a. Extrajudicial Killings

There were numerous reports regime security forces committed arbitrary or unlawful killings, including extrajudicial killings of civilians, prisoners, and other persons in their power during the year. According to the nongovernmental organization (NGO) Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), which noted the actual number was likely much higher, there were 1,649 verified reports of civilians killed by the regime as of November 14. The reported killings included religious leaders, teachers, members of antiregime groups and political parties, civil servants, and medical personnel. The primary causes of death were aerial and artillery bombardment by regime forces.

An unknown number of other persons died at the hands of regime forces while in detention, during checkpoint questioning, or in informal interactions. The regime’s arbitrary detentions continued to claim lives, with senior National League for Democracy (NLD) leaders Zaw Myint Maung and U Win Khine dying in custody after failing to receive adequate treatment for health problems.

On February 8, regime security forces killed Nobel Aye (also known as Hnin May Aung), a prominent prodemocracy activist, and Aung Ko Hein, an anticoup protester, as they were returning from a court appearance in Bago Region. According to People’s Defense Forces groups’ witnesses, regime security forces accused the pair of trying to escape custody and shot and killed them. Regime authorities cremated the bodies immediately without allowing anyone to see them.

According to the NGO Political Prisoners Network Myanmar, at least 17 political prisoners died in detention from January to June. During the same period, the AAPP estimated at least 21 political prisoners died due to torture and lack of medical care.

On April 5, according to reports from media and the NGO Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO), regime soldiers shot and killed Tlang Tin Zam in Tlangzawl Village, Sagaing Region. Regime soldiers reportedly attempted to arrest Tlang and nine others for unknown reasons. When Tlang, who suffered from mental illness, attempted to flee, the soldiers shot and killed him.

According to the Human Rights Foundation of Monland, regime forces in April alone killed 32, injured 95, and arrested/detained 143 persons across Mon and Karen States and Tanintharyi Region.

The regime encouraged the development of proxy vigilantes to target prodemocracy groups and their families. Some groups – many operating under the name of Thway Thauk, or “Blood Comrades” – operated primarily in urban areas such as Mandalay, Sagaing, and the Magway Region. Others, such as the Pyu Saw Htee group, operated primarily in rural areas. These groups were reportedly responsible for the deaths of multiple NLD supporters. As of August 16, the AAPP recorded 16 beheadings by regime-aligned militia groups.

As of September, the CHRO documented the death of at least 95 Chin civilians, 12 of whom were killed extrajudicially by regime soldiers, 45 in regime airstrikes, 29 from artillery shelling, and seven by land mines; 11 women and 26 children were among those killed.

b. Coercion in Population Control

There were no reports of coerced abortion or involuntary sterilization on the part of regime authorities.

The law permitted the government to impose coercive birth-spacing requirements – 36 months between children – if the president or national government designated “special regions” for health care based on factors such as population, migration rate, natural resources, birth rates, and food availability. In such special regions, the government could create special health-care organizations to establish family planning regulations. The regime did not designate any such special region. In Rakhine State, however, local authorities imposed regulations that prohibited Rohingya families from having more than two children, although the regulations were not enforced.

c. War Crimes, Crimes against Humanity, and Evidence of Acts that May Constitute Genocide, or Conflict-Related Abuses

Fighting between the regime and opposition forces intensified in Kachin, Chin, Karen, Shan, Rakhine, Mon, and Kayah States, as well as in Sagaing, Tanintharyi, Bago, Mandalay, and Magway regions. Reports of killings, enforced disappearances, excessive use of force, disregard for civilian life, sexual violence, and other abuses committed by regime security forces were common; some ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and People’s Defense Forces groups were accused of similar abuses.

Deliberate killings and deaths due to disproportionate or indiscriminate uses of force by the regime and some opposition forces were reported. Some regime forces engaged in armed conflict with opposition forces failed to protect noncombatants, resulting in injuries and deaths. The military routinely conducted air and artillery bombardment that killed civilians and destroyed civilian infrastructure.

The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) reported hostilities intensified during the year. From April 1, 2023, to June 30, 2024, the United Nations reported a 50 percent increase in overall civilian deaths, compared with the preceding 15 months and, within the report’s timeframe, a continued rise from the first half to the second. The report indicated nearly a third of the victims were women and children and noted a significant increase in civilian deaths caused by airstrikes and artillery attacks, with 613 verified deaths caused by airstrikes and 637 deaths by artillery attacks during the same period. These figures represented a 739 percent increase in civilian deaths from airstrikes and a 238 percent increase in civilians killed in artillery attacks compared with the previous 15 months.

Nyan Linn Thit, a Burma-based political and social research group, reported that from January through August the regime military committed at least 102 massacres. The group defined massacres as incidents of killing five or more noncombatants. A separate Nyan Linn Thit report claimed the regime killed at least 643 noncombatants in massacres through August. The report added that regime military forces conducted 1,639 airstrikes accounting for at least 813 civilian deaths; the group assessed airstrikes as the deadliest form of regime military action.

The United Nations reported both regime security and opposition forces raped and sexually assaulted women and girls during security operations.

In July, the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, a UN entity established in 2018, stated it had evidence of rape and other forms of sexual crimes against civilians in connection with armed conflict. Civilians of all ages were subjected to rape and attempted rape, including with objects and by gangs; they were also subjected to sexualized torture, including mutilation, being stripped nude, and sexual slavery. Sexual assault was also reported at military checkpoints. The evidence collected by the mechanism indicated the crimes were committed with the intention to punish and terrorize the civilian population and that victims were often targeted on one or more discriminatory grounds, including sex, ethnicity, religion, or perceived political affiliation.

In February, The Irrawaddy (a news outlet) reported on differences in treatment of prisoners of war by regime authorities and resistance forces. According to the report, some resistance forces attempted to follow international humanitarian law regarding captured soldiers, while regime authorities subjected prisoners of war to torture, arbitrary executions, and inhuman treatment in violation of international humanitarian law, according to opposition media assessments.

On August 31, independent media reported three regime soldiers gang-raped and severely beat a woman at Sitpyinkwin Village in Minhla Township, Magway Region, leaving her with serious injuries.

On November 5, The Irrawaddy reported more than 20,000 individuals fled Indaw Township in Sagaing Region after regime and allied Shanni Nationalities Army soldiers raped dozens of women among hundreds of civilians detained at a local monastery.

The military reportedly forced civilians to act as human shields, carry supplies, or serve in other support roles; human rights organizations documented the use of villagers as human shields in Karen, Kachin, and Shan States.

According to Data for Myanmar, a local independent research organization that provided useful “data for the people,” at least 21,000 homes were burned down between January and July.

a. Freedom of the Press

The regime, by the terms of its state of emergency decree that exempted it from respecting the law, continued its full-scale crackdown on freedom of expression throughout the year. The atmosphere of intimidation combined with the military regime’s efforts to block public access to independent information silenced dissent and stifled the ability of individuals to express themselves in regime-controlled areas.

While most journalists fled the country or were operating out of Thailand, the few who remained were targeted for harassment, imprisonment, and even death. The regime used the emergency decree, as well as terrorism and unlawful association laws, to justify and conduct its full-scale crackdown on freedom of expression. Multiple incidents during the year showed the dangerous and difficult conditions the public and media faced.

Freedom of speech was severely limited. Those who spoke openly against the regime or criticized its actions, or openly favored the NLD, the National Unity Government (NUG), or democracy more broadly, risked abuse and punishment by regime authorities. The regime arrested and prosecuted individuals who criticized or opposed the regime on social media and increased efforts to block public access to independent information.

In October, the regime arrested Nay Soe Maung, son-in-law of the former longtime military ruler, Than Shwe, for allegedly posting “inflammatory” statements on his Facebook account, according to state-run media. His arrest, reported by the Associated Press, followed a post criticizing the military regime and offering condolences for the death in detention of Zaw Myint Maung, a senior member of the ousted civilian government.

The law stated that any attempt to “hinder, disturb, (or) damage the motivation, discipline, health and conduct” of military personnel and government employees and cause hatred, disobedience, or disloyalty toward the military and the government was punishable by up to three years in prison.

Physical Attacks, Imprisonment, and Pressure

The regime harassed and detained reporters and subjected them to violent and at times lethal abuse for covering antiregime protests. The regime doxed journalists and others, through proxies, to intimidate and threaten its critics and opponents.

On August 22, two freelance journalists were killed during a regime military raid on the home of one of the journalists in Kyaikhto, Mon State, where opposition fighters were also present. Independent media reported the journalists were arrested and executed after their profession was discovered, pointing to a deliberate killing. Regime media alleged the two journalists were linked to an antiregime military organization. While Khyaikhto was not an active conflict zone, its location under significant regime control raised concerns regarding the targeting of independent reporters and underscored the dangers journalists faced where the lines between media workers, civilians, and combatants often blurred.

The military regime continued to use the threat of imprisonment to silence journalists. According to the AAPP and international press freedom rights groups, the country held approximately 65 journalists in prison as of September. Of those, 31 were serving sentences of two to 20 years in prison on charges that included incitement and terrorism, and the latter charge could carry a death sentence, according to the AAPP and international press freedom rights groups. The regime also used sedition and unlawful association laws to harass, imprison, and try journalists. Violation of sedition laws carried a possible 20-year prison term; unlawful association could result in a three-year sentence.

The regime consistently targeted Rakhine State-based media outlets. This included filing lawsuits leading to the closure of Rakhine-based media outlets and forcing journalists to go into hiding. According to the freedom of expression human rights group, Athan Myanmar, Mrat Hein Tun, a Rakhine-based reporter and former journalist with the Rakhine-based Narinjara news outlet, was arrested by regime authorities in Rangoon in May. The regime reportedly charged him under the counterterrorism law.

Regime harassment of journalists also included property seizure and sexual assaults.

Censorship by Governments, Military, Intelligence, or Police Forces, Criminal Groups, or Armed Extremist or Rebel Groups

Independent media outlets that did not self-censor reporting on the prodemocracy movement were banned. The regime also banned the use of certain terminology in reporting, such as “junta,” “coup d’état,” and “military council.” Media registered with the regime had to follow these censorship rules.

On January 27, the regime revoked the operating license for the Toe Myit bookstore and its associated La Pyae Lin Printing House. The military regime accused the two establishments of producing books that harmed national security. Although regime-aligned media did not specify which publications violated the law, observers believed the trigger was publication of Mindset Revolution. The book, by Aung Khin, criticized previous military regimes in the country and advocated creation of a democratic society.

On January 31, the regime announced that news media, publishing, and printing enterprises would be required to renew their licenses no later than 60 days past their expiration date. According to the announcement, legal action would be taken against any news media agencies holding expired licenses.

Ministry of Information instructions required broadcasters and content providers to Myanmar Radio and Television to censor foreign and locally produced movies and television series. Television broadcasters and producers were required to submit a brief synopsis of planned movies to the censor board to obtain permission for production.

The law allowed police or a designated Ministry of Information official to confiscate published material without a court warrant after the published material was administratively declared unlawful.

Conditions for journalists operating in nonregime-controlled areas varied. On April 21, the Karenni State Interim Executive Council and the Karen National Union issued media guidelines that required journalists operating in “liberated areas” to strictly adhere to their directives.

The Independent Press Council Myanmar, an opposition NGO, called for ensuring safe access to information and press freedom for journalists in ethnic-dominated conflict zones and antiregime-held areas. The press council also underscored media professionals’ concerns regarding the Karenni State Interim Executive Council and Karen National Union guidelines, noting potential threats to press freedom. The press council and Karen National Union issued a joint statement in August agreeing to settle any media-related disputes through negotiation and cooperation and to promote media development and media and information literacy.

b. Worker Rights

Freedom of Association and Collective Bargaining

The regime committed extensive abuses against organized labor, including extrajudicial killings of union leaders and members and unlawful detention for exercising their fundamental freedoms and human rights. Workers who led efforts to demand labor rights were dismissed without pay, preventing strikes. Labor laws were often unenforced or enforced selectively, primarily targeting organized labor activists while serving the interests of business owners and the regime. At least 16 labor unions remained banned by the regime, which had issued arrest warrants for union leaders. Unlike in previous years, there were no reported raids on trade union offices or union leaders’ homes.

The regime de facto abolished rights of workers to form and join independent unions, bargain collectively, and conduct strikes, declaring all major independent labor organizations illegal. Basic labor organizations were required to have a minimum of 30 workers and register through township registrars via the Chief Registrar’s Office of the regime Ministry of Labor. No labor unions were recognized by the regime apart from seafarers, who worked abroad, and regime-sponsored “yellow” unions.

The military continued to threaten criminal charges against public-sector workers who, during strikes, did not return to work.

Penalties for violations of related labor laws were commensurate with those for other laws involving denials of civil rights. Penalties were never applied against violators.

Worker organizations reported formal dispute settlement and court procedures were not effective at enforcing labor laws.

There were reports employers dismissed union leaders with impunity and military support.

The Confederation of Trade Unions in Myanmar reported the arrest and harassment of trade unionists by regime security forces. In April, Amnesty International reported Thet Hnin Aung, general secretary of the Myanmar Industry Crafts & Services Trade Unions Federation, was sentenced to seven years in prison with hard labor following a secret trial and after five months of being forcibly disappeared. He was a prominent trade union leader who was arrested in July 2023 for unknown reasons shortly after being released from a previous prison sentence.

In November, the International Labor Organization (ILO) Governing Body expressed concern regarding the regime government’s absence of action toward implementing ILO recommendations. The ILO was concerned with the regime’s undermining freedom of association, including suppression of independent trade unions and persecution of labor activists. The ILO also highlighted widespread forced labor, including civilians being coerced to work under threat of punishment, particularly by the military.

Forced or Compulsory Labor

See the Department of State’s annual Trafficking in Persons Report at https://www.state.gov/trafficking-in-persons-report/.

Acceptable Work Conditions

Wage and Hour Laws

The minimum wage was revised in August and covered all sectors and industries in the formal sector for businesses with more than 10 employees. Although the law mandated a biennial assessment of the minimum wage, the minimum wage remained unchanged since 2018. The minimum wage was under the United Nations’ definition of the poverty level.

The workweek was 44 hours per week for factories, and 48 hours per week for shops and other establishments. Although the law in general stated overtime should not exceed 12 hours per work week for shops, the law allowed up to 16 hours of overtime when special matters required additional overtime. Overtime for factory workers was limited to 20 hours per week. The law also stipulated an employee’s total working hours could not exceed 11 hours per day (including overtime and a one-hour break).

Wage and overtime laws did not apply to those in the informal sector or self-employed.

In May, The Irrawaddy reported factories refused to implement the revised wage rates. Workers who demanded the increase faced threats of dismissal and repression. Many workers quit, with some going overseas. Supervisors increased pressure on remaining staff, limiting time for drinking and using the toilet. Overtime pay was withheld, and paid leave was limited.

By June, the center documented numerous alleged labor and human rights abuses within the supply chains of international brands. The reported allegations involved workers at factories that supplied products for many well-known global fashion brands and retailers.

Occupational Safety and Health

The law set standards for occupational safety and health (OSH) that were appropriate for the main industries. The regime Ministry of Labor had the authority to suspend businesses operating at risk to worker health and safety until these risks were remediated.

The regime often ignored workers’ OSH complaints. Labor unions reported instances in which workers could not remove themselves from situations that endangered their health or safety without jeopardizing their employment. Such violations were commonly seen in the construction sector.

Wage, Hour, and OSH Enforcement

The regime Ministry of Labor’s Factories and General Labor Laws Inspection Department oversaw labor conditions in the private sector. Inspectors were authorized to make unannounced inspections and initiate sanctions.

Although penalties for wage and hour violations were commensurate with those for similar violations such as fraud, the regime did not effectively enforce the law. Penalties for similar violations, such as employer negligence, were rarely applied. The number of labor law inspectors and factory inspectors was insufficient to address wage, salary, overtime, OSH standards, and other matters adequately. In some sectors, other regime ministries regulated OSH laws (e.g., the Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock, and Irrigation).

Informal-sector jobs usually lacked basic benefits such as social and legal protections. In at-risk industries – defined as having occupational hazards, volatile pay structures, and ease in exploiting labor rights – 20 percent of workers on average had an informal work arrangement, although the proportion was even higher in manufacturing, construction, recreation, and personal services.

Although no recent data was available, experts believed a large majority of workers were in the informal sector. Wage, hour, and OSH laws did not apply to those in the informal sector or self-employed.

c. Disappearance and Abduction

Disappearance

There were numerous reports of enforced disappearances allegedly committed by the regime.

The Human Rights Foundation of Monland reported regime authorities threatened family members of those forcibly disappeared, telling them not to share information about the abductions or risk their own well-being.

Prolonged Detention without Charges

The law did not prohibit arbitrary arrest. Persons held generally were unable to exercise their legal right to appeal the legality of their arrest or detention either administratively or before a court.

There were numerous reports of arbitrary arrest. On June 19, supporters of imprisoned leader Aung San Suu Kyi organized “Flower Strikes” to commemorate her 79th birthday and advocate for the release of more than 20,000 political prisoners. Participants wore flowers, a symbol associated with Aung San Suu Kyi, to express solidarity. In response, authorities conducted random inspections on buses and in markets, arresting individuals seen wearing or carrying flowers. Regime supporters also reported social media accounts of users posting photographs of the strikes. Arrests included at least 22 persons in Mandalay, with additional detentions reported in other regions.

According to the NLD Human Rights Documentation Team, 2,181 NLD members were under arrest as of August 19, including 145 members of parliament and 189 women who served on township committees.

Arbitrary and lengthy pretrial detention resulted from convoluted, complicated legal procedures, widespread corruption, and indefinite detention without trial by regime order, during which the right to legal aid services was denied. Additional changes limited legal aid for stateless persons, asylum seekers, foreigners, and migrant workers.

Although habeas corpus existed in national law, regime security forces ignored this right, arresting and detaining individuals without following proper procedures. Arbitrary arrest or detention remained common to suppress political dissent, according to the AAPP, and detainees had limited ability to meaningfully challenge the lawfulness of detention due to the lack of judicial independence from the regime.

d. Violations in Religious Freedom

See the Department of State’s annual International Religious Freedom Report at https://www.state.gov/religiousfreedomreport/.

On February 10, the military regime activated a 2010 law requiring eligible men and women to perform compulsory military service. Media reports indicated the regime’s tactics led to a climate of fear for conscientious objectors, with many individuals going into hiding to evade arrest.

e. Trafficking in Persons

See the Department of State’s annual Trafficking in Persons Report at https://www.state.gov/trafficking-in-persons-report/.

a. Torture and Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

The law prohibited torture; however, the regime’s state of emergency declaration granted it the right to disregard any law, and members of regime security forces reportedly tortured and otherwise abused suspects, prisoners, detainees, and others. Such incidents occurred during interrogations, for example, and were widely reported across the country.

Harsh interrogation techniques were allegedly designed to intimidate and disorient the subject. These included severe beatings and deprivation of food, water, and sleep.

On May 22, the Karen Human Rights Organization reported regime soldiers from Infantry Battalion 39 shot at two villagers riding motorbikes in Htantabin Township, Bago Region, killing a youth. Soldiers then allegedly detained and tortured the second villager, including by beating, burning, and denying him food, water, and medical treatment, before releasing him the following day. Since the incident, the villager feared to leave his house and was unable to work or travel. The victim and his family did not speak publicly about the incident due to fear of retaliation, according to the report.

Torture and abusive treatment in military custody were pervasive.

On September 17, the OHCHR reported the pace of arrests rose following the reimposition of conscription in February. The OHCHR also confirmed many deaths in detention occurred after individuals were subjected to abusive interrogation, other abusive treatment in detention, or denial of access to adequate health care.

Detainees interviewed by the OHCHR after their release described a wide range of methods of torture, abuse, and punishment: suspension from the ceiling; denial of food or water; forced kneeling or crawling on hard or sharp objects; use of snakes and insects to instill fear; beatings with iron poles, bamboo sticks, batons, rifle butts, leather strips, electric wires, and motorcycle chains; asphyxiation; mock execution; electrocution; burning with tasers, lighters, cigarettes, and boiling water; spraying of methylated spirits on open wounds; cutting off body parts; and pulling off fingernails.

According to NGOs, women in custody were subjected to sexual and other forms of violence and verbal abuse. Women who reported sexual violence while in custody faced further abuse by police and the possibility of being sued for impugning the dignity of the perpetrator.

According to the AAPP, security forces strip-searched women on many occasions, from before arrest to before court appearances, and while imprisoned. These searches were intended to humiliate women, not for security reasons, the AAPP stated.

Impunity for human rights abuses was pervasive for regime officials and security force leaders and members. The regime routinely denied responsibility for atrocities and abuses.

b. Protection of Children

Child Labor

See the Department of Labor’s Findings on the Worst Forms of Child Labor at https://www.dol.gov/agencies/ilab/resources/reports/child-labor/findings/ .

Child Soldiers

The military and some EAOs, including the United Wa State Army, Kachin Independence Army, Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army, Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, Chin National Front, Karen National Liberation Army, Democratic Karen Benevolent Army, Ta’ang National Liberation Army, and People’s Defense Force groups, were listed in the UN secretary-general’s 2024 Annual Report on Children and Armed Conflict as having recruited and used children. The secretary-general stated he was “deeply alarmed by the surge in grave violations against children,” citing 2,799 abuses affecting 2,093 children, which represented a 123 percent increase from the previous year. The United Nations verified the unlawful recruitment and use of 1,171 children (1,123 boys, 42 girls, and six of unknown sex) by the regime’s military and affiliated militias. There was no evidence the regime or NUG prosecuted those responsible.

The regime’s military unlawfully recruited or used child soldiers during the period of April 2023 to March 2024, according to the Department of State’s annual Trafficking in Persons Report at https://www.state.gov/reports/2024-trafficking-in-persons-report/burma/.

Child Marriage

The law stipulated different minimum ages for marriage based on religion and gender. The minimum age for Buddhists was 18, while the minimum age for non-Buddhists was 16 for boys and 15 for girls. Child marriage reportedly occurred, especially in rural areas, but there were no reliable statistics on child marriage.

c. Protection to Refugees

The regime did not always cooperate with the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) or other humanitarian organizations in providing protection and assistance to returning refugees or other persons of concern.

Provision of First Asylum

The law did not provide for granting asylum or refugee status, and there was no system for providing protection to refugees. UNHCR did not register any refugees or asylum seekers during the year.

d. Acts of Antisemitism and Antisemitic Incitement

There was one synagogue in Rangoon serving a very small and primarily expatriate Jewish population. There were no reports of antisemitic incidents.

e. Instances of Transnational Repression

The regime committed acts of transnational repression. In parallel with a worsening crackdown on civilians at home, the regime targeted nonviolent members of the opposition living abroad.

Extraterritorial Killing, Kidnapping, or Violence or Threats of Violence

The human rights NGO Fortify Rights, in a July 26 news release, implicated the regime military in transnational abductions of Rohingya men as part of its mandatory conscription program. According to the release, the organization spoke with at least four men who reported being abducted by members of Rohingya armed groups operating in refugee camps in Bangladesh. One youth, age 17, said he was taken by his abductors to the Myo Tku Gyi border police headquarters in Burma, where he was handed over to Burmese regime military. Another man reported being one of a group of 11 abductees handed over to Burmese regime forces on May 3 at Tiknaf on the Burmese-Bangladeshi border.

Efforts to Control Mobility

Credible reports indicated the regime retaliated against citizens abroad by revoking their passports, thereby restricting their mobility and jeopardizing their legal status. According to media reports, the regime canceled the passports of some citizens living abroad without prior notice or explanation.

Bilateral Pressure

There were credible reports the regime attempted to pressure the Thai government to impose stricter control on movement across the border with Burma to undermine the ability of prodemocracy supporters, including members of the NUG and the Committee Representing the Union Parliament.