Information on the treatment of FZLN supporters by authorities outside Chiapas could not be found among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate.

For information on the Zapatista National Liberation Front (FZLN and its relationship with the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN), please consult the DIRB's May 1997 Q&A Paper Mexico: Armed Insurgent Groups (see section 3.3) and Responses to Information Requests MEX25924.E of 29 January 1997 and MEX24732.E of 16 August 1996. Armed Insurgent Groups cites various sources which state that the FZLN was initially described as "an alliance of social organizations that promote legal and political reform" and in August 1996 it reportedly counted with more than 400 FZLN committees organized throughout Mexico.

In addition to the information provided in those documents, the Internet Websites of the FZLN provide information on the organization and an indication of its close relationship with the EZLN, as it publishes EZLN communiqués and other documents that speak for or on behalf of the latter (see references listed below for Internet addresses).

The FZLN was formally launched in Mexico City on 16 September 1997 with the participation of EZLN Civilian Committee militants from throughout Mexico (Le Monde 18 Sept. 1997). In a communiqué, the EZLN leader declared that the FZLN signalled a transformation of his movement to a political, civilian and peaceful organization; however, under existing conditions, the EZLN army would necessarily continue to exist as a separate entity (ibid.).

The head of the FZLN, Javier Elorriaga, stated at the launching that the Front would be autonomous and should not be considered as the political arm of the EZLN despite the fact that Elorriaga himself had been an EZLN leader, the idea of creating the Front resulted from a January 1996 initiative from the guerrilla leadership, and the principle manifesto of the FZLN is a close reflection of the EZLN manifesto of principles (ibid.). The Front declared that it was distancing itself from political parties and had no interest in running for office; its purported goal is to mobilize the less favoured people and influence political power (ibid.).

The FZLN's "founding congress" in mid-September 1997 included 14 workshops attended by some 400 persons (ibid.). The Ministry of the Interior and the government reportedly welcomed the formation of the FZLN a sign of movement towards peace by the Zapatista (ibid.).

The FZLN has been described both as "an organization comprised of groups and individuals that support the EZLN" (IPS 16 Apr. 1998) and a political group created to disseminate the ideas of the guerrillas (AFP 15 Sept. 1997). One source summarised the FZLN immediately before its official launching as follows (Mexico & NAFTA Report 16 September 1997):

The FZLN will be run by Javier Elorriaga. ... Elorriaga was in prison from February 1995 to July 1996, accused of being a Zapatista leader.

Elorriaga stressed that the FZLN was another attempt by the Zapatistas to achieve their goals by peaceful rather than military means. He would not be drawn on the question of whether this was the Zapatistas final effort at achieving their goals by peaceful means. It has previously launched the Convencion de Liberacion Nacional Democratica (August 1994) and the Movimiento de Liberacion Nacional (in 1995), both of which achieved little.

The Zapatista leader, subcommandante Marcos, articulate and dramatic though his leadership has been, appears to hanker after military glory. Even Fidel Castro, hardly an armchair revolutionary, has noted that Marcos talks a lot about war and death.

Even Elorriaga argued that the drama of the Zapatista uprising on 1 January 1994 was needed to start the reform process off. He said that before the uprising, the country's democracy was ossified and unreal. He stressed though the FZLN was independent of the EZLN. He said that the FZLN was not the political wing of the EZLN because if that was so the Zapatistas would be conceding that the armed struggle had a place in Mexico's political life. This was not so now.

According to Elorriaga, the Frente's contribution to the democratic debate in Mexico would be to campaign for true democracy and justice but not seek power for itself. He said that it would not compete in elections, nor make alliances with other parties.

For information on recent events involving authorities and Zapatista supporters in Chiapas, please consult media reports on Mexico available at your Regional Documentation Centre.

This Response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the Research Directorate within time constraints. This Response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Please find below the list of additional sources consulted in researching this Information Request.

Agence France Presse (AFP). 15 September 1997. André Birukoff. "Le gouvernement et la guérilla haussent le ton." (NEXIS)

Inter Press Service (IPS). 16 April 1998. Diego Cevallos. Guerrillas on Alert and Tension on the Rise in Chiapas." (NEXIS)

Latin American Regional Reports: Mexico & NAFTA Report [London]. 16 September 1997. "Another Stunt and Another Attempt at Politics."

Le Monde [Paris]. 18 September 1997. "Les zapatistes refusent de se transformer en parti politique." (NEXIS)

Latinamerica Press [Lima]. 1997-98.

Mexico NewsPak [Austin, Tex.]. 1997-98.

Newspapers and periodicals pertaining to the appropriate region.

Electronic sources: IRB databases, Global NewsBank, NEXIS, Internet, Refworld, WNC.

Note:

This list is not exhaustive. Country and subject--specific books available in the Resource Centre are not included.