Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1987
SURINAME
Suriname is a country in transition from authoritarian militaryrule
to democracy. On September 30, over 95 percent of the
people voted in a referendum to approve a new Constitution.
On November 25, 1987, in honest and peaceful elections,
Surinamese repudiated 7 years of authoritarian military rule
by Army Commander Desire D. Bouterse and voted overwhelmingly
to return to genuine democracy under the leadership of the
Front for Democracy and Development. The Front won a
two-thirds majority in the National Assembly which was more
than enough to elect the president and to amend the new
Constitution. A U.S. Presidential delegation sent to observe
the elections found them to be free and fair. Bouterse has
promised to respect the outcome of the elections. While these
developments have not led to instant democracy in Suriname,
there is promise for the future. On January 12, 1988, the
National Assembly elected Ramsewak Shankar and Henck Arron, as
President and Vice President of the Republic of Suriname,
respectively.
Since the February 1980 coup which overthrew the elected
government and suspended the Independence Constitution, the
military under Commander Bouterse ruled Suriname. Although a
succession of appointed civilian cabinets was responsible for
the day-to-day governing of the country during this period,
ultimate political authority remained in the hands of Commander
Bouterse, officially Head of Government, since 1985.
Under political pressure from both inside and outside of
Suriname, reinforced by a steadily declining economy, Bouterse
agreed in November 1985 to a timetable for the drafting of a
new constitution and for a gradual transition to democracy.
Later that year, Suriname's three major precoup political
parties agreed to take part in the "democratization" process.
In December 1986, Bouterse committed himself unequivocally to
holding elections within 15 months. At the end of March 1987,
Bouterse shortened the timetable, scheduling a national
referendum on the Constitution for September 30, with elections
for the National Assembly and for Local and District Councils
set for November 25.
Under Bouterse, the Government exercised some control over
Suriname's predominantly free market economy, primarily
through centralized importing and distribution, foreign
exchange controls, and import licenses. Economic conditions,
which began to deteriorate in 1983 following the suspension of
Dutch aid, continued to deteriorate during 1987, leading to
increasingly acute foreign exchange shortages. Imported goods
became scarce and expensive. Uncertainty about Suriname's
political future proved to be a serious disincentive for
investment. Poor prices for bauxite and aluminum, Suriname's
principal exports, the suspension of Dutch development aid in
1982 because of human rights violations in Suriname, government
mismanagement and corruption, and insurgent attacks on economic
targets all contributed to the drop in foreign exchange
earnings and the attendant rise in unemployment of the
mid-1980' s
.
In July 1986, an insurgent movement led by a disaffected
ex-soldier, Ronny Brunswijk, allegedly supported by political
exiles based in the Netherlands, arose among the Bush Negroes,
an ethnic group made up of the descendants of escaped African
slaves. Bush Negroes constitute about 10 percent of Suriname's
population of 400,000 and live, for the most part, in isolated
villages in the jungles of eastern and central Suriname. The
outbreak of the insurgency led to a drastic worsening of an
already poor human rights situation. The army's efforts to
crush the insurgency resulted in the indiscriminate killing of
many Bush Negro noncombatants , including women and children,
and the detention without trial of scores of suspected
Brunswijk sympathizers. The state of emergency, in effect for
the eastern half of the country since December 1986, imposes a
dusk-to-dawn curfew, prohibits gatherings of any kind, and
restricts travel in the affected area.
The approval of the Constitution and holding of free and fair
elections represents considerable progress towards
democratization. However, serious human rights problems
continued in 1987: innocent civilians are still being killed
by an army intent on wiping out the insurgency and its
perceived sympathizers; opponents of the regime were held by
the army under inhuman conditions, without trial and without
access to legal counsel until released in December 1987; the
freedom of the media to collect and disseminate information
about events in Suriname is limited; and citizens' freedom of
movement within the country continues to be subject to control
by the army and insurgents. Whether the newly elected
Government will be able to establish civilian control over the
army, restore the rule of law, and bring an end to serious
human rights abuses is an open question.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including
Freedom from:
a. Political Killing
According to credible eyewitness reports, the military,
combating the insurgency in eastern and southern Suriname,
continues to kill indiscriminately noncombatant Bush Negroes,
including women and children. Although allegations of
military death squad activity have decreased since 1986,
widespread suspicions persist that the military executes Bush
Negroes sympathizers of the insurgents. Many of these reports
implicated the "mobile eenheid", a special volunteer unit
assigned to police functions in army operational areas.
Eyewitnesses say that two residents of the village of Wanhati
in the Marowijne district were killed when the village was
overrun by the army on February 2, 1987; a number of villagers
were wounded. In April three Bush Negroes were arrested in
the town of Moengo by soldiers; later their bodies were found
in the nearby Cottica River. In June a 32-year old Bush Negro
suspected of being an insurgent was detained by the army in
Paranam; he was executed on the spot by an officer, who was
later convicted of the killing, dismissed from the army and
given a 10-year prison sentence. In September the army claimed
to have killed nearly 40 "terrorists" near the village of
Pokigron in Sipaliwini. However, residents of the area claim
that not more than 3 of those killed were insurgents; at least
13 innocent civilians were killed, including 3 children, and
the death toll may have been higher. Eyewitnesses reported
that as late as December 31, just before the expiration of a
unilateral ceasefire declared by the insurgents, soldiers
opened fire on civilians near Pokignon killing two and
wounding at least five more. The victims were taken away by
the soldiers and, according to the one survivor, the others
were executed by their captors.
b. Disappearanceppearance
There were few credible reports of kidnaping or disappearance
in 1987. Most of those persons alleged to have disappeared in
1986 later proved to have been detained by the military police,
and the last group of detainees, numbering about 20, was
released in December 1987.
c. Torture or Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishmenture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment
According to former detainees released from the military prison
at Fort Zeelandia, the military police commonly used torture
in interrogating suspects. Methods used include beatings with
hard rubber truncheons, slashing with bayonets, and kicks and
punches. Detainees were often kept handcuffed for days at a
time, were poorly fed, and were subjected to inadequate
sanitary conditions. One released detainee described having
been held for 9 months in a 3-meter by 3-meter cell with 12
other men. Prisoners were very rarely allowed to exercise or
to receive visits, and many were held incommunicado for
months, so their families were unable to learn whether they
were alive or dead.
While suspected insurgent sympathizers and collaborators have
been subjected to the worst treatment, there have been other
instances of mistreatment, including severe beatings of
student demonstrators at a Paramaribo secondary school in
February, which the official National Institute of Human
Rights (NIM) strongly denounced. Three military policemen
were given jail sentences by a military court as a result of
this incident.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, Exile or Forced Laborrary Arrest, Detention, Exile, or Forced Labor
Beginning with the outbreak of the insurgency in July 1986,
over 100 people, mostly Bush Negroes, were detained in Fort
Zeelandia, the naval base and the headquarters of the Central
Intelligence Service (CID) , for extended periods of time.
Many more were detained, questioned, and released after
periods of several hours, several days, or months. In a few
cases, the individuals detained allegedly were involved in
so-called antiregime activity: for example, organizing
demonstrations and conversing by telephone with exiles in the
Netherlands. However, in most cases suspects were picked up
merely because they were related to insurgents, because they
traveled between the city and the interior, or simply because
they were Bush Negroes found in areas where the insurgents
were thought to be operating. No charges were ever filed in
any of these cases. Access to legal counsel was denied in
most cases. Fifty to sixty detainees were released in
December 1986, and an undetermined number were released in
August and September of 1987, shortly before a visit of Amos
Wako, the U.N. Special Rapporteur for Summary and Arbitrary
Executions. A delegation from the Inter-American Commission
on Human Rights (lACHR) visited 19 detainees in Fort Zeelandia
in October 1987. The army released 20 detainees from Fort
Zeelandia on December 1. It called them the last group of
"Brunswijk gang members" who were held at the fort. Human
rights organizations in Paramaribo, including the International
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), believe that no victims of
arbitrary arrest or detention remain in custody at this time.
According to Surinamese law, a person suspected of having
committed a crime for which the sentence is longer than 4
years may be detained for investigation for up to 10 days
before being brought before a judge to be charged. He may be
detained longer only if a judge decides there is sufficient
evidence to support the charge. There is no provision for
bail during this period.
There were no reports of forced or compulsory labor in
Suriname.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial of Fair Public Trial
The judiciary continues to maintain its independence and to
provide fair public trials when accused persons are turned
over to it. However, the military police, who are empowered
to arrest civilians, frequently did not turn civilian
detainees over to the courts, particularly when persons
accused of "destabilizing" or "antirevolut ionary" activities
were involved. In late May, Commander Bouterse told
journalists that the detainees in Fort Zeelandia were entitled
to legal counsel, but that none of them had chosen to exercise
that right. However, both attorneys and family members of
detainees stated that very few lawyers were willing to take on
the cases of the Fort Zeelandia detainees out of fear of being
marked as opponents of the military. The few lawyers who
agreed to represent detainees were routinely denied access to
their clients. The office of the Attorney General is
responsible for assuring that detainees are charged and tried
within the time periods prescribed by law, but it did not take
any action in the cases of persons detained by the military
police. Judges, attorneys, and officials of the National
Institute for Human Rights claimed that they have no legal
basis for filing complaints regarding the army's failure to
bring charges against the detainees, or to bring them to trial.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home or Correspondencerary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or
Correspondence
The military police continued to exercise the authority to
enter any home without a warrant to conduct searches.
Telephone conversations, particularly calls to other
countries, are believed to be monitored by the military
police. Members of the People's Militia and employees of the
Directorate of People's Mobilization serve as informants,
helping the military authorities to keep track of the
whereabouts and activities of suspected opponents. Government
jamming of the Radio Netherlands Caribbean Service, which
often carries items from the Dutch press about Suriname, was
sporadic in 1987. Dutch newspapers and journals have not been
available to the public since 1982, and publications from the
Netherlands do not reach subscribers in Suriname.
g. Violation of Humanitarian Law in Armed Conflictstions of Humanitarian Law in Armed Conflicts
In dealing with the insurgency, the army appears to have
adopted a strategy of undermining support for the insurgents
by applying pressure on the civilian population in the areas
affected by the conflict. The army repeatedly warned
civilians to leave the areas where the insurgents operated.
Thousands of Bush Negroes and hundreds of Amerindians fled
their homes in the east and south to the relative safety of
the Paramaribo area and neighboring French Guiana where French
authorities assist over 9,000 refugees in 5 camps. Those who
failed to heed these warnings were treated as supporters of
the insurgents. In what the military described as "clean-up
actions," army units regularly swept through villages in the
war zone, driving out the civilian population in a purported
search for insurgents. Eyewitness reports of such raids in
Wanhati (February), Happyland (April), Marechal and Koffiekamp
(May), and Pokigron (September), as well as similar reports of
incidents in Brownsweg, Witagron, and Suhoza, all reflect a
pattern, much like that which marked army actions against the
villages of Morakondre, Mooiwanna and Moengotapoe in 1986:
the villages were raked with machine gun fire from helicopters
or armored vehicles, then homes, stores and public buildings
were looted and often burned. Villagers frightened by the
shooting ran into the bush, and anyone seen fleeing was
presumed to be an insurgent by the soldiers and consequently a
target. The army also restricted movement of food and medical
supplies into the interior. As a result, food shortages and
health problems have become serious in the interior.
Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Pressof Speech and Press
Surinamese remain circumspect about publicly criticizing the
military. The press in Suriname is not free and much of the
media is directly controlled by the Government. The private
media are subject to both formal and informal restrictions.
The progovernment bias of the state-owned television stations
was clearly evident in the weeks leading up to the November
elections. The progovernment National Democratic Party of
Suriname (NDP) was given extensive television coverage while
rival parties' campaigns were slighted or ignored altogether.
The official Suriname News Agency, which, like the National
Information Service (NVD) , is headed by an army officer,
openly describes itself as "a child of the revolution," and
its critics as "spokemen for neocolonial powers."
Journalists who have dared to criticize the Government have
themselves been subjected to criticism and even threats; two
reporters for De Ware Tijd, the more independent of Suriname"
s
two daily private papers, were granted political asylum in the
Netherlands in April after claiming that threats against them
had made it too dangerous for them to return to Suriname. De
Ware Tijd itself was closed for about 3 months in 1987 because
the Central Bank refused to make available foreign exchange
for the purchase of newsprint. Paramaribo's other, less
critical daily paper, De West, had no trouble importing the
newsprint it needed. Access to information from the war zones
in the interior remained restricted; journalists were seldom
allowed to visit those areas, and NVD news releases were the
only source of information on the fighting. The Government
was selective in approving visas for Dutch journalists seeking
to cover the elections, refusing some on the grounds that the
bias of the Dutch press interferes with the improvement in
relations between the two countries.
There are three public and three private radio stations. In
addition, the Catholic and Moravian Churches publish small
weekly newspapers which often carry articles commenting on
political and human rights issues. The Lutheran and Reformed
Churches also publish a combined monthly journal.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Associationof Peaceful Assembly and Association
Restrictions on political gatherings were relaxed as the
November elections approached. Opposition parties held
rallies in the seven districts not affected by the insurgency,
although licenses were required before mass meetings could
take place; sometimes there were delays in granting licenses,
and at other times permission was denied to hold meetings at
the places or times requested. Student demonstrations in
February, sparked by the deteriorating economy, were at first
met by restraint by the military. After 2 or 3 days of unrest,
however, the military jailed several organizers of the
demonstrations, and several students were severely beaten,
apparently with little or no provocation.
The state of emergency reimposed in December 1986 remains in
effect; its provisions prohibit gatherings of any kind in the
area covered under the decree, which includes four districts
and part of another, impose a dusk-to-dawn curfew in two
districts, and restrict movement in eastern Suriname. In
practice, however, gatherings do take place in some of these
areas, though approval must be obtained from the military.
Half the labor force is unionized. Labor organizing, union
elections, wage negotiations, and labor actions, including
strikes, normally take place freely. However, most labor
leaders continue to be cautious in their dealings with the
Government. In October bauxite workers at the Moengo mines
staged a short wildcat strike to demonstrate solidarity with
two workers who were allegedly beaten during interrogation by
the army.
Two of the labor federations organized a new political party,
the Surinamese Labor Party, while another is formally allied
with one of the traditional parties. Three of Suriname's four
labor federations and two business associations participated
in the Government's drafting of the new Constitution. Unions
and business organizations are free to affiliate with
international bodies.
In November 1986, the International Confederation of Free
Trade Unions suspended the Moederbond Labor Federation because
of its alleged support for the Bouterse regime.
c. Freedom of Religionof Religion
Freedom of worship is respected. No one religion is favored
over another, nor is there discrimination against members of
any religious group. Foreign clergy are allowed to minister
to the needs of both local and expatriate congregations, and
missionaries are allowed to enter the country to proselytize.
Religious groups maintain international contacts and freely
organize trips abroad. Articles and programs sponsored by
religious groups appear in the newspapers and on radio and
television, and several churches publish their own periodicals,
which often have been critical of the military. However, such
criticism has, on occasion, provoked heated attacks on the
churches in the official media; for example, the Suriname News
Agency in October denounced the "deceit and preaching of
hatred" in certain church-sponsored bulletins, which, it said,
"distort facts and stir up people." A biweekly television
program produced by the Roman Catholic Church has, on several
occasions, been taken off the air because censors from the
National Information Service objected to the content of the
broadcasts, which dealt with political topics.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreignof Movement Within the Country, Foreign
Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation
Surinamese may change residences and workplaces freely. They
generally may travel abroad as they wish; however, travel
within Suriname is restricted because of the state of emergency
in effect in eastern Suriname. Drivers of motor vehicles in
areas under the state of emergency must have passes issued by
the Directorate of People's Mobilization, and these are often
arbitrarily withheld. Vehicles and individuals traveling to
or from the interior are subject to search at army checkpoints.
Surinamese may emigrate without interference and may return to
take up residence at any time. In general, Surinamese are not
harassed if they return to the country. However, those exiles
regarded as enemies by the military are afraid to return. The
Government has failed to respond to charges made by the lACHR
in its 1985 report on Suriname of harassment, intimidation,
and in some cases, the alleged attempted assassination of
political opponents of the Government who were living abroad.
Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Gonvernment
Between 1980, when Bouterse carried out his coup, and 1987
there were no elections in Suriname. In 1984 Bouterse started
an official policy of returning to a "democratic system." In
January 1985, a 31-member National Assembly was appointed and
was charged with drafting a new Constitution. The draft
Constitution was completed and made public in March 1987. It
was submitted to a referendum on September 30 and was approved
by an overwhelming majority. Fulfilling a pledge that he had
made in December 1986, Bouterse held general elections on
November 25. These elections resulted in a landslide victory
for the Front for Democracy and Development which included the
three major traditional Surinamese political parties. The
Front won 40 of 51 seats, in the National Assembly, more than
the two-thirds majority required to elect a President and Vice
President and to amend the Constitution. The Government
invited observers from the United States, Netherlands,
Venezuela, and other countries as well as from the Organization
of American States (OAS) and the European Economic Community/
Africa, Caribbean, Pacific (EEC/ACP) to observe the elections.
The consensus of these observers was that the elections were
fair and free.
Disregarding the Constitution's provision that the creation
and composition of the Military Command shall be regulated by
law, the military held "elections" for a new leadership in
December, electing Commander Bouterse as its head. A military
spokesman said that the Military Command would function as the
political arm and the representative organ of the army.
Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
During 1987 the government-appointed National Institute for
Human Rights (NIM) played a somewhat more active role in
examining human rights abuses. Under pressure from the
public, the NIM investigated the beatings of students by the
military police during the February student demonstrations,
and the NIM report led to the sentencing of two military
police personnel involved in these acts of violence.
During 1987 the Government invited delegations from both the
OAS Inter-American Committee on Human Rights (lACHR) and the
United Nations Human Rights Commission (UNHRC) to investigate
reports of violations of human rights. The UNHRC delegation,
led by Amos Wako, visited Suriname in August and met with
several witnesses of human rights violations by the military.
The Wako delegation also visited Fort Zeelandia prison. The
lACHR, which visited Suriname in October, conducted extensive
interviews with Government officials and private individuals.
However, the delegation was unable to travel outside
Paramaribo. At a press conference at the conclusion of the
lACHR visit. Dr. Oliver Jackman of Barbados expressed concern
over the inability of the delegation to investigate all the
various allegations that had come to their attention,
particularly the treatment of Bush Negroes and allegations of
arbitrary detention and torture.
Both the U.N. and the OAS delegations voiced serious concern
over the human rights situation in Suriname. The lACHR report
on Suriname described the human rights situation as precarious,
asserted that there was no freedom of the press, and that
freedom of association was limited by the state of emergency.
The ICRC and the EEC/ACP also visited Suriname in 1987. The
ICRC focused on the refugee problem while the EEC/ACP reviewed
the human rights situation in the context of possible economic
aid. In a positive move, the Government approved the
stationing of an ICRC delegation in Suriname to visit
detainees held by both the army and the insurgents and to
provide medical supplies to hospitals and to those people
isolated by the conflict.
Amnesty International's 1987 Report, which covered the events
of 1986, was highly critical of the human rights situation in
Suriname. Also in 1987, the U.S. Committee on Refugees (a
private organization not affiliated with the United States
Government) published a report critical of the Government's
policy with regard to Surinamese refugees. Discussions have
been held between the Government of Suriname, French
authorities, the ICRC, the UNHCR, and representatives of the
refugees regarding their eventual voluntary repatriation to
Suriname once conditions permit.
During 1987 a group called Organization for Justice and Peace
was formed by religious leaders and private individuals. This
group urged the Government to stop human rights violations and
to punish those responsible for such abuses. Another group
concerned with human rights violations was formed by a leading
Bush Negro intellectual. Its main aim was to highlight the
plight of the Bush Negroes and enlist national and
international support on their behalf.
SECTION 5 Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion,
Language, or Social Status
Women have egual access to education and employment, although
social pressures and customs still inhibit women from fully
exercising these rights. Racial discrimination is prohibited
and is uncommon in Suriname's multiracial society. However,
ethnic consciousness remains strong among all groups and has
been exacerbated by the current fighting between the
predominantly Creole army and the Bush Negro insurgents.
CONDITIONS OF LABOR
There is no legal minimum wage in Suriname, but wages are
generally high by regional standards and provide workers an
adequate standard of living. The workweek in most companies
is between 39 and 45 hours. The legal minimum age for
employment of children is 14, except in the fisheries industry
where it is 15. Neither labor unions nor individuals have
complained about working, health, or safety conditions in
Suriname
