Costa Rica is an electoral democracy. Legislative and presidential elections held in 2006 were generally considered free and fair. The president and members of the 57-seat, unicameral Legislative Assembly are elected for single four-year terms; they were banned from seeking a nonconsecutive second term until the rule was overturned in 2003. The main political parties are the PNL, the PAC, the PML, and the PUSC. There are 22 women in the Legislative Assembly, including 7 committee chairwomen, 1 black member, and no indigenous members.

Every president since 1990 has been accused of corruption after leaving office. In December 2005, investigators reopened a probe into alleged illegal donations to former president Abel Pacheco’s 2002 presidential campaign by French telecommunications firm Alcatel and a Taiwanese businessman, in addition to suspected kickbacks from other foreign firms. Former president Miguel Angel Rodriguez (1998–2002) is awaiting sentencing for allegedly taking illegal campaign financing from Taiwan’s government and a bribe of $1.4 million from Alcatel. Former president Jose Maria Figueres (1994–98) has allegedly admitted to accepting $900,000 in “consulting fees” from Alcatel after leaving office. Former president Rafael Angel Calderon (1990–94) was accused of taking an $800,000 kickback from the Finnish firm Instrumentarium and was convicted in February 2008. Costa Rica ranked 46 out of 180 countries surveyed in Transparency International’s 2007 Corruption Perceptions Index.

The Costa Rican press, radio, and television are generally free from state interference, thanks in part to a press freedom law dating to 1835. Ninety percent of the population is literate, and there are six privately owned dailies. Both public and commercial television and radio stations are available, including at least four private television stations and more than 100 private radio stations. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights, based in Costa Rica, struck down a 1999 defamation conviction against leading daily La Nacion in 2004, but the government had not modified its antiquated libel and defamation laws or removed excessive penalties as of the end of 2007. The media have freely reported on the various corruption scandals that have buffeted the Costa Rican political scene. Internet access is unrestricted.

Freedom of religion is recognized, and there is complete academic freedom.

The constitution provides for freedom of assembly and association, and numerous nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are active. Although labor unions organize and mount frequent protests with minimal governmental restraint, employers often ignore minimum-wage and social security laws, and the resulting fines are insignificant.

The judicial branch is independent, with members elected by the legislature. The legal system includes a Supreme Court, courts of appeal, and district courts. A specialized chamber of the Supreme Court (known as Sala Cuarta) can rule on the constitutionality of laws and chooses an independent national election commission. There are often substantial delays in the judicial process, including long pretrial detention. Prisons are notoriously overcrowded and offer inadequate medical services, though the government has made efforts to reduce overcrowding. There have been some police brutality complaints, which are collected by an ombudsman’s office.

The 1949 constitution bans the formation of a national army; security and law enforcement bodies are overseen by the Ministry of Public Security. In 2006, the UNDP reported that 38.7 percent of Costa Rican households have been affected by some form of violence, including domestic violence, child abuse, homicides, and assaults as a result of organized crime. According to the same UNDP survey, 77 percent of citizens perceive the country to be unsafe.

At least 500,000 Nicaraguan immigrants live in the country illegally, causing some alarm given the overall population of 4.5 million. In August 2006, the legislature enacted a law that permits security forces to raid any home, business, or vehicle where they suspect the presence of undocumented immigrants, and allows police to detain immigrants indefinitely. There have been reports of abuse and extortion of migrants by the Border Guard.

Indigenous rights are not a government priority, and it is estimated by NGOs that about 73 percent of the country’s 70,000 indigenous people live in remote areas with little access to health and education services, electricity, or potable water. The infant mortality rate in indigenous communities is 13.1 per 1,000 births and can reach 18.4 in some areas, compared with a national rate of 9.2. According to UNICEF, only 21 percent of indigenous youth have more than a primary-school education, and only 0.001 percent attend college. Costa Ricans of African descent have also faced racial and economic discrimination.

Women still face discrimination in the economic realm, and only about a third of the economically active population is female. The majority of female employment is in the informal sector, where women on average earn 50 percent less than men. According to a study cited by Inforpress Centroamericana, Costa Rica is ranked 128 out 144 countries rated for gender equality in the workplace.

Violence against women and children is a major problem. The Patronato Nacional de la Infancia reports that approximately 3,500 children were victims of sexual exploitation in 2007. An increasing number of sex tourists visit Costa Rica as a negative offshoot of the country’s successful tourism industry, and a 1999 law criminalizing sex with minors has failed to curb the problem. Costa Rica is also a transit and destination country for trafficked persons. In 2005, the Judicial Investigative Police created a new unit dedicated to combating human trafficking, but few of the hundreds of investigations launched resulted in convictions. Costa Rica passed a law in July 2007 that, among other things, criminalizes the possession of child pornography and makes sex with minors punishable by 13 to 16 years in prison.