In the past 10 years, the Niger Delta has been the scene of crises and ethnic clashes among the Niger Delta's ethnic communities (Ogonis, Ijaws, Urhobos, Isoko, Itsekeri) (Ejobowah 2000 30-32; HRW May 1999). Claims for a share of revenues from the Niger Delta's natural resources, particularly oil; creation of new local government administration units; widespread poverty and unemployment; depletion of resources; pollution and environmental degradation are the major causes of ethnic conflicts in the region (All Africa News Agency 11 Feb. 2000; Ejobowah 2000, 36-38; HRW May 1999; Vanguard Daily 19 July 2000). Human Rights Watch reports that,

protests first came to international attention during the Ogoni crisis of 1993 to 1995, which resulted in the scores of deaths in Ogoniland and culminated in the execution on November 10, 1995, of Ken Saro-Wiwa, the spokesperson of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), and eight other Ogoni activists, following an unfair trial before a special tribunal that blatantly disregarded international standards of due process (May 1999)

According to HRW, major confrontations between people who live in the Niger Delta and Nigerian government's security forces have resulted

in extrajudicial executions, arbitrary detentions, and draconian restrictions on the rights to freedom of expression, association, and assembly. These violations of civil and political rights have been committed principally in response to protests about activities of the multinational companies that produce Nigeria's oil and the use made of the oil revenue by the Nigerian government (ibid.).

In response to the Ijaws' demand for a homeland, the government created Bayelsa State in 1996, "predominantly, if not exclusively, made up of the Ijaw ethnic group" (Ejobowah 2000, 37). On 11 December 1998, the Ijaws, the fourth largest ethnic group in Nigeria adopted the Kaiama Declaration. It called for greater decentralisation of political power and for local communities to be given a larger say in the development of the Delta, and ownership of all natural resources found in Ijaw territory. (ibid., HWR May 1999). Additionally, Ijaw youths gave the federal government and oil companies an ultimatum to vacate Ijawland by New Year's day 1999 (Ejobowah 2000, 36).

In response to demonstrations held by Ijaw youths in Yenogoa, the capital of Bayelsa, and the nearby Kaiama community, the government deployed security forces in Bayelsa and Delta States in late December 1998 and early January 1999 (HRW May 1999). The military crackdown,

led to the deaths of several dozens of people, and probably more than one hundred; the torture and inhuman treatment of others, and the arbitrary arrests of many more...the demonstrations were initially peaceful, two communities in Delta State were attacked by soldiers using a helicopter and boats commandeered from a facility operated by Chevron, following an alleged confrontation that took place at a nearby Chevron drilling rig (ibid.).

Nonetheless, the Ijaw Youth Council (IYC) is reportedly committed to the realization of the Kaiama Declaration and continues to be active (Vanguard Daily 19 July 2000). Youths from the ethnic communities in the Niger Delta have also been responsible for occupying oil installations, kidnapping oil workers and policemen and executing policemen particularly in Odi and Bayelsa State (HRW May 1999; All African News Agency 11 Feb. 2000; The Washington Post 2 June 1999).

Warri, the second most important "oil town" after Port Harcourt, is claimed by the Itsekeri (HRW 1999, 111). Violence first broke out in Warri in March 1997 "over the relocation of a local government headquarters from Ogbe-Ijaw town, to Ogidigben, an Itsekeri area...from March to May, widespread clashes continued, in which hundreds of people died on either side" (ibid.,112). The military regime of Sani Abacha appointed a task-force to handle the crisis. "In October 1998, a curfew was declared in Warri town by the new military administrator, Navy Commander Walter Feghabor, after at least five people were shot dead in clashes between Ijaws and Itsekeris and a large number of houses set on fire; violence nevertheless continued, with attacks on leaders of each community" (ibid., 114).

According to All Africa News Agency, "at the end of May 1999, an estimated 200 people were killed in clashes near the oil town of Warri between Ijaws and Urhobos, on the one hand, and Itsekiris on the other over the relocation of a local council headquarters" (11 Feb. 2000). The Washington Post elaborates that "Ijaw fighters attacked ethnic Itsekiris at the village of Atorun. Nigerian journalists counted hundreds of wounded reaching the town of Warri and quoted witnesses as saying 50 to 60 villages were killed. Itsekiri youths killed several Ijaws in attacks" (2 June 1999).

In order to address the grievances of the Niger Delta ethnic communities, President Olusegun Obasanjo proposed the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) bill and submitted it the National Assembly (All Africa News Agency 11 Feb. 2000; Post Express Wired 16 Sept. 1999). However, approval for the bill in the National Assembly was delayed over the definition of which states make up the Niger Delta (ibid.) Furthermore, "many in the Niger Delta are sceptical about the bill" (All Africa News Agency 11 Feb. 2000). By September 2000, the position of chairman of the NDDC was reportedly causing tension in the Niger Delta (This Day 18 Sept. 2000), and a rift between the federal legislature and the Senate (Post Express Wired 21 Nov.2000; ibid., 12 Oct. 2000).

Comprehensive information on ethnic clashes in the Niger Delta is contained in Human Rights Watch reports: Crackdown in the Niger Delta (May 1999) and The Price of Oil: Corporate Responsibility and Human Rights Violations in Nigeria's Oil Producing Communities (1999). For additional information on ethnic clashes among the Ijaws, Itsekeri and Urhobos, please consult earlier Responses to Information Requests.

This Response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the Research Directorate within time constraints. This Response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum.

All Africa News Agency. 11 February 2000. "Competition for Resources Responsible for Clashes." (Africa News/NEXIS)

Ejobowah, J.B. (Winter 2000). Who owns the Oil? The Politics of Ethnicity in the Niger Delta of Nigeria." Africa Today, Vol. 47, No. 1., 29-46.

Human Rights Watch (HRW). May 1999. Vol. 11. No. 2(A). "Nigeria: Crackdown in the Niger Delta." http://www/hrw.org/reports/1999/nigeria2 [Accessed: 26 Jan. 2001]

Human Rights Watch (HRW). 1999. The Price of Oil: Corporate Responsibility and Human Rights Violations in Nigeria's Oil Producing Communities. (New York: Human Rights Watch).

Post Express Wired [Ikeja]. 21 November 2000. Sen. Lekan Balogun. "NDDC Board: Reps Reaction, An Infantile Outburst." http://www.postexpresswired.com/po...4cldf8525699d0057c9fe?openDocument [Accessed: 30 Jan. 2001]

_____. 12 October 2000. Christian Ochiama. "Why Obasanjo Must Get it Right." http://www.postexpresswired.com/po...6bl04852697600566747?openDocument [Accessed: 30 Jan. 2001]

_____. 16 September 1999. Kalu Okwara. "The Niger Delta Development Commission." http://www.postexpresswired.com/po...?be698852567ee00391f2a?openDocument [Accessed: 30 Jan. 2001]

The Washington Post [Washington]. 2 June 1999. James Rupert. "Unrest Threatens Plans of Nigeria's New Leader." (NEXIS)

This Day [Lagos]. 18 September 2000. Joe Obi. "Nigeria: NDDC Chairmanship: Group Protests Macebuh's Candidature." (Africa News/NEXIS)

Vanguard Daily [Lagos]. 19 July 2000. Samuel Oyadongha. "Nigeria: Ijaw Youths Restate Commitment to Kaiama Declaration." (NEXIS)