Document #1328763
IRB – Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (Author)
This Response adds to information provided
in Response to Information Request AFG20612.E of 9 May 1995.
In November 1994 the Taliban gained control of the ancient city of Kandahar, a victory, which, according to some sources, clearly demonstrated the significance of the Taliban movement in Afghanistan (AI Apr. 1995, 1; Asiaweek 28 Apr. 1995, 39). Reports indicate that as the Taliban moved across southern Afghanistan in late 1994 and early 1995 they were greeted as liberators; they promised the nation's war-weary and impoverished people an end to Afghanistan's then two-year old civil war (The Economist 25 Feb.-3 Mar. 1995, 36; The Washington Post 20 Mar. 1995; Time 27 Feb. 1995, 16). By the spring of 1995 the Taliban had failed in their bid to capture Kabul and the movement reportedly began to lose some of its momentum (FEER 18 May 1995, 24).
Background:
With the collapse of President Muhammed
Najibullah's Soviet-backed administration in April 1992, a
temporary government was sworn in and Burhanuddin Rabbani was named
interim president (Current History Jan. 1995, 37).1 He
was re-affirmed as president in January 1993 (Security Dialogue
Dec. 1993, 388). President Rabbani leads the Jamiat-e-Islami
(Islamic Society) supported by Ahmed Shah Masoud, the group's
military strategist (ibid., pp. 386-88). Current History reported
in January 1995 that the Jamiat-e-Islami have had a "presence in or
dominate[]" the capital city Kabul, Kandahar province and northern
and western parts of the country (Current History Jan. 1995 37). In
addition, the source maintains that the group gains its support
primarily from Sunni Muslim Tajiks, Afghanistan's second-largest
ethnic group (ibid.).
Gulbuddin Hekmatyar heads the Hezb-e-Islami
(Islamic Party), whose forces come largely from Afghanistan's
largest ethnic group, the Sunni Pushtan2 (ibid.). In
1994 Hekmatyar had the backing of Abdul Rashid Dostam's National
Islamic Movement and Ali Mazari's Shiite-based Hezb-e-Wahdat (Asian
Survey Feb. 1995, 148; see also Central Asian Survey Mar. 1995,
20). The Hezb-e-Islami lost ground to the Jamiat-e-Islami in 1993
and 1994, and Current History reported in January 1995 that "its
forces [had] regrouped to the south of Kabul and on the road
leading to Jalalabad," adding that "it [did] not control one
important city" (Current History Jan. 1995 37).
Hekmatyar, along with Abdul Rashid Dostam, an Uzbek who dominates the northern regions and directs Afghanistan's largest army (Central Asian Survey Mar. 1995, 20), launched a new offensive against Rabbani's government on New Year's Day 1994 (Asian Survey Feb. 1995, 148-49). Fighting between the two alliances continued throughout 1994, and while Rabbani and Masoud managed to push back the Dostam-Hekmatyar offensive, control of several districts of Kabul passed from one group to the other (ibid., 149). According to a May 1995 report, "[c]ontrol of Kabul was still divided between various armed political groups and there appeared to be no end in sight to the violence" (AI,May 1995 3).
History of the Taliban:
The precise origins of the Taliban remain
largely a matter of conjecture (Asiaweek 3 Mar. 1995, 26; Time 27
Feb. 1995, 16; The Christian Science Monitor 29 Mar. 1995). The
Taliban3 has been recognized as a distinct group only
since 1993. At that time Maulvi Mohammad Omar, a 43-year old
religious scholar, united a group of approximately 30 to 50
religious students in a village near the city of Kandahar, the
capital of Kandahar province (Asiaweek 28 Apr. 1995, 38; Newsline
Feb. 1995a; U.S. News & World Report 6 Mar. 1995). Reportedly,
the first Taliban were Afghan youths from refugee camps and
madrassahs (religious schools) located in the two provinces of
Pakistan's northern Pushtan belt: North West Frontier Province and
Baluchistan (ibid.; Asiaweek 3 Mar. 1995, 26). The Far Eastern
Economic Review indicates that "[m]ost of the Taliban soldiers
belong to the southern clans of the Pashtun sub-tribe of Durrani"
(Far Eastern Economic Review 18 May 1995, 24; see also U.S. News
& World Report 6 Mar. 1995; Jane's 1 May 1995, 2).
The original small group was "united in
their anger over the lawlessness into which mujahideen4
rule had sunk. Particularly galling were the daily abuses at
highway checkpoints, where extortion, robbery and rape were the
norm" (Asiaweek 28 Apr. 1995, 38; see also Newsline Feb. 1995a).
Jane's Intelligence Review contends that the Taliban were "active
throughout 1994 attempting to interdict drug supplies from
Afghanistan into Pakistan" (Jane's Intelligence Review-Pointer 1
May 1995). In July 1994 a Kandahar military leader allegedly raped
and killed three women, inciting outrage in the city (The Christian
Science Monitor 29 Mar. 1995; The Economist Feb. 25-3 Mar. 1995,
36). Upon hearing of the incident, Mohammad Omar rounded up his
group of religious students—the Taliban—and executed
the alleged perpetrator; his men subsequently surrendered their
weapons to the Taliban (ibid.; The Christian Science Monitor 29
Mar. 1995). U.S. News & World Report reports that "the Taliban
movement was born" with this incident (U.S. News & World Report
6 Mar. 1995). The Christian Science Monitor reports that the
Taliban "were soon called on to redress other injustices, which
they responded to with similar success" (Christian Science Monitor
29 Mar. 1995).
In September 1994 the Taliban confronted a
commander at a Kandahar Road checkpoint who had been charging
"exorbitant tariffs" (ibid.). When the commander refused to abandon
the post, a reported 100 Taliban attacked and killed many of the
commander's men (ibid.). In October the Taliban secured "25 to 30
more checkposts along the Kandahar Road" (ibid.). Asiaweek reports
that Quetta and Kandahar merchants supported the Taliban's attempt
to cleanse the roads and highways of corrupt warlords (Asiaweek 28
Apr. 1995, 39).
In early November the Taliban, now
reportedly a force of 2,500 (FEER 29 Dec. 1994-5 Jan. 1995, 21),
freed a hijacked Pakistani truck convoy that was attempting to
negotiate a route through Quetta, Kandahar and Herat to
Turkmenistan (ibid.; The Christian Science Monitor 29 Mar. 1995;
Jane's 1 May 1995). The Taliban then captured a large arms depot at
Spin Baldak (Frontier Post 17 Mar. 1995; Asiaweek 28 Apr. 1995,
39), and on 5 November the Taliban took control of Kandahar city
(Asiaweek 28 Apr. 1995, 39; The Christian Science Monitor 29 Mar.
1995; FEER 29 Dec. 1994-5 Jan. 1995, 21). Far Eastern Economic
Review reports that approximately fifty people were killed during
the four days of fighting for control of the city (ibid.).
As the Taliban advanced and gained
momentum, thousands of Pakistani and Afghan students and their
teachers left the madrassahs in Pakistan in order to "reinforce
their comrades" (ibid.; Newsline Feb. 1995a; The Economist 25
Feb.-3 Mar. 1995, 36). In addition, Afghan veterans, including many
former communist soldiers and supporters of former King Zahir Shar
joined the movement (ibid.; The New York Times 16 Feb. 1995; U.S.
News & World Report 6 Mar. 1995). Several sources indicate that
by February 1995 the number of Taliban had risen to 25,000 (ibid.;
Muslim World Monitor 16 Feb. 1995; Time 27 Feb. 1995, 17) and was
"backed by more than 200 captured tanks, other armour, artillery,
helicopters and even a dozen MiG-23 jet fighters" (ibid.; The New
York Times 16 Feb. 1995).
Many reports indicate that Pakistan is
suspected of providing financial and military assistance to the
Taliban, especially since a Taliban presence in Afghanistan would
secure access for Pakistani convoys travelling to Central Asia
(Asiaweek 28 Apr. 1995, 39; Time 27 Feb. 1995, 18; The Christian
Science Monitor 29 Mar. 1995). The Christian Science Monitor
reports that "the youth army is said to have begun receiving
significant financial backing from Pakistani intelligence forces"
in late 1994 (ibid.). U.S. News and World Report writes that
"Pakistan's relationship to the new group is a matter of intense
speculation" and that some "say that Pakistan's Interior Ministry
and military intelligence are backing Taliban" (U.S. News &
World Report 6 Mar. 1995). The Muslim World Monitor reports that
"[t]he Taliban are believed to be financially and militarily
supported by Pakistan, especially Pakistan's Interior Minister
Nasirullah Babar" (Muslim World Monitor 16 Feb. 1995). Finally,
Asiaweek reports that "[b]y the late summer of 1994, arms and money
began flowing from Pakistan to the Talibs" (Asiaweek 28 Apr. 1995,
39).
Pakistan has denied being involved with the Taliban (The Economist 25 Feb.-3 Mar. 1995, 36; Time 27 Feb. 1995, 18), and a former Pakistani army chief has accused the United States of establishing the Taliban to counter Iran's influence in the region (Asiaweek 3 Mar. 1995, 27). Two sources hint that the CIA may quietly support the Taliban movement (FEER 29 Dec. 1994-5 Jan. 1995, 21; Frontier Post 24 Feb. 1995). Iran accuses Pakistan and Saudi Arabia of backing the Taliban (The Economist 25 Feb.-3 Mar. 1995, 36; Time 27 Feb. 1995, 18) and has warned both countries to ensure the safety of Afghanistan's Shiite minority (ibid.). Taliban leaders have claimed that they "'do not receive any aid from Pakistan, Saudi Arabia or any third country'" (The News 27 Jan. 1995) and that they receive their backing only from indigenous forces (Newsline Feb. 1995b; see also The Washington Post 2 Mar. 1995; Time 27 Feb. 1995, 18).
Taliban Structure, Ideology and Aims:
The Shura (Shoora), based in Kandahar, is
the Taliban's highest decision-making body (Jane's 1 May 1995). The
Shura, or "assembly", is comprised of some 30 people and grows as
the Taliban gain control of additional regions and provinces
(ibid.; U.S. News & World Report 6 Mar. 1995). The inner-core
of the Shura has eight participants, "of which a group of four
leaders, all from Kandahar—Maulvis Umar, Mohammad Rabbani,
Mohammad Abbas and Borjan—are considered the key players in
evolving Taliban strategy" (Jane's 1 May 1995; see also Los Angeles
Times 21 Feb. 1995).
While Taliban leaders are reluctant to
expound on the group's "political philosophy" (Jane's 1 May 1995),
Taliban officials and outside observers have variously stated that
the group aims to "take Kabul and sweep away all the mujahideen
factions" (Asiaweek 3 Mar. 1995, 27), "cleanse Afghanistan ... of
drug traffickers" (Time 27 Feb. 1995, 18), "'cleanse Afghanistan in
the name of Islam'" (FEER 29 Dec. 1994-5 Jan. 1995, 21; Time 27
Feb. 1995, 18), "rid the country of the various military factions"
(Muslim World Monitor 16 Feb. 1995) and to usher in "a new era of
peace and good government" (FEER 29 Dec. 1994-5 Jan. 1995, 21). The
London-based publication Al-Majallah reports that the Taliban's
political views "represent[] a revolution against the current
political situation in the country, in which leaders of the
mujahedin factions control the reins of power" (Al-Majallah 5 Mar.
1995). The Al-Majallah article outlines three key elements of the
Taliban's political agenda. The Taliban are:
1. Calling for dismantling the traditional
political infrastructure in Afghanistan through a position of
extreme opposition to the mujahedin factions ... .
2. Disarming all the mujahedin factions ...
.
3. Adopting a three-part plan to resolve the Afghan conflict, based on: forming a true Islamic government composed of committed Islamist figures, basing this government on regional representation of the Afghan provinces, not on representation of parties or factions, and calling for the Taliban movement to assume [responsibility for] (sic) the security of the capital, Kabul (ibid.).
Asiaweek reports that
[p]olitically, the Taliban are closely linked to Pakistan's conservative Jamiat Ulema Islami, a Sunni party headed by Maulana Fazlur Rahman, which is influential in Pakistan's Pushtun regions. An analyst notes: 'The Taliban are fundamentalist in the real sense of the term. This is the conservative reactionary Islam of the mullahs as distinct from the politically revolutionary Islam of the intellectuals -- the Rabbanis, Massouds and Hekmatyars' (Asiaweek 3 Mar. 1995, 27).
According to several sources a primary
objective of the Taliban is the establishment of an Islamic
theocratic state based on Islamic law or Shari'a (The Herald Mar.
1995, 51; Jane's 1 May 1995; Time 27 Feb. 1995, 16; Al-Majallah 5
Mar. 1995). A Taliban spokesman stated during a press conference
cited by Xinhua that the "holy quran was their only law and they
would implement it throughout Afghanistan" (Xinhua 12 Feb. 1995).
Islamic law and courts have reportedly been established throughout
Taliban-controlled provinces (AI Apr. 1995, 1; U.S. News and World
Report 6 Mar. 1995; The News 27 Jan. 1995). Amnesty International
reports that, as of April 1995, Islamic courts established in
Taliban-controlled provinces had carried out "dozens" of
punishments in accordance with Islamic law, including executions
and amputations (AI Apr. 1995, 1). In February 1995 the first
amputation of hands and feet reportedly took place in Lashkargah,
the capital city of Helmand province (ibid., 3); three alleged
thieves had their left feet and right hands amputated (L'Express
international 30 Mar. 1995, 42). Two men found guilty of murder by
a four-member court in Kandahar were executed in "early 1995" (AI
Apr. 1995, 4). In March 1995 The Washington Post reported that in
the city of Kandahar "at least four people" had been executed and
"unmarried lovers [had] been publicly flogged" (The Washington Post
2 Mar. 1995). According to L'Express international, the Islamic
courts established in Kandahar hang murderers and flog hashish
smokers and unmarried lovers (L'Express International 30 Mar. 1995,
42).
The Taliban have reportedly banned music,
chess, football and volleyball (Time 27 Feb. 1995, 18; The
Washington Post 2 Mar. 1995; AP 20 Mar. 1995) The Associated Press
(AP) reports that the Taliban consider sports a distraction from
prayers (AP ibid.). Taliban officials have stated that elections
are "un-Islamic" (U.S. News & World Report 6 Mar. 1995; The
News 27 Jan. 1995), and one official argued that "'[m]ost of the
Afghans are illiterate and can not choose sincere and honest
leaders'" (ibid.).
Women in Taliban-controlled regions must be
veiled, have been forbidden to work outside their homes, and are
not allowed to leave their homes unless accompanied by a man (The
New York Times 16 Feb. 1995; Time 27 Feb. 1995, 18; The Washington
Post 2 Mar. 1995). Girls have been forbidden from attending school
and young boys are suppose "to receive a religious education"
(ibid.; Time 27 Feb. 1995, 18). The New York Times reported that
women in Kandahar protested the Taliban decision to ban women from
shopping in the town's bazaars and stores (The New York Time 16
Feb. 1995). The Taliban reportedly reversed their decision and
permitted women entry into bazaars providing they remained outside
shops run by men (ibid.).
An editorial published in the Asian Wall Street Journal asserts, however, that the Taliban are "simply ordinary Afghans who are sick and tired of corrupt warlords", and that they are not "religious zealots in any threatening way" (Asian Wall Street Journal 22 Feb. 1995). AP states that "the strict controls brought order where there had been chaos" (AP 20 Mar. 1995). According to the Los Angeles Times the Taliban in Kandahar have ended the "looting, rape and bullying" common under mujahedin rule (Los Angeles Time 21 Feb. 1995). Roads have re-opened and highway banditry has all but ended in Taliban-controlled areas, "allow[ing] food and other products to flow freely" (ibid.).
The March to Kabul:
After capturing Kandahar in November 1994,
the Taliban "fanned out" north, west and east towards
Kabul,5 until they had gained control of many of
Afghanistan's southern Pushtan provinces (Asiaweek 3 Mar. 1995, 26;
Al-Majallah 5 Mar. 1995). Before reaching Kabul, the army rarely
had to test its military strength as they reportedly enjoyed the
support of ordinary Afghans (ibid.; The Economist 25 Feb.-3 Mar.
1995, 36; Asiaweek 28 Apr. 1995, 39). Asiaweek reports that Uruzgan
and Zabol provinces "fell with scarcely a shot fired" (Asiaweek
ibid.). The group planned next to move on to Vardak and Ghazni
provinces (FEER 29 Dec. 1994-5 Jan. 1995, 22), and in January 1995
the Taliban "routed Hizb commanders at Ghazni and Maidan Shahr,
southwest of Kabul" (Asiaweek 28 Apr. 1995, 39). The Taliban scored
their biggest success on 14 February 1995 when their forces seized
Gulbuddin Hekmatyar's headquarters in Charasiab, variously reported
as being 15, 25 or 30 kilometres south of Kabul (Keesing's Feb.
1995, 40446; AFP 16 Feb. 1995; Time 27 Feb. 1995, 17). "[A]fter a
two-month, 330-mile march across southern Afghanistan, during which
every opposing army gave way before it, Taliban [stood] just 10
miles south of Kabul, the capital, where citizens await[ed] its
arrival with a mixture of joy, fear and suspicion" (The Washington
Post 2 Mar. 1995).
By early 1995, reports indicated that the
Taliban had gained control of several Afghani provinces (AI Apr.
1995, 1; The Economist 25 Feb.-3 Mar. 1995; The Independent 23 Mar.
1995; The Financial Times 18 May 1995; FEER 18 May 1995, 24).
Amnesty International reported in April 1995 that the Taliban
continued to maintain control of ten provinces, including
"Kandahar, Helmand, Nimroz, about half of Farah, Zabul, Ghazni,
Wardak, Logar, Pakia, Paktika as well as the city of Khost"
(Amnesty International Apr. 1995 2). "Administrative structures",
under the direction of religious students, have reportedly been
established in these Taliban-controlled provinces (ibid.). The
Independent reported in March that the Taliban controlled eight
provinces (The Independent 23 Mar. 1995), while the Far Eastern
Economic Review and the Financial Times reported in May that the
army controlled 12 and 7 provinces respectively (Far Eastern
Economic Review 18 May 1995, 24; Financial Times 18 May
1995).6
Some articles have reported that during
their advance the Taliban generally avoided bloodshed through the
use of persuasion; however, when that tactic failed military force
was used (Asiaweek 28 Apr. 1995, 39; Time 27 Feb. 1995, 16).
According to U.S. News & World Report, the Taliban "sent
religious envoys ahead to demand that local commanders disarm and
dismantle roadblocks. Most duly did. Some even offered money,
vehicles and weapons to help Taliban eliminate their rivals" (U.S.
News & World Report 6 Mar. 1995). The Paris-based Al-Watan
Al-Arabi reports that the Taliban
... presented the venerable Koran to every
military position on which they advanced and appealed to the other
fighters to surrender in the name of the Koran ... [and] defenders
of those military positions rushed to surrender.... Some reports
also say that the Taleban have used the method of financial
inducements, which is used widely to overturn alliances in
Afghanistan (Al-Watan Al-Arabi 6 Jan. 1995; see also Asiaweek 28
Apr. 1995, 39).
On 6 March 1995 government troops loyal to
Rabbani attacked positions in south-west Kabul held by the
Hezb-e-Wahdat and succeeded in trapping the group between forces
loyal to Rabbani and the Taliban (The Economist 18-24 Mar. 1995,
38; Keesing's Mar. 1995, 40453). Ali Mazari, leader of the
Hezb-e-Wahdat, reportedly surrendered willingly the group's weapons
and positions to the Taliban (ibid.). Renewed battles ensued
between the Taliban and government forces, and on 12 March the
Taliban were pushed back to Charasiab in their "first major ...
defeat" (ibid.; The Economist 18-24 Mar. 1995, 38). On 19 March
government troops forced the Taliban out of Charasiab (Asiaweek 28
Apr. 1995, 37).
While retreating, the Taliban "reportedly
launched rocket attacks on Kabul ... killing several civilians"
(Keesing's Mar. 1995, 40453). The Economist reported that as a
result of these Taliban "terror tactics", "[t]he toll of civilian
casualties rose to levels not seen since the battles between
Islamic rivals in January 1994. Hospitals in Kabul said that over
1,000 people had required treatment" (The Economist 18-24 Mar.
1995, 38). The Washington Post reported that hundreds were killed
in the attack (The Washington Post 20 Mar. 1995). The Taliban
consequently lost a great deal of the respect and admiration they
had enjoyed, and many in Kabul reportedly now believe that the
Taliban "are just another power-hungry faction rather than the
white knights they claim to be" (The Economist 18-24 Mar. 1995,
38). The Washington Post quotes a Kabul resident as saying "'People
used to embrace them. Now we consider them just another group of
warriors'" (The Washington Post 20 Mar. 1995).
Ali Mazari and others were killed in March
while in Taliban custody (AI Apr. 1995, 4-5; Keesing's Mar. 1995,
40453). Taliban officials reported that Mazari was killed in a
helicopter crash (ibid.; The Economist 18-24 Mar. 1995, 38), while
Amnesty International reported that "[t]he circumstances
surrounding the death of Abdul Ali Mazari and other Hezb-e-Wahdat
leaders while in captivity, raise serious concern that the
prisoners may have been killed deliberately" (AI Apr. 1995, 5).
The Taliban suffered a series of further setbacks and defeats after March 1995. In April the students suffered major losses when they were repulsed while attempting to reach an air base south of Herat in Farah province (Voice of the Islamic Republic of Iran 21 Apr. 1995; FEER 18 May 1995, 24). In late April Ahmed Shah Masoud's troops forced the Taliban nearly 100 kilometres south-east towards Kandahar (ibid).
Recent Developments:
According to Asiaweek, in April 1995 the
Taliban were still in control of a united south and were "anything
but beaten" (Asiaweek 28 Apr. 1995, 38). The same source reported
that this situation has led to "a dramatic realignment along a
dangerous ethnic divide ..." (ibid.). The Taliban, who are Pushtan
of the Durrani sub-tribe, have a strong presence in the south;
President Rabbani's forces, who are primarily Tajik, occupy most of
Kabul (ibid.); Uzbek Rashid Dostam retains power in the north and
west, and Hekmatyar supporters, who are Pushtans of the Ghilzai
sub-tribe, have re-grouped in the eastern city of Jalalabad (FEER
18 May 1995, 24). The Economist has warned that such an alignment
could lead to "an Afghanistan partitioned into Pathan, Tajik and
Uzbek states" (The Economist 25 Feb.-3 Mar. 1995, 36).
Further clashes were reported in May
between the Taliban and government forces in Farah province (Xinhua
13 May 1995), in Nimruz province around Zaranj, (IRNA 15 May 1995)
in Helmand and in the region of Delaram, which borders Farah,
Nimruz and Helmand provinces (ibid.). In May, fighting was reported
near the town of Maidan Shahr, west of Kabul (Reuters 8 May 1995).
An Iranian source reported on 6 June that Afghani government forces
had taken control of Farah and Nimruz provinces and "pushed them
[the Taliban] back to Helmand Province in the south of Afghanistan"
(IRNA 6 June 1995). According to a 17 June report by the same
source, the Taliban were battling forces loyal to General Ismail
Khan, governor of Herat, in the Dalbadin district of Balouchistan
(ibid. 17 June 1995). The Taliban allegedly attacked the governor's
forces at an army camp at Chotu, and the report indicates that
Chotu "is said to be now manned by Taleban" (ibid.).
In early June the Taliban and the
Hezb-e-Islami reportedly jointly attacked government-held positions
around Kabul from Maidan Shahr (Xinhua 3 June 1995; IRNA 3 June
1995). In an interview cited by Xinhua, Hezb-e-Islami leader
Hekmatyar stated that "'we have no objections towards an alliance
with the Taliban'" (ibid.). Other sources report that Hekmatyar has
"confirmed his willingness to join an alliance with the Taleban"
(Al-Hayah 3 June 1995) and that he "has committed at least 2000
men" to the Taliban (IRNA 3 June 1995). Radio Afghanistan has
indicated that the Taliban have joined forces with Rashid Dostam
(Radio Afghanistan 2 June 1995; ibid., 5 June, 1995). The DIRB is
currently unable to corroborate the information provided by this
source.
On 9 or 10 June 1995 Taliban and government
officials, meeting in Lowgar province, announced a 10-day
cease-fire, "which was followed by a partial exchange of prisoners
before planned face-to-face talks to end hostilities" (Reuters 14
June 1995; Radio Afghanistan 9 June 1995; IRNA 13 June 1995; see
also BBC Summary 13 June 1995). The government reportedly breached
the cease-fire on 13 June in Delaram, Farah Province (Radio Message
of Freedom 14 June 1995; Reuters 14 June 1995), but, according to
Reuters, Taliban officials said that it "would not divert [them]
from planned peace talks with President Burhanuddin Rabbani"
(ibid.). Agence France Presse (AFP) reported on 20 June that the
cease-fire was "expected to hold", despite the fact that Taliban
and government officials had yet to engage in face-to-face talksAFP
20 June 1995 . According to the same AFP report, a government
official stated that there has been "an understanding to maintain
it [the cease-fire] for an indefinite period" (ibid.).
This Response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the DIRB within time constraints. This Response is not, and does not purport to be conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum.
References
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Said Preparing for 'Encounter'." (FBIS-NES-95-109 7 June 1995, p.
53)
_____. 3 June 1995. "'Grand Alliance'
Forming Against Rabbani Government." (FBIS-NES-95-107 5 June 1995,
p. 50)
_____. 15 May 1995. "'Severe Setback'
for Taleban." (FBIS-NES-95-093 15 May 1995, p. 39)
Jane's Intelligence Review-Pointer
[London]. 1 May 1995. Vol. 2, No. 5. "The Taliban's Invincibility
is Shattered." (NEXIS)
Keesing's Record of World Events
[Cambridge]. March 1995. Vol. 41, No. 3. "Afghanistan: Retreat of
Talibaan."
_____. February 1995. Vol. 41, No. 2.
"Afghanistan: Defeat of Hekmatyar."
Los Angeles Times. 21 February 1995.
Home Edition. John-Thor Dahlburg. "Mysterious Afghan Militia on a
Mission." (NEXIS)
Le Monde diplomatique [Paris]. April
1995. Ahmed Rashid. "Un tournant dans une guerre oubliée?
L'Afghanistan à l'heure des « taliban »."
Muslim World Monitor [n.p.]. 16 February
1995. "Taleban Take Over Hekmetyar's Headquarters and May Aim for
Kabul."(Afghanistan Forum [East Hampton, NY]. Mar.-May 1995. Vol.
23, No. 2-3, pp. 12-13)
The News [Islamabad]. 27 January 1995.
Haroon Rashid. "Taliban Vow to Establish Islamic Rule in
Afghanistan." (Afghanistan Forum [East Hampton, NY]. Mar.-May 1995.
Vol. 23, No. 2-3, p. 7)
Newsline [n.p.]. February 1995a.
Rahimullah Yusufzai. "Here Come the Taliban." (Afghanistan Forum
[East Hampton, NY]. Mar.-May 1995. Vol. 23, No. 2-3, pp. 8-9)
_____. February 1995b. Shahzada
Zulfiqar. "Brewing Revolution." (Afghanistan Forum [East Hampton,
NY]. Mar.-May 1995. Vol. 23, No. 2-3, p. 9)
The New York Times. 16 February 1995.
John F. Burns. "New Afghan Force Takes Hold, Turning to Peace."
(Afghanistan Forum [East Hampton, NY]. Mar.-May 1995. Vol. 23, No.
2-3, p. 24)
Radio Afghanistan Network [Kabul, in
Pashto]. 9 June 1995. "Kabul, Taleban Agree on Cease-Fire, POW
Release." (FBIS-NES-95-112 12 June 1995, p. 56)
_____. 5 June 1995. "Radio Says Taleban
Secretly Led by Khalq Faction." (FBIS-NES-95-108 6 June 1995, p.
53)
_____. 2 June 1995. "Dostam, Taleban
Attack Repulsed." (FBIS-NES-95-107 5 June 1995, p. 52)
Radio Message of Freedom [Clandestine,
in Pashto]. 14 June 1995. "Taleban Leadership Differs Over
Gvoernment Truce." (FBIS-NES-95-115 15 June 1995, p. 52)
Reuters. 14 June 1995. BC Cycle.
"Taleban Ignores Afghan Government Truce Violation." (NEXIS)
_____. 8 May 1995. BC Cycle. Peter
Greste. "Afghan Forces Attack Taleban Positions Near Kabul."
(NEXIS)
Security Dialogue [London]. December
1993. Vol. 24, No. 4. William Maley. "The Future of Islamic
Afghanistan."
Time [Toronto]. 27 February 1995. Vol.
145, No. 8. Jefferson Penberthy. "Mystery Army."
U.S. News & World Report
[Washington, DC]. 6 March 1995. Emily MacFarquhar. "The Rise of
Taliban." (NEXIS)
Voice of the Islamic Republic of Iran
First Program [Tehran, in Persian]. 21 April 1995. "Taleban Suffers
Heavy Defeat in Farah Province." (FBIS-NES-95-078 24 Apr. 1995, p.
44)
The Washington Post. 20 March 1995.
Molly Moore. "Afghan Militia Taliban, After Raising Hopes, Is
Driven Off." (Afghanistan Forum [East Hampton, NY]. Mar.-May 1995.
Vol. 23, No. 2-3, pp. 26-27)
_____. 2 March 1995. John Ward Anderson.
"Afghan Fundamentalists Impose Order on City." (Afghanistan Forum
[East Hampton, NY]. Mar.-May 1995. Vol. 23, No. 2-3, p. 28).
World Directories of Minorities. 1990.
Edited by the Minority Rights Group. Harlow, Essex: Longman.
Xinhua News Agency. 3 June 1995.
"Taliban, Hezb-i-Islami Clash with Afghan Govt Troops." (NEXIS)
_____. 13 May 1995. "Afghan Government
Forces Recapture Farah." (NEXIS)
_____. 12 February 1995. Pan Yi and Gong
Min. "Taliban, New Actor in Afghan Bloody Drama." (NEXIS)
Al-Majallah [London, in Arabic]. 5 March
1995. "Taleban Goal Said Aimed at Freeing Afghanistan."
(FBIS-NES-95-098 22 May 1995, pp. 49-51)
Al-Watan Al-Arabi [Paris, in Arabic]. 6
January 1995. "'New' Brand of Mojahedin Rising." (FBIS-NES-95-036
23 Feb. 1995, pp. 63-65)
Asiaweek [Hong Kong]. April 28 1995.
Vol. 21, No. 17. Anthony Davis. "Showdown in Kabul," pp. 37-40.
_____. 3 March 1995. Vol. 21, No. 9.
"The Rise of the Taliban: A Mysterious Student Army Sweeps All
Before It," pp. 26-27.
Central Asian Survey [Abingdon,
Oxfordshire]. March 1995. Vol. 14, No. 1. Anders Fange.
"Afghanistan After April 1992: A Struggle for State and Ethnicity,"
pp. 17-24.
Current History [Philidelphia]. January
1995. Vol. 94, No. 588. Gilles Dorronsoro. "Afghanistan's Civil
War," pp. 37-40.
L'Express international [Paris]. 30
March 1995. No. 2281. Vincent Hugeux. "Afghanistan: La guerre des
puritains," pp. 40-45.
Le Monde diplomatique [Paris]. April
1995. Ahmed Rashid. "Un tournant dans une guerre oubliée?
L'Afghanistan à l'heure des « taliban »," p.
24.
Security Dialogue [London]. December
1993. Vol. 24, No. 4. William Maley. "The Future of Islamic
Afghanistan," pp. 383-96.
World Directories of Minorities. 1990. Edited by the Minority Rights Group. Harlow, Essex: Longman, pp. 310-12.
NOTES:
1 For a brief overview of the
political situation in Afghanistan before 1994 please consult the
attachments from Central Asian Survey and Security Dialogue.
2 According to the World
Directory of Minorities "Pashtuns, Pashtouns, Pakhtuns and Afghans"
are alternative names for the ethnic group Pathans (World Directory
of Minorities 1990, p. 310). For further informati on the Pathans
or Pushtan please consult the attachment from the World Directory
of Minorities.
3 The word Taliban in Farsi
means "seekers of the truth" (Time 27 Feb. 1995, 16; The New York
Times 16 Feb. 1995) and in both Farsi and Pushto commonly refers to
religious students studying at madrassahs or religious schools
(ibid.; Asiaweek 28 Apr. 1995, 37; Frontier Post 24 Feb. 1995;
ibid., 17 Mar. 1995).
4 For further information on
the Afghan mujahideen please see the Central Asian Survey, Current
History and Al-Watan Al-Arabi attachments.
5 For a map of the Taliban
"conquest route" see the 3 March 1995 Asiaweek attachment.
6 For a map of
Taliban-controlled provinces and regions please consult the
attached article from Le Monde diplomatique.??