needs to buy the vehicles and sell them back to the officers with a 5000 EGP ($563) profit in exchange for power of attorney to allow them to drive the cars. In another case reported in 2014, a police colonel was accused of abusing his power to find out his Dutch wife's credit card pin code and using it to steal 25,000 Euros ($28,400) from her. In January 2015, two police officers were detained for falsifying certifications for unlicensed cars, while two other officers were sentenced to 18 months in prison for using a tow truck to steal cars from a Cairo suburb.

Drug dealing

Despite the lack of official reports on the involvement of police officers in drug dealing, security expert and MP Mahmoud Mohie Eddine has confirmed that nearly 4,000 police officers and recruits are currently in prison for being involved with various gangs, including those who deal drugs. ‘Just like any other sector in the state, the interior ministry has corrupt officials,’ he told The New Arab, explaining that dealing with the world of crime has had its negative influence on vulnerable officers. ‘Instead of depending only on police reports, it is necessary to develop police performance and expand supervision and control,’ he added.

Checkpoints and fines

Police officers use security checkpoints and fines for illicit gains. In May 2014, two police officers were arrested on charges of seizing 185 cartons of smuggled cigarettes. In another incident, a young man had to pay the officer 100 EGP ($11) to avoid a false charge of drug possession after being detained for hours at a checkpoint. According to stories circulated among police officers, certain sectors of the ministry are similar to ‘working in the Gulf’, in reference to high income, mostly from illicit sources such as fines.” (The New Arab, 7. Juni 2016)

·      Egyptian Streets: Egypt Has Second-Highest ‘Bribery Level’ in MENA Region, Says Report, 4. Mai 2016

Around half of the Egyptian population resort to paying bribes to access the basic services they need, anti-corruption watchdog said in a report on Tuesday. The report by Transparency International is based on a survey on corruption in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region in 2016. Egypt recorded the highest corruption level after Yemen, which pushed 77 per cent of its residents to pay bribes in exchange for basic services. Despite the high corruption level in Egypt, only 28 per cent of Egyptians believe that corruption is growing in their country while 61 per cent from the people in the MENA region see that it has increased in their countries. […]

Based on the outcome of the survey, one quarter of the Egyptian population believe that either most or all of the public sector is corrupt. The highest corruption level is recorded in the courts sector. About 45 percent of Egyptians pay bribes when issuing personal ID cards, voting cards or license, while about 43 percent pay bribes when dealing with the police.” (Egyptian Streets, 4. Mai 2016)

·      GAN Integrity: Egypt Corruption Report, ohne Datum

„Corruption within Egypt's security apparatus represents a high risk for companies operating in the country. Most citizens perceive the police to be corrupt (GCB 2013), and one-fifth of surveyed citizens report to have paid a bribe to police officials between 2011 and 2013 (Afrobarometer, Nov. 2015). Egyptians have a very low level of trust in the security apparatus due to several instances of abuse of power (Transparency International, May 2015), and there exist high levels of impunity among police officials (HRR 2014). Businesspeople do not believe the police reliably enforce law and order (GCR 2015-2016), and more than one-third of surveyed companies identify crime and disorder as a major constraint to business in Egypt (ES 2013). The Egyptian Ministry of Interior, responsible for law enforcement in Egypt, is described as very opaque and its operations as void of any financial transparency and political oversight (Transparency International, May 2015). Investigations into alleged abuse rarely result in any punishment (HRR 2014). The head of Egypt’s Central Auditing Organization (CAO), Hesham Genena, has faced critical media coverage and two court cases, including one for insulting judges, after uncovering corruption within the Egyptian police, intelligence agencies and the judiciary. Most corruption cases have not been investigated, and Genena claims that security agencies have barred his staff from inspecting the agencies’ documents (Mail One, Apr. 2014). In 2016, the Egyptian Public Prosecutor imposed a gag order on publishing any news related to the corruption report issued by the CAO (Middle East Monitor, Jan. 2016). A lawsuit has been filed against Genena, calling for his exemption from office; the case is ongoing (Al Bawaba, Feb. 2016).” (GAN Integrity, ohne Datum)

·      Foreign Policy: In Egypt Police are the Real Hooligans, 10. Februar 2015

In the past year, Egyptian police officers have been accused of everything from petty corruption to murder and rape. The stated goals of the 2011 Arab Spring revolution included reforming the Ministry of Interior and reconstructing Egypt’s corrupt national police force. Since 2011, not a single police officer has been jailed; prosecutions of any sort are exceedingly rare.” (Foreign Policy, 10. Februar 2015)

Blutfehden: regionale Besonderheiten; richten sich Racheakte auch gegen die Kinder des Verursachers?

Allgemeine Informationen zum Vorkommen der Blutfehde in Ägypten sowie zum Eingreifen der Behörden bei solchen Vorfällen finden sich in folgender Anfragebeantwortung vom Juni 2016:

·      ACCORD - Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation: Anfragebeantwortung zu Ägypten: Blutrache: Verbreitung, Intervention der Behörden [a-9681], 8. Juni 2016 (verfügbar auf


Folgende ACCORD-Anfragebeantwortung vom Oktober 2016 enthält weitere Informationen speziell zu Blutfehden und Aussöhnungssitzungen in der Provinz Assiut:

·      ACCORD - Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation: Anfragebeantwortung zu Ägypten: Blutrache und Schlichtungsmechanismen in der Provinz Assiut; Verhalten der Sicherheitskräfte; Vertreibung beziehungsweise Verbannung als Schlichtungsmechanismus [a-9884], 24. Oktober 2016 (verfügbar auf


Die folgenden Quellen enthalten Informationen zu Blutfehde-Vorfällen in der Provinz Al-Buhaira, beziehungsweise speziell im Ort Kom Zumran:


·      Youm 7: ’amn al-buhayra yanjah fi-l-sulh bayn ca’ilatayn wa inha’ khusuma tha’riya [Sicherheitsbehörden von Al-Buhaira gelingt Aussöhnung zwischen zwei Familien und Beendigung deren Blutfehde], 3. März 2017

Die in Privatbesitz befindliche ägyptische Tageszeitung Youm7 berichtet im März 2017, dass die Sicherheitsbehörden von Al-Buhaira in Kooperation mit Dorfältesten und Scheichs der Al-Azhar-Universität eine Blutfehde im Ort Al-Radima beendet hätten. Die Ursache der Fehde sei ein Nachbarschaftsstreit aus dem Jahr 2006 zwischen den Familien Baltaga und Chalif, bei dem ein Mitglied der Familie Baltaga getötet worden sei. An der Aussöhnungssitzung hätten führende Polizeikräfte, der Leiter der Strafermittlungsbehörde, lokale Politiker sowie religiöse Vertreter teilgenommen. Die Familie Chalif habe ein symbolisches Leichentuch übergeben und ein Blutgeld gezahlt. (Youm 7, 3. März 2017)


·      Al-Masry Al-Youm: mudayriyat ‘amn al-buhayra tunhi khusuma tha’riya bi-kafr al-dawar [Polizeidirektion von al-Buhaira beendet Fehde in Kafr al-Dawar], 17. Februar 2017

Die unabhängige ägyptische Tageszeitung Al-Masry Al-Youm schreibt im Februar 2017, dass die Sicherheitsbehörden von Al-Buhaira eine Blutfehde im Distrikt Kafr al-Dawar mit der Übergabe eines Leichentuchs und der Bezahlung eines Blutgeldes beendet hätten. Im Dorf al-Amal sei ein großes Zelt aufgestellt worden, in dem sich Vertreter der in Fehde befindlichen Familien und Dorfbewohner versammelt hätten, um in Gegenwart von führenden Sicherheitskräften eine Versöhnungssitzung durchzuführen. Die Blutfehde gehe auf eine Auseinandersetzung zweier Familien über die bevorzugte Bewässerung landwirtschaftlicher Flächen zurück, bei der eine Person getötet worden sei. Mitglieder der Sicherheitskräfte, Dorfälteste, Parlamentsabgeordnete für Kafr al-Dawar und Vertreter der Al-Azhar-Universität hätten auf die beiden Familien eingewirkt, um sie zu überzeugen, eine Versöhnungssitzung durchzuführen. (Al-Masry Al-Youm, 17. Februar 2017)


·      Youm 7: maqtal tajir mawashi fi qadhiat tha’r bi-l-iskandariya [Tötung eines Viehhändlers in Blutfehde in Alexandria], 28. August 2016

Die Zeitung Youm 7 meldet im August 2016, dass ein Viehhändler (24 Jahre) das Opfer einer Blutfehde zweier Familien aus der Provinz Al-Buhaira geworden sei. Die Polizei habe seine Leiche an einer Straße in der benachbarten Provinz Alexandria aufgefunden und untersucht. Die Untersuchung habe eine Reihe von Stichwunden aufgezeigt. Der Vater des Opfers habe eine andere Familie aus seinem Wohnort (einen Vater namens Salim und dessen Kinder) der Tat beschuldigt, mit der es seit 2013 eine Blutfehde gebe. (Youm 7, 28. August 2016)


·      Youm 7: ’amn al-buhayra yashhad jalsat sulh bayn ca’ilatayn fi jarimat tha’r [Sicherheitsbehörden von Al-Buhaira wohnen Versöhnungssitzung zweier Familien vor dem Hintergrund einer Blutfehde bei ], 12. Oktober 2015

Youm 7 berichtet im Oktober 2015, dass die Sicherheitsbehörden von Al-Buhaira erfolgreich eine Blutfehde der Familien Musa und Schajeb mit einer Aussöhnungssitzung beendet hätten. Die Fehde zwischen den beiden in Kom Zumran lebenden Familien gehe auf eine Auseinandersetzung aus dem Jahr 2006 über einen Weg zurück, der die Grundstücke beider Parteien voneinander trenne. Bei dieser Auseinandersetzung sei ein Mitglied der Familie Musa, ein 35-jähriger Mann, getötet worden. Der Täter sei damals festgenommen und zu einer Haftstrafe von zehn Jahren verurteilt worden, im Dezember 2016 sei er aus der Haft entlassen worden. Führende Polizeikräfte und Ermittlungsleiter hätten sich nun um die Abhaltung einer Versöhnungssitzung bemüht. Diese habe nun im Dorf Kom Zumran in Anwesenheit tausender Bürger stattgefunden, die der Übergabe des symbolischen Leichentuchs durch die Familie Schajeb beigewohnt hätten, einer Zeremonie, die es in der Provinz Al-Buhaira nur selten gebe. (Youm 7, 12. Oktober 2015)


Es konnten keine Informationen dazu gefunden werden, ob sich eine Blutrache-Tat auch gegen (minderjährige) Kinder des Verursachers richten kann.