Albanians can choose their public representatives in generally free and fair elections. The last elections to the 140-seat Kuvend Popullor (People's Assembly) were held in 2001.

The president of the republic is chosen by parliament. A number of political parties operate throughout the country. Although the most important political organizations are the DP and the SP, the differences between the parties are more a matter of the personalities leading them than of serious programmatic or ideological approaches. Albanian society remains very clan-based, and in very general terms, Berisha's DP commands the allegiance of the Gheg clans in the north, while Nano's SP has the support of the Tosk clans in the south.

The constitution guarantees freedom of expression. Freedom of the press has improved since the fall of communism, but considerable harassment of journalists persists. In October, Albania's Interior Minister Luan Rama (along with his bodyguards) assaulted and seriously beat the editor of Albania's fourth-largest television station. Rama was dismissed as a result of the incident, but it nevertheless exemplified the type of intimidation journalists continue to face.

The Albanian constitution provides for freedom of religion and religious practice, and on the whole Albania has not seen the inter-religious tensions typical of its neighbors. However, there has been a rise in tensions in northern parts of the country between rival Muslim sects, as well as between Roman Catholics and Muslims. In January, a leading Muslim cleric in the city of Skhoder was killed, according to some reports, by more extreme adherents of the Wahhabi branch of Islam. Albania's small Greek Orthodox minority has intermittently been subjected to various forms of discrimination. The restitution of church properties confiscated during the Communist period remains unresolved. There were no reports of government attempts to restrict academic freedom.

Although freedom of association and movement are generally respected, significant problems remain. Several trade unions and independent nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are also active. There were no significant reports of governmental harassment of either foreign or domestic NGOs in 2003.

The Albanian constitution provides for an independent judiciary. Overall, however, the judiciary, along with law enforcement agencies, remains inefficient and prone to corruption, and judges are often inexperienced and untrained. The combination of a weak economy and the growth of powerful organized crime syndicates make judges susceptible to bribery and intimidation. A recent survey by the U.S. Agency for International Development found Albania to be the most corrupt country in the region, and a World Bank study released in 2002 claimed that Albania provided "a startling picture of systemic corruption... [that] is deeply institutionalized." There are no reported political prisoners in the country, but at least one individual died after being beaten while in police custody this year.

Widespread lawlessness plagues large parts of Albania. Weak state institutions have increased the power of crime syndicates, and international law enforcement officials claim that Albania has become an increasingly important transshipment point for drug smugglers moving opiates, hashish, and cannabis from southwest Asia to Western Europe and the United States. The weakness of state institutions in northern Albania has also resulted in the resurgence of traditional tribal law in these areas, most importantly the tradition of blood feuds between different families and clans. Up to 2,000 children belonging to rival families engaged in blood feuds are being kept inside their homes for fear of their becoming targets of revenge killings.

The Albanian constitution places no legal impediments on women's role in politics and society, although women are vastly under-represented in most governmental institutions. The 2003 municipal elections especially witnessed a significant reduction in the number of women vying for public office. The Albanian labor code mandates that women are entitled to equal pay for equal work, but data are lacking on whether this is respected in practice. Traditional patriarchal social mores, moreover, pose significant problems for the position of women in Albania. Many segments of Albanian society, particularly in northern Albania, still abide by a medieval moral code according to which women are considered chattel property and may be treated as such. The trafficking of women and girls remains a significant problem; according to some estimates, Albania provides almost 50 percent of the women trafficked in southeastern Europe, and up to 30,000 Albanian women (a figure representing almost 1 percent of the population) work as prostitutes in Western Europe.