Burundi: Situation of Tutsi, including the Tutsi elite; impact of COVID-19; treatment by society and by the authorities; state protection (2019–July 2021) [BDI200702.E]

Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada

1. Overview

The UN Population Fund estimates the population of Burundi at 12,300,000 in 2021 (UN n.d.). Bertelsmann Stiftung's Transformation Index (BTI) 2020, which "assess the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of governance in 137 countries," indicates that the population is comprised of the following ethnic groups: Hutu (85 percent), Tutsi (14 percent) and Twa (1 percent) (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2020, 2, 4). In a telephone interview with the Research Directorate, an associate professor at the University of Ottawa whose research focuses on governance and contentious politics in the Great Lakes region stated that ethnicity is "one of the divides [in Burundi] and it does get instrumentalized," but it is not the only or "biggest" divide; rather, political tensions are currently [as of July 2021] "more dominant" and for ordinary Burundians tensions are not centred around only ethnicity but also socio-economic status and issues of access (Associate Professor 6 July 2021). In correspondence with the Research Directorate, a PhD fellow at the Institute of Development Policy (IOB) at the University of Antwerp who conducts research on the development process in Burundi, speaking on their own behalf, stated that "the political nature of discrimination has become more clear in recent years" and targets both Hutu and Tutsi "in positions of (economic) power" (PhD fellow 13 July 2021). In correspondence with the Research Directorate, a researcher at the IOB at the University of Antwerp with expertise on human rights, peacebuilding, and governance in Burundi, speaking on their own behalf, stated there is "repression," which is "more and more" along political lines and less along ethnic lines (Researcher 19 July 2021). In correspondence with the Research Directorate, a research teacher from the African Center for International Criminal and Humanitarian Law (Centre africain de droit international pénal et de droit humanitaire, CADIPH), an institution in Burkina Faso promoting international criminal and humanitarian law laws in African francophone states (CADIPH 19 June 2018), stated that according to the Constitution of Burundi, respect for ethnic differences is the [translation] "foundation" of Burundian society (Research Teacher 12 July 2021).

1.1 COVID-19

A 25 March 2020 statement issued by the Secretary General and Spokesperson of the Burundi government stated that Burundi had no cases of COVID-19 because [translation] "the grace of God has protected Burundi" (Burundi 25 Mar. 2020, para. 2). Human Rights Watch (HRW) reported that there was insufficient testing taking place to understand the extent of the spread of COVID-19 in Burundi (HRW 31 Mar. 2020). Sources indicate that Burundi expelled four WHO officials [working on Burundi's COVID-19 response (AFP 14 May 2020)], just "days before" the 20 May 2020 presidential election (AFP 14 May 2020; VOA 14 May 2020). Sources state that President Evariste Ndayishimiye [elected in May 2020 (Freedom House 3 Mar. 2021, overview)] declared COVID-19 the "enemy" of Burundi (AP 5 Feb. 2021; Bloomberg 20 May 2021). However, the same sources add that the authorities have not obtained vaccines as of May 2021 (Bloomberg 20 May 2021) or have stated that vaccines are "'not yet necessary'" (AP 5 Feb. 2021). Sources stated that the government's response to COVID-19 affected Hutus and Tutsis (PhD fellow 13 July 2021; Research Teacher 12 July 2021), and that the response was "not very proactive" (PhD fellow 13 July 2021). According to a news story on Radio publique africaine (RPA), a community radio station that has been involved in the peace process in Burundi and in defending [translation] "vulnerable groups" (RPA 8 Apr. 2020), COVID-19 [translation] "especially threatens" the residents of the neighbourhoods of Yoba, Magarama, Nyamugari, Shatanya, Karera and Ntobwe in Gitega city (RPA 5 May 2021). Demographic information for these neighbourhoods could not be found among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate within the time constraints of this Response.

1.2 Political Situation

The Constitution of Burundi, adopted by referendum on 17 May 2018 (Burundi 2018, Art. 292), provides the following:

Article 124

The President of the Republic and the Vice President belong to different ethnic groups, political parties and coalitions of political parties, or are independents of different ethnicities.

Article 128

The Government is composed of the Prime Minister and other ministers. It is open to all ethnic groups. It is composed of at most 60% Hutu ministers and at most 40% Tutsi ministers. …

Article 169

The National Assembly is composed of at least 100 deputies in rates of 60% Hutu and 40% Tutsi…

(Burundi 2018, bold text in original)

According to the Political Handbook of the World 2018-2019, if the president is Hutu, then the first vice president must be Tutsi, and vice versa; similarly, the defense minister and the minister for internal security must be from different ethnic groups (Political Handbook of the World 2019, 11). The BTI 2020 notes that the president can select a "powerful" prime minister from his own party and a "weak and largely ceremonial" vice president from the opposition (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2020, 8).

Sources indicate that the [predominantly Hutu (BHRI Jan. 2020, 36)] ruling party, the National Council for the Defense of Democracy – Forces for the Defense of Democracy (Conseil national pour la défense de la démocratie – Forces pour la défense de la démocratie, CNDD-FDD) "domin[ates]" the Senate and the National Assembly (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2020, 12) or the political situation, which reduces "effective" representation by ethnic minorities and other groups (Freedom House 3 Mar. 2021, Sec. B4). The BTI 2020 states that while state separation of powers and checks and balances "exists legally," it is "no longer in practice" (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2020, 2, 12). A May 2020 report on Burundi by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS), an African non-profit providing "policy research, practical training and technical assistance to governments and civil society," states the following:

The [Independent National Electoral Commission (Commission électorale nationale indépendante, CENI)], the [Truth and Reconciliation Commission (Commission vérité et réconciliation, CVR)], the Constitutional Court, the Ombudsman and the Independent National Commission on Human Rights are all, to varying degrees, subservient to those in power. At the same time, the higher ranks of the public and security services have, to some extent, been purged of Tutsis. The diplomatic service has only two ambassadors from this community and the [National Intelligence Service (Service national de renseignement, SNR)] does not have one Tutsi representative at provincial level. (ISS May 2020, 8, 20)

A report by the Burundi Human Rights Initiative (BHRI) [1] cites a member of the "main rival" of the CNDD-FDD, the National Congress for Freedom (Congrès national pour la liberté, CNL), who attended an October 2019 CNDD-FDD recruitment meeting, as indicating that the administrator of Nyamurenza commune in Ngozi province stated the following at the meeting:

"[v]oting for Agathon Rwasa [the President of the CNL] was like voting for the former regime of (Pierre) Buyoya [2] and others. According to (the administrator), it would mean the return of Tutsis to power. If Agathon Rwasa won, Pierre Buyoya would order his soldiers to assassinate him, and we would have to flee again. (The administrator) assured us that this is what the Tutsis planned. He asked us to sensitise others and told us we should never give the power to the Tutsis again." (BHRI Jan. 2020, 7, 19, 51, parentheses in original)

For further information on the political situation in Burundi, see Response to Information Request BDI200700 of July 2021.

2. Treatment by Authorities
2.1 Speeches and Remarks Made by Political Leaders

According to the BHRI report, the CNDD-FDD used "ethnic propaganda" as a political means "to broaden its appeal among the Hutu population," since the CNL is also a "majority Hutu party" (BHRI Jan. 2020, 36). The same source further states that "[g]overnment officials, many of whom are Hutu, have used ethnic slurs and insults to denigrate members of the Tutsi ethnic group" (BHRI Jan. 2020, 46). The report of the UN Commission of Inquiry on Burundi, notes that "[p]articularly virulent messages of hatred and hostility towards political opponents of the CNDD-FDD party, sometimes with an ethnic dimension, circulated on social networks without eliciting the authorities' condemnation" (UN 13 Aug. 2020, para. 40). The PhD fellow indicated that while "many Hutu and especially among members of the ruling party…target Tutsi elements in their political narratives," this "seems to be limited to the political sphere," which includes social media platforms (PhD fellow 13 July 2021). According to the BTI 2020, as a response to the "protest movements in May 2015[, which] were not influenced by ethnicity," the CNDD-FDD has "placed increasing emphasis on ethnic distinctions" (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2020, 29).

However, the Research Teacher stated that while [translation] "repression" of Tutsi groups has occurred "in the past," it was directed towards those suspected of opposing the late president Pierre Nkurunziza [who died in June 2020 (Amnesty International 11 Aug. 2020, 1)] (Research Teacher 12 July 2021). A July 2021 article by [the government-run (BBC 29 July 2019)] Radio télévision nationale du Burundi (RTNB) cites the spokesperson for President Ndayishimiye as stating that while touring the Mwaro province, the President called on the population to change their mindset in order to eradicate ethnic divisions (RTNB 6 July 2021).

2.2 Treatment by Security Forces

Information on the treatment of Tutsi by security forces was scarce among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate within the time constraints of this Response.

According to the PhD fellow, there is no "specific discrimination" against Tutsi by the state; while many Tutsi, "especially those in (former or current) positions of military, political, and economic power, have been the target of persecution and violation of human rights," those targeted have been "for very specific reasons" and can include Hutus (PhD fellow 13 July 2021). Corroborating information could not be found among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate within the time constraints of this Response.

2.3 Treatment of Tutsi in the Security Forces

Information on the treatment of Tutsi in the security forces was scarce among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate within the time constraints of this Response.

According to the Handbook, neither the military nor the security forces can be comprised of more than 50 percent of one ethnic group (Political Handbook of the World 2019, 11). The BTI 2020 states that while the army implemented the ethnic quotas, the ethnic quota was not "implemented" for the police and "not applied strictly" in the SNR (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2020, 7). The Researcher explained that "especially at the highest rank level" of the army, there is an "ethnic imbalance" with "younger Hutu officers," who were former rebels that were integrated into the army in 2003, continuing in their careers while the "highest ranks" Tutsi officers retire (Researcher 19 July 2021).

The May 2020 ISS report states that there have been desertions from the army, and some absent Tutsi soldiers are suspected of supporting or joining rebel groups; as of May 2020, active and former members of the security forces that are Tutsi are "increasingly subject to arrest and even extrajudicial execution" (ISS May 2020, 9). Similarly, the Researcher stated that the security situation in Burundi is "worsening" with "regular attacks by unidentified armed groups"; following any such attacks, retired Tutsi military personnel are "systemically arrested, tortured, and/or executed" (Researcher 19 July 2021). The PhD fellow noted that "some" Tutsi who are former members of the Burundian Armed Forces (Forces armées burundaises, FAB) "seem to be persecuted, in more or less legal ways, for crimes of the past" (PhD fellow 13 July 2021). In contrast, the Research Teacher indicated that in the course of their own research, they have not found information pointing to differential treatment of Tutsi within Burundi's security forces, compared with the treatment of other groups (Research Teacher 12 July 2021).

2.4 Treatment by Police

The BTI 2020 states that clashes in urban neighbourhoods between young people and the police "destroyed" the "thin level of trust" rebuilt after the civil war (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2020, 17). According to GlobaLex, an electronic publication by the Hauser Global Law School Program at New York University (NYU) School of Law (GlobaLex n.d.), there is a "negative vision" of the justice system in Burundi due to an "ethno-political perception" with magistrates and police perceived to be "biased" toward their ethnic group (GlobaLex Mar./Apr. 2021, Sec. 10). Iwacu, a media group in Burundi (Iwacu n.d.), reported that [translation] "more than" 15 people, mostly young people, from Mugamba commune in Bururi province were accused of "complicity" with armed men from the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) that had entered the area and were arrested in August 2020; according to Mugamba residents, the arrests were [translation] "arbitrary" and of a "politico-ethnic" nature and "'most'" of those arrested were Tutsi (Iwacu 4 Sept. 2020). SOS médias Burundi, a collective of journalists operating out of Burundi (SOS médias Burundi n.d.) reported that in May 2021 approximately 20 Tutsi youths from Muramvya province were arrested following an ambush near the provincial capital that killed 13 people and injured 5 others; 15 were released on 14 May 2021 (SOS médias Burundi 17 May 2021). The same source notes that according to the families of those arrested, the arrests were [translation] "'injust and arbitrary'" and "purely ethnic" in nature (SOS médias Burundi 17 May 2021). However, the Research Teacher stated that based on their research, the judicial system or state authorities, including the police, do not appear to [translation] "reserve particular treatment, including unfavorable" treatment, towards Tutsi on the basis of ethnicity (Research Teacher 12 July 2021).

2.5 The National Commission on Lands and Other Properties (Commission nationale des terres et autres biens, CNTB)

According to the BTI 2020, "conflict over land ownership is one of the most pressing and politicitized issues" due to "land scarcity, refugee return and the historic importance of land" (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2020, 22). The CNTB is the government entity responsible for resolving land and property disputes (Burundi n.d.a) with its members appointed by the President of Burundi in consultation with the two vice-presidents (Burundi n.d.b). The BTI 2020 states that the CNTB "caused more conflict than it has resolved" and further notes that as of 2020, the CNTB is "guided by a consideration for ethnic affiliation" (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2020, 22, 34). According to the US Department of State Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2019, the CNTB was accused of "ethnic favoritism," since they "generally" restored land to returning refugees, "many of whom were ethnic Hutu" (US 11 Mar. 2020, 12–13).

2.6 The CVR

A September 2020 report by the UN Commission of Inquiry on Burundi states that "[d]ivisive identity politics continue to be used when convenient," including in the work of the CVR (UN 17 Sept. 2020). In a March 2021 article by JusticeInfo.net, a media outlet of the Fondation Hirondelle [3] that covers transitional justice (JusticeInfo.net n.d.), leaders of various human rights groups in Burundi explain their concerns regarding the CVR, including that it "'focuses only'" on crimes against Hutus, that it "'help[s] the government revive ethnic hatred'" and that its 2020 report "'reflects the desire [of the current regime] for revenge on the Tutsi people'" (JusticeInfo.net 4 Mar. 2021, square bracket in original). Sources indicates that in the lead up to the 2020 election, the work of the CVR has been used by the government to "manipulate public sentiment (Amnesty International 11 Aug. 2020, 4) or to "mobilize the Hutu electorate" (JusticeInfo.net 25 Nov. 2019).

News sources report that according to some, the CVR ignores crimes against Tutsi; however, the CVR denies these allegations (JusticeInfo.net 25 Nov. 2021; SOS médias Burundi 19 Feb. 2020). A February 2020 article by SOS médias Burundi cites the CVR chairman as stating that when the CVR exhumes human remains, it refrains from determining the ethnic origins of the victims (SOS médias Burundi 19 Feb. 2020). According to the March 2021 JusticeInfo.net article, the CVR explained that their work in 2020 focused on the 1972 massacre, which "primarily targeted Hutus," due to "the fear of losing first-hand evidence" from witnesses who "'are getting older'" (Justiceinfo.net 4 Mar. 2021). A June 2021 RTNB article quotes the Vice-President as stating that the killings of 1972 [translation] "should not be attributed to an ethnic group" (RTNB 26 June 2021).

3. Treatment by Society
3.1 Violence

The PhD fellow stated that when "wounds from past violence are not too deep and fresh, Tutsis and Hutu cohabit relatively well," but also added that "wounds from the past are still very important" in "many places" in Bujumbura and rural areas; "Tutsi as well as Hutu [are] exposed to the same potential for violence" (PhD fellow 13 July 2021). The Africa Center for Strategic Studies, "an academic institution" within the US Department of Defense focusing on security issues related to Africa (US n.d.), reports that leading up to the 2020 elections, there was an increase of "intimidation, disappearances, killings, and ethnic rhetoric" (US 24 Sept. 2019). Amnesty International reports that CNDD-FDD members "incited violence" and "justified attacks against opposition members" (Amnesty International 7 Apr. 2021, 104). Similarly, according to the UN Commission of Inquiry on Burundi, there was "incitement to hatred aimed at political opponents, sometimes with an ethnic dimension" during the 2020 elections (UN 13 Aug. 2020, para. 95).

3.2 Discrimination

According to the BTI 2020, "the socioeconomic gap between Hutu and Tutsi has never been pronounced" in rural areas; however, there is a continued divide between urban Hutu and Tutsi in education and economic status stemming from Burundi's history of ethnic discrimination, with the Tutsi elite continuing to benefit from their privileges of education and property ownership (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2020, 24). The same source adds that with the establishment of free primary education in 2005, "access to basic education is distributed evenly among ethnic groups and genders" (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2020, 24). The Associate Professor explained that a "complex set of factors" divide society, and it is not exclusively along ethnic lines; socio-economic division continues to exist with Tutsi elites forming a "socio-economic privileged class," which is "somewhat resented" (Associate Professor 6 July 2021). The same source stated that among the population 60 and over, Tutsi tend to occupy "top positions," and live in "more affluent neighbourhoods," including in Bujumbura (Associate Professor 6 July 2021). Similarly, the PhD fellow explained that Tutsi are "usually wealthier, more educated and [occupy] positions from which they can access better life opportunities than many Hutu," especially in Bujumbura; "many Tutsi" "inherited a relatively privileged position" (PhD fellow 13 July 2021). The same source observed that outside of politics and at the societal level, "it is difficult to see Tutsi people discriminated" against (PhD fellow 13 July 2021). The BHRI report states that despite the "ethnic propaganda" employed by the CNDD-FDD, the majority of the population has "resisted this drift towards ethnic extremism" and the CNDD-FDD discourse does not "appear to resonate widely" (BHRI Jan. 2020, 36).

4. State Protection

Regarding state protection, the PhD fellow noted that no measures have been taken by the government because the government does not see the Tutsi as being in "danger" (PhD fellow 13 July 2021). The Research Teacher noted that based on the legal framework in Burundi, including articles 13 and 22 of the Constitution and international agreements, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, there is [translation] "formal protection for the entire population, including the Tutsis" (Research Teacher 12 July 2021). The Constitution provides the following:

Article 13

All Burundian people are equal in merit and in dignity. All citizens enjoy the same rights and have the same protection of the law. No Burundian will be excluded from the social, political, or economic life due to their race, language, religion, sex, or ethnic origin.

Article 22

All citizens are equal before the law, which assures them equal protection.

No one may be the target of discrimination based on, notably: origin, race, ethnicity, sex, color, language, social situation, religious, philosophical, or political belief, physical or mental handicap, HIV/AIDS status or having any other incurable illness. (Burundi 2018)

When asked if Tutsi are able to access state protection, the Associate Professor stated that while Burundi has become "more authoritarian" since the late 2000s, it also has a "vibrant civil society"; Tutsi are an "intellectual power" in urban settings, making them "hard to target" (Associate Professor 6 July 2021). The same source added that there is a "deep entrenchment of the [CNDD-FDD] at the local level" in rural and "non-central parts" of Burundi (Associate Professor 6 July 2021). The Associate Professor further explained that CNDD-FDD "has been working to build and gain a strong foothold in the rest of the country" and also noted that while "some Tutsi will continue to be able to express themselves," that applies largely to urban settings (Associate Professor 6 July 2021). The BHRI describes an incident in 2019 when the governor of Bururi province arrested a man "who had not committed any offence," and while accusing him of being in the opposition, the governor said: "[y]ou, Tutsi dogs, there are things that have changed, and you don’t even know it." (BHRI Jan. 2020, 75).

4.1 Ethnic Quotas

The Constitution provides the following:

Article 148

The Administration is largely representative of the Burundi nation and must reflect the diversity of its people. The practices which the Administration observes in terms of employment are founded on objective and fair criteria of aptitude, along with the necessity to correct imbalances and to assure a large ethnic, regional, and gender diversity. Ethnic representation in public enterprises is filled at a rate of 60% [at most] for the Hutu and 40% [at most] for the Tutsi.

Article 213

The judicial power is structured to reflect in its composition the whole population.

The procedures of recruitment and appointment in the judicial corps imperatively obey the concern of promoting regional, ethnic, and gender balances.

The Magistrature includes at most 60% Hutu and at most 40% Tutsi. …

Article 289

A period of five years is granted to the Senate to evaluate whether to end or to continue the system of ethnic quotas in the executive, legislative and judicial branches after the establishment of institutions arising from this Constitution. (Burundi 2018, bold text in original)

The Associate Professor stated that ensuring there is equal representation within specific institutions can address ethnic division "to a certain extent," however, it does not "address all of the resentment about what was done in the past" (Associate Professor 6 July 2021). The Researcher stated that the ethnic quotas have "fallen short" as the ruling party finds other ways to "circumvent the existing power-sharing rules" (Researcher 19 July 2021). The BTI 2020 states that there is criticism of the ethnic quota from the Hutu, who "are unhappy with the overrepresentation of Tutsi," and the Tutsi, who claim "that ethnic affiliation often outweighs merit" (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2020, 14).

For further information on ethnic quotas in Burundi, see Response to Information Request BDI106384 of December 2019.

5. Imbonerakure

The annual HRW report on the events of 2019 indicates that the Imbonerakure is the youth league of the CNDD-FDD and that during 2019 members of the Imbonerakure, "often" working with local officials, the SNR, and police, carried out widespread human rights abuses (HRW 14 Jan. 2020). According to the BTI 2020, many Burundians view them as "a serious threat" (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2020, 33). An article by RPA, based on information provided by some residents of Buyengero commune in Rumonge province, indicates that Tutsi were not allowed to attend meetings between the Buyengero administrator and the Imbonerakure, even if they were members of the CNDD-FDD (RPA 10 Dec. 2019). The same source stated that at these meetings, the administrator asked the Imbonerakure to learn to use firearms so they could [translation] "defend themselves against their enemies who are the opponents and the Tutsis" (RPA 10 Dec. 2019). The BHRI report describes a song sung by the Imbonerakure which uses "violent ethnic language against Tutsis" (BHRI Jan. 2020, 46).

For further information on the Imbonerakure in Burundi, see Response to Information Request BDI106384 of December 2019.

This Response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the Research Directorate within time constraints. This Response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim for refugee protection. Please find below the list of sources consulted in researching this Information Request.

Notes

[1] The Burundi Human Rights Initiative (BHRI) is an independent human rights project that documents the human rights situation in Burundi with a focus on the 2020 election (BHRI Jan. 2020, 2).

[2] The BHRI report indicates that during the presidency of Pierre Buyoya, the "predominantly" Tutsi army killed Hutu civilians to retaliate against attacks on Tutsi by Hutu opposition groups (BHRI Jan. 2020, 51).

[3] Fondation Hirondelle is a non-profit organization in Switzerland that "provides information to populations faced with crisis," and has media programs in eight African and Asian countries (Fondation Hirondelle n.d.).

References

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Amnesty International. 7 April 2021. "Burundi." Amnesty International Report 2020/21: The State of the World's Human Rights. [Accessed 23 June 2021]

Amnesty International. 11 August 2020. Burundi: Human Rights Priorities for New Government. (AFR 16/2777/2020) [Accessed 23 June 2021]

Associate Professor, University of Ottawa. 6 July 2021. Telephone interview with the Research Directorate.

Associated Press (AP). 5 February 2021. Eloge Willy Kaneza. "Burundi Says It Doesn't Need COVID-19 Vaccines, at Least Yet." [Accessed 9 July 2021]

Bertelsmann Stiftung. 2020. "Burundi Country Report." Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2020. [Accessed 16 June 2021]

Bloomberg. 20 May 2021. Antony Sguazzin. "Vaccine Holdouts in Africa Reject World's Route to Recovery." [Accessed 9 July 2021]

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Burundi. 2018. Burundi's Constitution of 2018. Comparative Constitutions Project. [Accessed 23 June 2021]

Burundi. N.d.a. Commission nationale des terres et autres biens (CNTB). "Organisation et fonctionnement." [Accessed 9 July 2021].

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Researcher, Institute of Development Policy (IOB), University of Antwerp. 19 July 2021. Correspondence with the Research Directorate.

Research Teacher, Centre africain de droit international pénal et de droit humanitaire (CADIPH). 12 July 2021. Correspondence with the Research Directorate.

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SOS médias Burundi. 19 February 2020. Jean Ntumwa. "Des Tutsi accusent la CVR de se soucier des victimes Hutu seulement." [Accessed 28 June 2021]

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Additional Sources Consulted

Oral sources: The Burundi Human Rights Initiative; Commission nationale indépendante des droits de l'homme du Burundi; Ligue burundaise des droits de l'homme Iteka (Ligue Iteka); professor at a Belgian university who studies human security in Africa's Great Lakes region; professor at a Burundian university who studies ethnic groups and domestic politics; professor at a Canadian university who studies African politics and security.

Internet sites, including: The Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project; Belgium – Commissariat général aux réfugiés et aux apatrides; Coalition burundaise pour la Cour pénale internationale; Commission nationale indépendante des droits de l'homme du Burundi; Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE) International; Deutsche Welle; ecoi.net; Factiva, Fédération internationale pour les droits humains; Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect; International Crisis Group; JURIST; Minority Rights Group International; National Public Radio; The New Humanitarian; Norwegian Refugee Council; UN – Refworld, UNHCR, UN Office on Genocide Prevention and the Responsibility to Protect; Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona – Escola de Cultura de Pau; University of Antwerp – Great Lakes of Africa Centre.