Background
In October the UN Security Council adopted a resolution to extend the mandate of the UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) for a year. The resolution called for negotiations to achieve self-determination for the people of Western Sahara. It noted that Morocco’s 2007 Autonomy Plan remained a serious and credible basis for the political process and acknowledged that genuine autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty could represent a feasible outcome.
Following a wave of nationwide, youth-led protests in September, the Moroccan government vowed to implement reforms responding to protesters’ demands. Most notably, the government announced an increase in the budget allocated to health and education from MAD 128 billion to MAD 140 billion (approximately USD 15.1 billion) for 2026 and promised to create more jobs for young Moroccans, especially in rural areas, in addition to political reforms easing young people’s access to decision-making positions, plus a commitment to open dialogue with young people to draft and implement reforms.
Freedom of expression
Authorities continued to attempt to silence activists, bloggers and critics through over-broad laws criminalizing blasphemy, defamation, insulting public institutions and insulting Islam.
In January, Said Ait Mahdi, an activist who criticized the kingdom’s response to the 2023 El Haouz earthquake, was sentenced to three months’ imprisonment for “defamation” and “insulting public officials” after he called for more aid to the affected populations and faster reconstruction. In March, the Rabat Court of Appeal, in Morocco’s capital, added one year to his sentence.
Also in March, a Casablanca court sentenced human rights defender and activist Fouad Abdelmoumni to six months in prison in his absence following a Facebook post about Morocco’s use of Pegasus spyware.
On 1 July, human rights defender Saida El-Alami was detained in Casablanca on charges including “insulting a legally organized body, disseminating false allegations, and insulting the judiciary” linked to her online activism. She was denied legal counsel when she first appeared before the prosecutor. In September, she was prosecuted and sentenced to three years in prison on charges of “spreading false information”, “insulting a public institution” and “insulting a legally organized body”. In December the Casablanca court of appeal upheld the verdict. She had previously been imprisoned on a separate charge in 2022 and released in 2024 following a royal pardon.
On 9 July, two journalists from the Spanish media organization El Faradio and an activist from the Spanish NGO Cantabria por el Sáhara were intercepted and detained at a police checkpoint in the city of Laayoune when they tried to enter Western Sahara. Moroccan authorities declared them “persona non grata” (unwelcome persons) without justification, and deported them.
In August, feminist activist Ibtissame Lachgar was arrested and charged with “causing harm to Islam” for a social media post in which she wore a T-shirt with the slogan “Allah is lesbian”. In September she was sentenced to 30 months’ imprisonment and a fine. In October the Rabat appeals court upheld the verdict and sentence.
In October the Rabat Court of First Instance convicted a woman with documented mental health needs and sentenced her to eight months’ imprisonment on charges of “insulting the monarchy” and participating in unauthorized gatherings. She was convicted and sentenced despite her defence team’s consistent appeals for medical support rather than prosecution.
Also in October, authorities arrested and prosecuted two students and the owner of a printing shop in Rabat, for “inciteful slogans” after they printed pro-Palestine slogans on shirts.
Freedom of association and assembly
In February, parliament adopted Draft Law 97-15 setting out conditions and procedures around the right to strike. The law came into effect in September and imposed restrictions and criminal penalties that conflicted with other fundamental human rights including a broad prohibition on strikes for “political purposes”. Trades unions and other workers’ rights groups voiced concerns that, while the law was a long-awaited framework, its procedural requirements (including notification deadlines that are set to 45 days in the public sector, representation rules and definition of “essential services”) may lead to significant constraints on the effective exercise of the right to strike. The Conseil National des Droits de l’Homme, Morocco’s national human rights institution, published a memorandum on Draft Law 97-15 sharing recommendations from various stakeholders including the removal of all criminal penalties and providing a narrower definition of the ban on “political strikes”.
Moroccan authorities continued to commit violations in Western Sahara. The Collective of Sahrawi Human Rights Defenders (CODESA) reported ongoing arbitrary arrests of Sahrawi activists, prolonged surveillance, house arrests of entire families and systematic censorship tactics used against protest organizers.
In February and March, security forces violently dispersed peaceful demonstrations in Laayoune and other cities calling for Sahrawi independence and self-determination. In one such protest on 17 March, police physically assaulted Sahrawi activists Mahfouda Lefkir and Salha Boutenguiza in Laayoune after they protested in Smara Street, a focal point for such demonstrations.
In June a court in the city of Salé sentenced six members of the organization Moroccan Front in Support of Palestine and Against Normalization to suspended prison sentences in relation to “undeclared” pro-Palestine sit-ins in December 2024.
In September, nationwide protests erupted after the youth movement GenZ 212 called for protests to demand an end to corruption and improvements to public healthcare and education. They criticized public spending on sporting events that Morocco is set to host, such as the 2030 International Federation of Association Football (FIFA) World Cup. Police and the Royal Gendarmerie responded by banning protests and forcibly dispersing protesters including with lethal force, killing three people, injuring dozens and carrying out mass arrests of peaceful protesters. Security forces arrested nearly 2,480 people and judicial authorities brought criminal cases against at least 1,473 protesters, all of whom were placed in pretrial detention.
Women’s and girls’ rights
Legislation continued to deepen gender inequality, most notably in inheritance laws and child custody rules. Systemic barriers continued to deprive women and girls of safe and legal access to abortion and comprehensive reproductive health services.
Morocco proposed and pushed for the adoption of a UN Human Rights Council resolution for greater participation of women in diplomacy. The resolution was officially adopted in April.
LGBTI people’s rights
Consensual same-sex sexual relations remained criminalized under Article 489 of the Penal Code and punishable by up to three years in prison and a fine. LGBTI individuals continued to face arbitrary arrests, harassment and prosecution.
Right to a fair trial
In February the Moroccan government announced the establishment of a DNA fingerprint bank to help solve crimes. A proposal to build a DNA fingerprint database raised concerns around data privacy, oversight, who controls genetic data, and how to prevent misuse.
In July, parliament adopted a bill to reform the Code of Criminal Procedure. Key proposed changes included broader use of alternatives to pretrial detention, strengthening guarantees of access to a lawyer from the beginning of custody, improved protections for victims and witnesses, more judicial oversight, use of digital technologies, and commitment to promptness and efficiency in criminal cases. Despite positive advancements with the adoption of the bill, journalists, human rights defenders and activists continued to be prosecuted and sentenced.
Economic and social rights
In May, Moroccans with disabilities held a sit-in in front of parliament in Rabat to protest the government’s lack of effort towards social and economic inclusion of people with disabilities, including in access to education, employment and public infrastructure. Authorities failed to adopt and implement adequate policies to guarantee equality of opportunity.
Spending on the 2030 World Cup was prioritized over support for the survivors of the 2023 earthquake who continued to demand the reparations and housing aid promised by the government.
Youth unemployment and underemployment remained high. According to the Moroccan Economic, Social and Environmental Council, around one-quarter of young people aged 15-24 were not in education, employment or training. This fuelled protests led by GenZ 212 and other youth collectives. Authorities did not implement sufficient measures to address the gap in employment opportunities for young people.
Right to a healthy environment
Morocco continued to suffer from a persistent climate-driven drought. In January the authorities reported a rainfall deficit of around 60 to 70%, with reservoirs only about 25 to 30% full. The drought affected the irrigation of agricultural land, livestock and rural livelihoods, and undermined the rights to food and an adequate standard of living, particularly for rural households. In response, authorities accelerated investment in seawater desalination plants. As of mid-year, according to the Ministry for Water, Morocco operated 17 desalination plants, with several more under construction or planned. However, there were fears that rural farmers, Amazigh communities and other vulnerable groups may continue to lack sufficient water despite these efforts.
In September the government submitted its updated NDC, pledging more ambitious emissions reduction targets of 21.6% unconditionally and 53% with international support by 2035, alongside commitments to expand renewable energy and phase out coal. However, the extent to which these measures would translate into concrete protections for populations already experiencing severe climate impacts was unclear. The NDC identified priority adaptation needs in water management, agriculture and support for vulnerable groups. Yet its heavy reliance on international financing and the lack of a clearly defined just-transition framework raised concerns about whether marginalized communities – particularly rural households, smallholder farmers and low-income groups – would see their rights to water, food and an adequate standard of living safeguarded effectively.
Death penalty
Morocco retained the death penalty in law but continued to observe a hiatus in executions since 1993.
