Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1985
PAKISTAN
During most of 1985, Pakistan was ruled by a Martial Law
Administration headed by President Mohammed Zia-ul-Haq. On
December 30, however, constitutional government was restored
with the repeal of martial law and the reimposition of a
modified version of the 1973 constitution, most of the
provisions of which had been in suspense since the Martial Law
government of General Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq seized power in July
1977. Historically, periods of constitutional rule in
Pakistan have been interspersed with periods in which the
government has ruled through emergency powers or martial law
(or both) . The most recent of these periods of martial
law — Zia's Martial Law Administration — had in fact carried
over a state of emergency it inherited from the civilian
government it replaced 8 years before. In the new
constitutional setup, Pakistan has both an executive president
and a prime minister. Zia has stayed on as President and key
policymaker, retaining also — at least for now — his post as
Chief of Army Staff. However, he now shares power with Prime
Minister Mohammad Khan June jo, head of the Pakistan Muslim
League and leader of a comfortable majority in the Parliament
which was elected in February 1985 and which, with Junejo,
managed the transitional period through the end of martial law.
The coup which brought Zia to power in July 1977 was sparked
by a breakdown in constitutional order and nationwide
disturbances, following a highly controversial election in
which the ruling party was alleged to have perpetrated massive
election fraud. During the ensuing 8 years of martial law,
Zia promised but subsequently postponed national elections on
two occasions before finally delivering on a third promise of
elections with national and provincial elections in February
1985. During his 8 years of martial law rule, his regime
sharply restricted individual rights and severely limited the
traditional independence and responsibilities of the
judiciary. Immediately prior to lifting martial law at the
end of 1985, however, the Government canceled most martial law
orders in effect and obtained parliamentary approval for the
few which remain on the books. The articles of the
Constitution guaranteeing the fundamental rights of Pakistanis
and the powers of the judiciary have been fully restored.
Although Pakistan continues to make impressive economic
progress, the country remains underdeveloped and the people
largely illiterate and poor. Social, political, economic, and
religious turmoil throughout its 37-year history has hindered
the full development of a national identity and the evolution
of democratic institutions.
The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 has had a major
impact on Pakisteui. A leader of international opposition to
that invasion, Pakistan provides refuge for well over 2
million Afghans, and is the target of an intense campaign of
Soviet-inspired propaganda and disinformation. The fighting
in Afghanistan has frecjuently spilled over the border with
attacks on Pakistani border areas, resulting in over 130
deaths during 1985. Despite this constant pressure, and
increasing economic and social dislocation in the border areas
deriving directly or indirectly from the presence of the
refugees, Pakistan has allowed the refugees freedom of
movement and employment. Pakistan has also provided up to
half the cost of supporting the refugees, supplementing
extensive international support.
Human rights abuses have been common under both civilian and
military rule during Pakistan's 37 years and, although the
trend was generally toward improvement, abuses continued in
1985. On the positive side, the Government, in addition to
lifting martial law, held elections on a nonparty basis in
February and March for a national assembly and four provincial
assemblies. The opposition alliance, the Movement for the
Restoration of Democracy (MRD) , boycotted the elections, but
two major parties actively encouraged their members to
participate as individual candidates in the elections, which
were characterized by a substantial voter turnout and by an
absence of government interference. Press freedom also
increased markedly in 1985, with newspapers frequently
printing statements by opposition leaders harshly critical of
the Government. During the year. Freedom House upgraded
Pakistan's rating from "not free" to "partly free"; it
observed that Pakistan had moved toward a more democratic and
open system, although it noted that there was still a long way
to go.
On the negative side, the authorities in 1985 on several
occasions used preventive detention (usually for a relatively
brief period) and more frequently used externment orders
(banning individuals from a particular province) to curtail
the activities of opposition leaders. In August, the
Government placed the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) leader,
Ms. Benazir Bhutto, under house arrest for martial law
violations shortly after her return from overseas; she was
later allowed to leave the country again. The Government also
announced in August that all mail would be subject to seizure
and search by the authorities for a period of 6 months.
During the year, there were continuing allegations of torture
and traditionally harsh and abusive treatment of prisoners.
Military courts, which operated with scant regard for due
process, concluded several major treason and subversion
trials, resulting in the execution of those convicted.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including
Freedom from:
a. Political Killing
There have been no allegations of government- inspired
political killings. Cross-border air raids and artillery
attacks by Communist forces based in Afghanistan, and several
terrorist bombings directed against Afghan refugees in
Pakistan, resulted in over 130 casualties.
b. Disappearance
No known disappearances resulted from official actions in
1985. Kidnaping, particularly for ransom, remains common,
particularly in the semi autonomous tribal areas and more
remote areas of Sind where banditry is reported on the rise.
c. Torture and Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or
Punishment
There are credible allegations that police, paramilitary, and
military torture of detainees took place in 1985. Allegations
of torture have been heard in connection with all the major
security-related trials completed during the year, including
the "Libyan conspiracy trial" in Rawalpindi, the "Al Zulfiqar"
treason trial in Lahore, and the military conspiracy trial in
Attock .
Abuse of prisoners in common criminal cases also appears
widespread. As under previous regimes, policemen and jailers
use third degree interrogation methods. The local press
regularly reports incidents of death in police custody.
Although the Government investigates most publicized
allegations of mistreatment, it has failed to institute
systematic reforms aimed at eliminating them.
Three classes of prison facilities exist. Class "C" cells,
which generally hold common criminals, suspected terrorists,
and low-level political workers, usually have dirt floors, no
furnishings, and poor quality food. The use of handcuffs and
fetters is common in "C" cells. Political leaders and foreign
prisoners usually are held in class "B" cells, which provide
better treatment, less crowded conditions, and better food.
Only prominent persons receive class "A" accomodations, which
can include air conditioning and private servants. House
arrest is a fourth category of imprisonment and the least
onerous to the detainee.
The Government's 1979 Hadood Ordinances prescribe traditional
Islamic punishments for theft, adultery, and consumption of
alcohol; penalties include flogging, stoning, and amputation.
There were occasional public floggings of persons convicted of
sexual assault, adultery, drinking alcohol, possession of
narcotics, and robbery in 1985. However, because of the
strict Islamic rules of evidence in the ordinance (and the
reluctance of officials to carry them out), no stoning or
amputation sentences were carried out. According to published
reports, a tribal council in a semi autonomous region may have
imposed a stoning sentence in accordance with tribal custom.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile
Martial law regulations authorized detention up to 90 days for
persons who act in a manner prejudicial to the regime.
Although legally these detentions could only be extended for
up to 2 years, in practice they were occasionally extended
beyond that period. Detainees under martial law did not have
access to a lawyer; nor could they apply for bail. With the
termination of martial law, however, writs challenging
detention orders filed under martial law ordinances and
regulations, almost all of which have been ended, are
permitted.
The number of political detainees fluctuated widely during the
course of the year. In the period before the February
elections, the Government detained perhaps 1,000 activists of
political parties opposing the polls, most of whom were
released within a month after the election. The authorities
also on several occasions detained, generally for a few days,
varying numbers of political activists to prevent the
opposition political alliance from holding rallies and
"summit" meetings. The Government also detained, usually for
short periods of time, religious leaders and workers it
suspected of attempting to incite sectarian hatreds.
During the year, several prominent political leaders who had
been under detention for comparatively long periods were
released, including the Vice Chairman of the Sind branch of
the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) and the President of the
National Liberation Front. PPP Chairman Benazir Bhutto was
kept under house arrest in SeptenJber and October but was freed
when she petitioned to leave the country in November.
Although no official statistics exist, it is estimated that in
1985 there were as many as 60 political detainees in
Pakistan. Former detainees claimed that prisoners under
preventive detention are frequently held incommunicado and
allowed little contact with families, lawyers, or doctors.
Preparatory to lifting martial law, all cases before martial
law courts were transferred to civilian courts. Many, but not
all, detainees under martial law were released in the process.
No one has been sentenced to exile. There have been some
press reports of forced labor camps located in remote areas of
Baluchistan and run by the tribes. The inmates are usually
kidnaped from their families as children by hostile tribes.
The Government does not condone this practice.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
Until the December 30 lifting of martial law, there were three
judicial systems: a civilian judiciary based on Anglo-Saxon
law, Shariat Benches operating under Islamic law, and military
courts functioning under various martial law regulations.
According to the 1981 provisional constitutional order, the
civilian judiciary could not review the actions of the martial
law authorities and the military courts. Among the steps
taken to pave the way for the lifting of martial law, the
regime took action which transferred to civilian courts all
cases being tried in military courts under certain martial law
orders .
The Shariat Benches try offenses under the Hadood Ordinances
but otherwise operate similarly to ordinary civilian courts.
Cases referred to the Shariat Benches are heard by judges from
the civilian court system who, in practice, apply ordinary
criminal procedures in most cases. Defendants in the Shariat
courts can obtain bail and lawyers of their choice; judges and
attorneys must be familiar with Islamic law. The appellate
benches are also staffed with ordinary judges from the
provincial higher courts.
Under martial law, summary military courts customarily did not
grant defendants the right of counsel and could dispose of
cases in minutes. Although special military courts did not
prohibit defense counsel, judges could impose secrecy on the
proceedings and expel witnesses and defendants accused of
acting in a "subversive" or "dilatory" manner. Normally, at
least two of the three judges of a special military court were
military men with little training in law or familiarity with
legal procedures and safeguards. Military court sentences
could be appealed only to the Deputy Martial Law
Administrators (i.e., the provincial governors) if the
sentence was for less than 14 years' imprisonment or to the
Chief Martial Law Administrator if the sentence was either
death or more than 14 years.
During the year, special military courts handed down decisions
in three major security-related trials. In March, a court in
Lahore sentenced to life imprisonment all 54 defendants being
held at the Kot Lakhpat jail on charges of high treason.
Later that month, a court in Rawalpindi sentenced 5 defendants
to life imprisonment for conspiring with a foreign power to
overthrow the Government; 13 defendants were acquitted. In
July, a special military court in Attock sentenced 7 military
officers to long prison terms for plotting to assassinate
leading government figures and to blow up strategic
installations, acquitting 12 codef endants , including the
Lahore lawyer Raza Kazim. All three trials were held in
camera, and sources familiar with them allege that scant
regard was paid by the presiding judges to normal legal
procedures and safeguards in the Kot Lakhpat and Rawalpindi
trials. Some sources believe better attention to legal
procedure was paid at Attock.
Special military courts convicted Nasir Baluch of complicity
in the 1981 hijacking of a Pakistan International Airways'
aircraft, which resulted in the death of a Pakistani diplomat,
and Ayaz Samoo for the assassination of a Karachi politician.
Both men, who were also opponents of the regime, were tried in
camera and both were executed. Some observers doubt that the
accused were accorded normal procedural and substantive
safeguards in mounting their defense.
Various estimates exist regarding the number of political
prisoners. In August, the Lahore-based Political Prisoners
Release and Relief Committee (PPRRC) claimed that there were
366 prisoners of conscience in the country, and the Karachi
Bar Association identified 122 alleged political prisoners in
the Province of Sind (the PPRRC had claimed that there were
192 in Sind). Some opposition figures have claimed there were
as many as 400 political prisoners in Sind, while the Lawyers'
Committee for International Human Rights in a recently
published report estimated that there were perhaps 1,000
political prisoners in all Pakistan as of April 1985. All of
these figures apparently include a number of detainees, as
well as a large number of persons convicted of specific acts
of terrorism or violence, often of a political or dissident
nature. It is believed that the number of persons serving
sentences primarily for political beliefs or acts is
relatively small. In August, the Interior Minister admitted
to a total of six political prisoners in Pakistan.
In a special report on Pakistan, the Lawyers' Committee for
International Human Rights outlined the alleged deterioration
of Pakistan's legal system under martial law.
f . Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or
Correspondence
Decisions about occupation, education, place of residence, and
family size are made without official interference. While
police must obtain a warrant before entering a private home,
authorities have occasionally ignored these formalities in
dealing with political opponents of the regime and with
suspected bandits .
Pakistan traditionally has maintained a domestic intelligence
service to monitor political activists, terrorists, and
foreign intelligence agents. Informed sources maintain that
wiretapping is used against opposition politicians.
In August, the Government announced that, in order to
intercept materials aimed at undermining the ideology of
Pakistan, all foreign and domestic mail would be subject to
interception and check by the authorities for a period of 6
months .
Section 2 Respect for Civil Rights, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press
The Government owns and operates the radio and television
stations and strictly controls the news they carry. A
government press trust controls four of the larger newspapers
and one of the two national wire services, which are also
circumspect in their coverage of the news. The other
newspapers and magazines are privately owned and relatively
free.
Since the February elections, there has been increasingly free
discussion of government policies and criticism of the
Government in the privately owned press. During the spring
1985 election campaign, the press was barred from reporting
any statements advocating a boycott of the polls. In addition
to providing relatively unfettered reporting of statements
made by the newly elected legislators, the press has also
extensively covered hostile remarks by the leadership of the
extrapar limentary opposition. In July, the Information
Minister informed the National Assembly that the Government
had ended the system of press advisories, through which the
Government instructed the media how to report on certain
topics. According to press sources, only a few subjects — such
as sectarian conflict and relations with India — are now
subject to press advisories.
The Information Minister also told the House that the
Government would no longer use the placement of advertisements
to influence the editorial policies of newspapers. In the
past, the Government, by far the single largest advertiser in
the country, pressured recalcitrant newspapers by withdrawing
advertising. Given the increasingly critical coverage
featured in many newspapers, the Government generally appears
to be upholding this commitment. However, it reportedly cut
in half the advertising revenue for one regional newspaper
which prominently reported the return of Benazir Bhutto.
Academic freedom appears circumscribed. The Government has
tried to abolish the faculty senate and student council at
Quaid-E-Azam university, a move which many faculty members
regard as an attempt to curtail academic freedom. A more
serious threat to academic freedom, however, is the atmosphere
of violence and intolerance among the student body.
Well-armed groups of Islamic fundamentalist,
secularist/leftist, and ethnic nationalist students clash
periodically and attempt to force their views on their
classmates and the faculty. Institutions are frequently
closed as a result of such violence.
Although literary and creative works remained generally free
of censorship in 1985, Pakistani books and magazines dealing
with politics were frequently banned. The authorities
sporadically confiscated such literature. Foreign
publications critical of the regime were occasionally seized.
No effort was made to restrict access to foreign broadcasts,
although one Pakistani stringer for a foreign broadcasting
service was briefly detained during the February election
campaign.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
Under martial law the right to free assembly was closely
controlled. Permits had to be obtained for open meetings, and
permission to hold political meetings was infrec[uent and
selective. During 1985, opposition groups used the tactic of
meeting at Friday prayers in a designated mosque. On several
occasions, clashes occurred with police when the opposition
activists attempted to move from the mosque into the streets
for demonstrations. Weddings and ceremonies ending fasts have
also been the venue of political gatherings.
Authorities occasionally permitted or tolerated smaller
opposition meetings or impromptu street demonstrations, and
the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy held a large
rally in Lahore on August 14. Although still active, student
unions remain officially banned.
Workers in most jobs may form labor unions, elect collective
bargaining agents, and negotiate on wages and working
conditions. Most Pakistanis work in either small, unorganized
shops or in the agricultural sector; hence only about 7
percent of the work force is unionized, and long-standing
labor law precludes industry-wide collective bargaining.
Government measures instituted in 1981 to ban union activities
in the state-run Pakistan International Airways (PIA) have not
been enforced; the main PIA unions are associated with the
banned Pakistan People's Party. Strikes were prohibited under
martial law, but there were a number of "go slows" and other
labor disputes during the year, including a major walkout by
workers at the government-owned Wah ordnance factory.
Under martial law, formal affiliation of labor unions with the
officially "defunct" political parties was banned, although
informal links were strong in some cases. Pakistani labor
unions, professional associations, and employers' associations
have the right to federate and to maintain relations with
international bodies such as the International Labor
Organization and the International Confederation of Free Trade
Unions .
c. Freedom of Religion
Pakistan is an Islamic Republic. Minority religious groups
are protected, but Hindus, Christians, and Parsis do not enjoy
the same legal rights as Muslims. Reports of discrimination
against minority groups in the areas of employment and
education appear well-founded. Seats in the national and
provincial assemblies are reserved for members of minority
religious groups, and under the reinstated 1973 Constitution
the president and prime minister must be Muslims.
In general, minority groups can practice their religion
openly. Members of minority religious groups can maintain
links with their coreligionists in other countries and
undertake travel for religious purposes. Foreign clergy may
enter the country to serve congregations. Although
conversions are permitted, the Government prohibits
proselytizing among Muslims and has refused to renew the
residence permits of some foreign missionaries who have
ignored this ban.
The Ahmadi sect, which considers itself Muslim despite
theological differences with traditional Islam, has
historically been repressed. In 1974, the Bhutto regime
amended the Constitution to declare the Ahmadis a non-Muslim
minority. In April 1984, the Zia Government banned the use of
Muslim terminology and proselytizing by the Ahmadis. Citing
their belief that they are Muslims, the Ahmadis refused to run
for any of the minority seats reserved for them in the 1985
elections. Sporadic clashes between the Ahmadis and
anti-Ahmadi groups continued throughout the year. A number of
prominent Ahmadis were murdered in the Sind Province,
presumably by anti-Ahmadi fanatics. In what appeared to be
deliberate efforts to court arrest, a number of Ahmadis were
detained at various locations throughout the country for
wearing badges bearing the Islamic profession of faith. Most
were quickly released, but some complained of brutal treatment
by the authorities. In October, the Government denied the
Ahmadis permission to hold two large meetings at their
headquarters in Rabwah, while at the same time allowing
anti-Ahmadi groups to hold demonstrations in the same area.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign
Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation
Pakistanis generally have freedom of movement within the
country. However, prior to lifting martial law, the
Government frequently placed restrictions on opposition
political leaders, banning them from travel to certain
provinces for a specific period of time (usually 90 days).
For most Pakistanis, foreign travel is unrestricted; over 2
million work abroad. Under martial law the authorities
occasionally restricted the foreign travel of some political
figures and women's rights activists. The right of citizens
to return to the country is, with infrequent exception,
recognized.
Over 2 million Afghans have fled to Pakistan as a result of
the Soviet invasion. The Government administers over 300
refugee camps and bears much of the cost of inland
transportation of relief supplies provided by various donors.
Pakistan has placed few restrictions on travel by, or
employment of, the Afghans.
Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens
to Change Their Government
A martial law regime led by General Zia-ul-Haq governed
Pakistan from 1977 to December 30, 1985, during which period a
lieutenant general holding the titles of governor and martial
law administrator governed each of the four provinces. Zia
interpreted the results of a referendum held in December 1984
as an endorsement of his rule, and was sworn in in late March
1985 for a 5-year term as President.
Mohammad Khan Junejo serves as head of the newly elected
civilian Government, i.e.. Prime Minister. He is part of the
National Assembly and responsible to that body. He is
assisted by a Cabinet composed of members of Parliament.
Similarly, the provincial governments are headed by chief
ministers, who are also assisted by cabinets comprised of
civilian provincial legislators.
In February and March 1985, elections were held for national
and provincial assemblies. Although the Government declared
its intention to allow most members of the MRD to stand as
individuals, the opposition alliance boycotted the elections,
calling for immediate restoration of the 1973 Constitution.
However, two of the four most prominent parties in the country
chose to participate actively in the elections. A large
number of candidates — including many former members of the
boycotting parties — ran, and the election turnout was high by
Pakistani standards. (Most observers felt that the
Government's figures of 53 percent for the national elections
and 57 percent for the provincial elections were consistent
with earlier voter turnout.) Outside observers, including
Western journalists, generally believe that there was little
government interference in the elections. Five of the nine
serving cabinet ministers who ran in the elections were
defeated. At the end of the year the regime, in steps
culminating in the lifting of martial law, took action which
restored the articles of the Constitution guaranteeing the
fundamental human rights of Pakistanis.
Political parties, officially banned in Pakistan since 1979,
remained proscribed throughout most of 1985. The political
parties now can operate legally after they register with the
Government under a new act passed just before the lifting of
martial law. The newly elected assemblies have on many issues
divided into pro- and antigovernment blocs with little
reference to party lines. The Government has been careful to
build a consensus for its programs of gradual transition to
constitutional government; parliamentary pressure appears to
have played an important role in holding the Government to its
promise to lift martial law, and Parliament has participated
actively in drafting the legislation establishing the
postmartial law political structure. The relative balance of
power between the President and Prime Minister has been
shifted in favor of the latter, but the Presidency still
retains sweeping powers .
Pakistan's acceptance into membership in the International
Parliamentary Union was announced in September.
Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and
Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations
of Human Rights
Domestic human rights organizations operate largely free of
official harassment, and their reports receive extensive
coverage in the privately owned press. Police brutality has
even been satirized on Pakistan television. In 1985, the
Government did not retaliate against bar associations and
other groups which criticized human rights abuses.
Pakistan has allowed visits by international human rights
organizations, but has neither cooperated with them nor
responded to critical reports by Amnesty International,
Freedom House, the Lawyers' Committee for International Human
Rights, and others. However, in some specific cases (e.g.,
the Raza Kazim case and the Attock trial), the Government
appears to have responded positively to international concern.
In its 1985 Report, Amnesty International expressed concern
over the continuing detention of prisoners of conscience; the
fact that hundreds of other political prisoners were tried
before military courts whose procedures fell short of
internationally accepted standards for a fair trial;
incommunicado detention; reports of torture and deaths of
criminal suspects in police custody, allegedly due to torture;
the detention of prisoners in bar fetters and shackles; and
the frequent imposition of death sentences and flogging.
During 1985 Freedom House upgraded Pakistan's rating from "not
free" to "partly free."
ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, AND CULTURAL SITUATION
Pakistan's population of some 99 million is growing at an
annual rate of 2.6 percent. Per capita gross national product
was $390 in 1983, and the average annual growth rate for the
gross domestic product of better than 6 percent a year since
1977 has led to a gradual but sustained rise in living
standards. The percentage of the population living below the
absolute poverty line had fallen, as of 1979, to 32 percent in
the cities and 29 percent in the rural areas. According to
official 1984 estimates, the poorest 20 percent of households
earn 7.5 percent of the total income.
Social and economic upward mobility is increasingly possible,
particularly as a result of repatriated funds from family
members working abroad. Pakistan faces many problems common
to the developing world: an overall adult literacy rate of
26.2 percent; an infant mortality rate of 124.6 per 1,000 live
births; and a life expectancy at birth of 51 years for males
and 49 years for females. In spite of increased government
attention to rural development, programs for improving living
conditions have had mixed results and substantial disparities
between urban and rural life still exist. For example, in
1981, 72 percent of urban dwellers had access to potable
water, compared to only 20 percent of those in rural areas;
urban areas had a literacy rate of 47 percent, the
countryside, 13.7 percent.
A key element of the sixth 5-year (1983-88) plan, as amended,
is a higher level of allocations for what have been woefully
underfunded social sectors. Priorities for these sectors are
reflected in the current year's federal budget, where
projected outlays for education, with emphasis on primary
education in rural areas, are to grow from 6 percent of the
total budget expenditures in 1985 to 10 percent in 1986.
Expenditures in support of health services are to increase by
22 percent, with major outlays to fund the establishment of
basic health centers at the village level. A wage indexation
program to reduce the effects of inflation on the poorest
segments of society was implemented for the first time in
1985, and the current budget also places emphasis on housing
construction and upgrading of existing slum dwellings in
Karachi and other major cities. Changes in both tax brackets
and rates will also benefit lower-income families.
Corruption has apparently become more widespread over the past
decade as large sums of money have entered the country from
overseas workers and narcotics trafficking. Socially
prominent Pakistanis suffer less at the hands of officialdom
than those less well-off, partly because of their ability to
return favors or offer inducements to appropriate civil
servants and partly because of the general deference still
accorded social "betters."
Pakistan law sets minimum wages for both skilled and unskilled
labor. Comprehensive health and safety legislation provides
for inspection of the workplace by government inspectors to
insure compliance with health, safety, and workmen's
compensation regulations. Although observed mainly in the
breach, the law requires that no adult shall work more than 9
hours without payment of overtime, no worker shall work more
than 10 hours of overtime per week, and no child under the age
of 15 is to be employed. Children between the ages of 15 and
17 are not to work more than 5 hours a day.
The Government has had institutions in place to administer
these labor regulations since independence. Nevertheless,
lack of resources, corruption, and illiteracy hamper the
application of labor legislation. Noncompliance is widespread
and punishments for infractions are rarely meted out.
Pakistani society is traditional and Islamic. It assigns
women a subordinate role in terms of civil, political, and
individual rights. Many Pakistani Muslims interpret the
Koran's injunction on modesty to mean that women should remain
in "purdah," either at home or behind the veil. These
attitudes have contributed to an adult female literacy rate of
only 15.2 percent, compared to 36 percent for 'males (1981
estimates). As of 1980, the primary school enrollment ratio
was only 27.7 percent for girls as compared to 69.3 percent
for boys. The ratio of men to women in secondary educational
institutions, according to 1983 Pakistani statistics, was
better than five to one. Eight times as many men as women
work outside the home, and those women who work or attend
school usually do so in separate facilities.
Urban women are represented in the universities, but
postgraduate employment opportunities remain largely limited
to teaching, medical services, and the law, with a'small
number of women entering the commercial and public sectors.
The Government's policy of "Islamization" has reversed some of
the social and legal gains made by women in past years. Women
may not participate in international athletic competition
abroad, and, as part of a drive to push for the wearing of
traditional garb by both men and women, the Government
determines appropriate dress for women employees appearing in
public on television, in the print media, and as airline
stewardesses .
Although the original caste distinctions common to South Asian
societies are disappearing in Pakistan, clan affiliations,
which in some ways parallel the old caste system, can still
help or hinder those seeking education, employment, or justice.
