Document #2038012
Freedom House (Author)
Democracy Percentage | 2.98 / 100 |
Democracy Score | 1.18 / 7 |
By Edward Lemon
Tajikistan’s authoritarian system became more entrenched in 2019. Tajikistan functions like a one-party state, with few opportunities to express dissatisfaction with the regime. President Emomali Rahmon, who has been known as “Leader of the Nation” since a law to that effect was introduced in 2015, dominates Tajikistan’s political system. His new title renders him legally immune and allows him to rule indefinitely. The former collective farm boss has proven remarkably resilient since coming to power at the height of the country’s civil war in November 1992 and is now the longest serving head of state in the former Soviet Union. He has outmaneuvered his rivals and built an authoritarian state centered on his powerful extended family who dominate politics and the country’s economy.
Tajikistan is a nepotistic kleptocracy. Corruption is endemic. Members of the president’s extensive family and other members of the elite have abused their positions to amass vast fortunes. Beyond the president himself, four major power bases appear to have emerged, all centered on members of the Tajik president’s family. His brother in law Hassan Asadullozoda controls Tajikistan’s largest industrial enterprise, the Talco aluminum smelter, the largest private bank, with assets worth $297 million, and the country’s largest private airline Somon Air.1 A second power base has emerged around Rahmon’s daughter Ozoda Emomali, head of the presidential administration and her husband Jamoliddin Nuraliev who is first deputy chairman of the National Bank. Another has emerged around Shamsullo Sohibov, whose marriage to Rahmon’s daughter Rukhshona has allowed him to construct a business empire ranging from gold mines to driving schools, pharmaceuticals, banking and a ski resort. Finally, Rahmon’s eldest son Rustam held a number of government posts before being appointed mayor of Dushanbe in January 2017.
While the ruling family has strengthened its position over the past few years, the government has banned opposition groups, jailed human rights lawyers, restricted the rights of religious groups, censored the media, and increasingly regulated civil society. The judiciary in Tajikistan is de jure independent, but in practice it is subordinated to the executive. Having previously outlawed the Islamic Renaissance Party (IRPT) and Group 24, in October, the Supreme Court declared that the National Alliance of Tajikistan, a coalition of opposition groups based in exile in Europe, is a “terrorist organization.” The government continues to harass, threaten and attempt to return those in exile. In February, Tajik security services kidnapped opposition leader Shoroffidin Gadoev in Moscow.2 He was released and allowed to return to Europe after two weeks in captivity, following international pressure. Several hundred opposition members, human rights lawyers and journalists remain in Tajik prisons. Torture and other ill-treatment of prisoners remains widespread in Tajikistan. A number of incidents have raised concerns about the conditions within Tajikistan’s prisons. Following a deadly prison riot in 2018, a riot in a prison near Dushanbe in May 2019, left over 29 inmates and three guards dead. In a further incident in July, 14 prisoners died of alleged food poisoning, although their relatives claimed their bodies showed signs of mistreatment.
Those reporting on abuses and criticizing the government have faced repercussions. Being a lawyer in Tajikistan is an increasingly dangerous profession. At least seven human rights lawyers have been jailed in the country over the past four years. The media remains tightly controlled by the government, with most independent journalists practicing self-censorship. Two of the country’s leading independent news organizations, Asia Plus and Radio Ozodi, came under pressure from the government in 2019. Asia Plus has been blocked in the country since November 2018, when it published an article about nepotism. Following leadership and editorial changes at Radio Free Europe’s Tajik Service Radio Ozodi that led to it taking a more critical stance on the government, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs refused to grant accreditation to five Ozodi correspondents in June, stating that the service was supporting “terrorism and extremism” by quoting opposition figures.3
Civil society continued to come under pressure from the government in 2019. Under new regulations adopted in January, civil society organizations are required to have a website and to post an annual financial report, a move that was justified by the government as combating money laundering and terrorist financing.4 The government uses the Tax Committee, Ministry of Justice, Fire Department and other regulatory agencies to put pressure on NGOs working on politically-sensitive topics. The government has continued to use the threat of Islamic extremism to justify a crackdown on religion. Women have been banned from mosques since 2004 and children since 2011. A 2009 Law on Religion places restrictions on the registration of religious organizations, opening of mosques and access to religious education. By 2016, all the madrassas in the country had ceased to function. At the same time, the government promotes its own version of Islam which supports authoritarian rule through the official clergy, who have been paid a salary since 2014.5
With both presidential and parliamentary elections scheduled for 2020, Rahmon appears to be thinking towards transition. Despite the lack of political threat from outside the regime, as no real opposition exists within the country, the power transition is being tightly controlled from the top. While amendments to the constitution signed into law in 2018 allow Rahmon to run for an unlimited number of terms, they also lowered the age that someone could be elected president. This would allow 32-year-old Rustam to run in 2020. In February, officials allegedly attempted to convince kidnapped opposition leader Shoroffidin Gadoev to support Rustam’s candidacy in the upcoming election, further providng evidence of an impending dynastic transition.6 Regardless of when transition takes place, it is unlikely to fundamentally alter Tajikistan’s kleptocratic authoritarian system.
Considers the democratic character of the governmental system; and the independence, effectiveness, and accountability of the legislative and executive branches. | 1.00 / 7.00 |
Examines national executive and legislative elections, the electoral framework, the functioning of multiparty systems, and popular participation in the political process. | 1.25 / 7.00 |
Assesses the organizational capacity and financial sustainability of the civic sector; the legal and political environment in which it operates; the functioning of trade unions; interest group participation in the policy process; and the threat posed by antidemocratic extremist groups. | 1.25 / 7.00 |
Examines the current state of press freedom, including libel laws, harassment of journalists, and editorial independence; the operation of a financially viable and independent private press; and the functioning of the public media. | 1.25 / 7.00 |
Considers the decentralization of power; the responsibilities, election, and capacity of local governmental bodies; and the transparency and accountability of local authorities. | 1.50 / 7.00 |
Assesses constitutional and human rights protections, judicial independence, the status of ethnic minority rights, guarantees of equality before the law, treatment of suspects and prisoners, and compliance with judicial decisions. | 1.00 / 7.00 |
Deputy Head of the IRPT Mahmadali Hayit, arrested in 2015, has been denied medical treatment and beaten multiple times while in prison. After a visit in March, his wife reported seeing visible signs of his mistreatment after he refused to publically denounce other party members.78 In March, three prison guards and 29 inmates, including IRPT members Said Qiyomiddin Ghozi and Sattor Karimov, were killed in a riot at a maximum-security prison outside of the capital city. This was the second deadly prison riot to hit the country in six months, with the first killing an estimated 50 inmates.79 In July, 14 prisoners died after eating spoiled bread. This official account was challenged by relatives, who reported their bodies showed signs of mistreatment.80
Looks at public perceptions of corruption, the business interests of top policymakers, laws on financial disclosure and conflict of interest, and the efficacy of anticorruption initiatives. | 1.00 / 7.00 |
Author: Edward Lemon is Research Assistant Professor, Bush School of Government and Public Service, Texas A&M, Washington DC teaching site.
The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s). The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 7 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 1 the lowest. The Democracy Score is an average of ratings for the categories tracked in a given year. The Democracy Percentage, introduced in 2020, is a translation of the Democracy Score to the 0–100 scale, where 0 equals least democratic and 100 equals most democratic.