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Document #1081582
ACCORD – Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation (Author)
In response to your above request we may provide you with the following information:
Does this IC face any risk in her country of origin because of her father’s possible (may not be credible though) or her ethnic background?
According to the UK Home Office Country Assessment of October 2003 the Oromo people account for 40% of the population, which makes them the majority group in Ethiopia:
“There are four main groups: western Oromo, mainly in ’Wollegha’, many of whom have been Christianised by missionary churches; northern Oromo, of Mecha-Tulam, modern Shoa and the area to the south, who are more integrated into Amhara culture than other Oromo groups, are mostly Christians of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church and speak Amharic; southern Oromo, who often have semi-nomadic lifestyles and are not incorporated into any larger regional or religious unit. And Borana, believed by some to be the seminal branch of the Oromo because of their rigid observance of the ’gada’ social system, and who live in an arid area of Ethiopia along the border with Kenya. Eastern Oromo of Haraghe include the Muslim population of Harar and Dire Dawa, among others. This group has strong links to the Arab world and its local leaders have a strong Muslim orientation. The term Oromia, signifying an independent Oromo state, is important to the Oromo and the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), allowing them to consolidate their various regional and related groups into one Oromo nation. [11]
Oromos are represented politically by the Oromo People’s Democratic Organisation (OPDO), which is affiliated to the ruling EPRDF coalition. This party is opposed to the OLF. An OPDO member Dr Negasso Gidada was President of the Federal Republic from 1995. In July 2001 it was reported that he had been expelled from the OPDO central committee although he continued as President of the country until October 2001, when he was replaced by Lieutenant Girma Wolde Giorgis an ethnic Oromo. The OPDO won 178 seats in the House of Peoples Representatives in the May 2000 elections.” (UK Home Office, Oct 2003, para 6.86-6.89)
In a report commissioned by UNHCR, the author Sarah Vauhgan provides background information on the conflict of the Ethiopian government with the OLF. The report states:
“The Ethiopian government has, particularly since September 2001, sought to present the OLF and ONLF and other groups as terrorists and mercenaries, playing up their connections regionally (particularly with Eritrea), and with radical Islam, and denying that they have any political objectives other than terrorizing and destabilizing Ethiopia on behalf of Eritrea and others. Regardless of these claims and counter claims, however, it is in relation to the members of movements of armed opposition to the Ethiopian government that protection issues arise most commonly, both in the region and the diaspora. Membership of an armed political organization is not, per se sufficient grounds for considering or extending international protection. The reasonable expectation that the laws of Ethiopia may not be applied in such a way as to protect an individual, however, is. As discussed above, international human rights agencies have for some years consistently reported that members of armed opposition movements are at a relatively high risk of extra-judicial detention in Ethiopia.” (Writenet, January 2004, p. 36)
According to interview partners consulted during a mission by Bettina Scholdan, staff member of ACCORD, for Caritas Austria Voluntary Return Counselling, there would be no risk based on ethnic affiliation alone, neither would there be a risk based on sympathizing with the OLF. The risk of a person coming from one of the sensitive areas (OLF strongholds such as Eastern Hararge and Western Wellega) needed to be individually assessed and would depend on the particular background of the person. The government, however, was not very willing to disclose information about these areas, thus it was difficult to assess the situation. Caritas Austria further says that family members related to senior OLF members might be at risk. (ReintegrationNet.net, January 2003, Interview with UNHCR)
Human Rights Watch (HRW) asserts in its report for 2002 that human rights violations continued to be particularly egregious in Oromiya:
Human rights violations continued to be particularly egregious in Oromiya. Since the government banned the OLF a decade before, thousands of alleged OLF members or sympathizers had been arrested, and this trend continued in 2002. As of March more than 1,700 such prisoners were reportedly held at the Ghimbi central prison, half of them arrested recently and the rest having been there for five to ten years, some without charge. Hundreds more were detained in prisons and police jails across Oromiya state. Prisoners who were released or escaped from incarceration reported severe torture while imprisoned. The Oromiya state minister for capacity building, who fled the country in May, denounced the state government for indiscriminately accusing the Oromo people of supporting the OLF. (HRW, 14 Jan 2003)
In its human rights report for 2003, the US Department of State (USDOS) points out that the government continued to arrest and detain persons arbitrarily, particularly those suspected of sympathizing with or being members of the OLF. The USDOS continues:
“The Government continued its harassment of teachers during the year, particularly in Oromiya and Tigray. The independent Teachers Association (ETA) reported that numerous teachers were detained and accused of being OLF sympathizers, many of whom still were in prison at year’s end. Some of the teachers have been in detention for several years without charges. [...] Most detainees were accused of participating in armed actions by the OLF or the ONLF. In typical cases, security forces arrested and held these persons incommunicado for several days or weeks before eventually releasing them. Among those still in custody at year’s end is Dinkinesh Deressa Kitila, an employee of Total/Elf oil company, who was arrested in June 2002 on suspicion of being an OLF supporter. [...] Thousands of criminal suspects remained in detention without charge; many of the detainees were accused of involvement in OLF activities or were arrested after the 2001 student demonstrations.“ (USDOS, 25 Febr 2004, sec. 1.d.)
The US State Department report for 2002 mentions that the government released 600 OLF fighters during the year 2002. For further information on developments in 2002, please refer to the USDOS report for 2002 and the latest UK Home Office Country Assessment published October 2003, para 5.34-5.48., 5.63.
Amnesty International states in its country report for 2002:
“In March and April, during widespread peaceful demonstrations against regional educational and taxation policies by school and college students in several towns in western Oromia region, police shot dead several demonstrators and wounded and beat others. There were mass arrests of demonstrators, followed by detentions of hundreds of teachers, civil servants and others accused of supporting or instigating the protests. There were reports of torture and ill-treatment of prisoners, who were held incommunicado and accused of links with the OLF. The authorities accused the OLF, which had increased its operations in the region, of organizing the demonstrations. Most detainees were released in mid-2002 but some were still held without charge or trial at the end of the year. [...]
There continued to be a pattern of arbitrary and incommunicado detention without charge or trial of people suspected of links with opposition groups such as the OLF and ONLF. [...]
Many of the several thousand people detained for political reasons in recent years in the Oromia and Somali regions were reportedly still held, without charge and, in most cases, incommunicado. In some cases, their whereabouts were not known, giving rise to fears that they had “disappeared” or been extrajudicially executed. Regional courts in Oromia reviewed some detention cases and released some detainees, although little information on this process was publicly available. [...]
Torture of political prisoners, particularly those accused of links with armed opposition groups, continued to be frequently reported. Several women accused of involvement with such groups were reportedly raped. Courts rarely investigated defendants’ allegations of torture, but in August a regional court in Awassa ordered police to stop the beating of prisoners held in connection with the May demonstration.” (AI, 28 May 2003)
Amnesty International (AI) further assumes in a statement of May 21, 2002 that persons who publicly declare sympathy for the OLF are at risk. (AI, 21 May 2002)
In a decision by the Administrative Court Aachen (“Verwaltungsgericht Aachen”) dated 24 April 2001, the court assesses that the Ethiopian security authorities would also target alleged supporters of the OLF. It could not be excluded that even simple members of the OLF would be observed. Members and supporters of the OLF would face political persecution and prosecution. (VG Aachen, 24 April 2001)
The Austrian Asylum Authority (“Unabhängiger Bundesasylsenat - UBAS”) refers in a decision of 5 June 2002, whereby it grants refugee status to a young Ethiopian woman of Oromo origin, to documents indicating that Oromo, even if they do not engage in political acitivities, raise suspicions of the security services. The UBAS also justifies its decision with the fact that the asylum applicant was the product of the rape of her mother by a member of the security forces on the occasion of the arrest of her grandmother. Therefore a further persecution of the family could not be excluded. In the Oromo region, the OPDO discriminated against and arrested sympathisers of the OLF. Repression in certain regions, especially in Oromia and Somali, could with a certain probability be avoided by moving to other parts of the country. Whereas, if these repressions were justified with grave accusations (e.g. the accusation to be a sympathiser of the OLF), this possibility was limited. (UBAS, 5 Jun 2002)
In the sources consulted by ACCORD, no information could be found whether family members of OLF activists who have already died or disappeared are at risk.
The US Department of State mentions in its country reports for 2001 and 2002:
“Security forces on occasion detained the family members of persons they were looking for
when those persons were missing.” (USDOS, 04.03.2002, Sek. 1.f.)
“Security forces detained family members of persons sought for questioning by the
Government.” (USDOS, 31.03.2003, Sek. 1.f.)
In its country report for 2003, the US Department of State added following text passage:
“[...] sought for questioning by the Government, such as suspected members of OLF.” (USDOS,
25.02.2004, Sek. 1.f.)
According to interview partners of Bettina Scholdan, family members related to senior OLF members might be at risk. (ReintegrationNet.net, January 2003, interview with UNHCR)
In its report on academic freedom dated January 2003, Human Rights Watch states:
“Family members, if they knew where their loved ones were detained, were harassed when they tried to visit or bring food to the places of detention. [...]A Sendafa resident told Human Rights Watch that police did not allow students’ families to give them food, clothes, or blankets and even abused those who came to Sendafa in search of their detained family members. “When the AAU students were here, their families came with food and clothes. This whole street was crowded with their families. The police stopped them and beat them. [...] Thirteen Oromos including seven teachers, a former teacher who produced educational radio programs for the Oromia State Education Bureau, a twelfth grade student, a civil servant, and two traders were arrested and detained in Sendafa from May 1 to June 21, 2002 on charges they collaborated with the OLF.190 One of the detained teachers said his sister had come to visit him at the Sendafa police camp and, while one guard had told her she could speak to her brother, another came and threatened to beat her if she didn’t leave. Family members of another said that police had insinuated they must be OLF members if they were visiting OLF members in prison and threatened to arrest them if they continued to visit.” (HRW, Jänner 2003, S. 22, 35)
The Oromia Support Group (OSG), which is also referred to in the 2004 report by Susan Vaughan and which claims to be a non-political human rights organisation, reports on the arrest of the wife of a suspect:
“They also reported that the wife of a wanted suspect, Abel Busha, was taken from her bed (she had delivered a baby five days previously) to detention, because the authorities were unable to find her husband. The incident is reported in Seife Nebelbal newspaper, Addis Ababa.” (OSG, chapter „Wallaga Zone: Nakamte“, July 2002)
In the case of an asylum seeker who was abused as a child because of his father’s membership in the OLF, the Bavarian Administrative Court (“Bayerischer Verwaltungsgerichtshof” - BayVGH) stated that due to the form of government and the defective judicial system, the misconduct by security forces could not be prevented or adequately prosecuted. This especially applied to regions where the OLF was militarily active and where a substantial part of human rights violations took place. Under these circumstances, the prosecution of family members as described by the claimant could occur. The Bavarian Administrative Court continues that suspected OLF members were and are prosecuted by the state. Even family members who were not involved in the conflict would be included in persecution through detention and torture. (BayVGH, 2 July 2003, p.11,13)
Does this IC face any risk because of having a child out of wedlock or as a single woman with a child without father/male accompany?
The interview partners consulted by Bettina Scholdan assess the situation of single women upon their return as follows:
“This group will probably have a harder time at reintegration. The standard in women’s rights can be considered to be quite low (FGM, forced marriages, child marriages, domestic violence, rape etc. being quite frequent phenomena) and the status of women is very much determined by the conservativism of the Orthodox Church resp. Islam. Rape or domestic violence will most probably not be efficiently prosecuted. The Ethiopian Women’s Lawyers Association has an office in Addis Ababa as well as regional offices and offers legal aid to women victims and facilitates mediation in domestic disputes.
There are, however, quite a number of unmarried women with children. They are usually quite well accepted and will not be ostracized by their family (exception: women from Muslim families might face difficulties with family support).
A single woman returnee might, however, not be welcome in the family due to the hard living conditions.” (ReintegrationNet.net, January 2003)
According to Amnesty International (AI), in Ethiopia and Eritrea it is extremely difficult for a single person without support by family members or others to earn a living wage. In both countries, which belonged to the poorest countries in the world, the family constituted the social net that offered a certain amount of security despite widespread poverty. (AI, 14 June 1999)
The Swiss organisation “Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe”(SFH) observes in a report of March 2001 that due to the drought and the war, a very high proportion of households in Ethiopia were headed by women. There existed ample differences between different regions and between rural and urban areas. The share of women-headed households was 30 per cent in Northern Wollo, but only 12 per cent in Goja, a relatively stable area. Many of these women, who often had to raise their children on their own, lived in particularly poor conditions. They had difficulties to obtain land, even though they were entitled to it. In urban areas, women had fewer opportunities than men to find an employment and they earned less than men.
The “Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe” also points out that it might be extremely difficult for single persons without relatives in Ethiopia and without means to set up a life in dignity. (SFH, March 2001, p. 14, 17)
The Administrative Court Köln (“Verwaltungsgericht Köln“) asserts in its decision of 23 July that the complainant would be in existential danger upon return, as she was a young woman of Eritrean descent without family in Ethiopia. Without support of family members, she could not be expected to return to Ethiopia. (VG Köln, 23 July 2002)
On September 9, 2003, the Austrian asylum authorities (“Unabhängiger Bundesasylsenat” - UBAS) decided on a case concerning a young Ethiopian single woman with a child who did not have any relatives or friends whose residence was known in Ethiopia. The UBAS stated that given the general living conditions of single women in Ethiopia it could not be doubted that the conditions in the given case would amount to persecution for the purpose of the Geneva Refugee Convention. In case of her return, the asylum applicant could not count on finding adequate housing, subsistence and employment. As single woman she would face particular difficulties, particularly as she had no place and status in her social order. The UBAS concludes that there were concrete indications that the asylum applicant would face economic destitution and a hopeless situation upon return and therefore could not be expected to return to Ethiopia. (UBAS, 3 Sept 2003, p. 17,18)
We have also enclosed reports on the general situation of women and on violence against women in Ethiopia. In the reports consulted by ACCORD, no information could be found whether single women are particularly at risk of violence.
The US State Department states in its “Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2003”:
„Domestic violence, including wife beating and marital rape, was a pervasive social problem. There is no specific law regarding domestic violence or sexual harassment. While women had recourse to the police and the courts, societal norms and limited infrastructure prevented many women from seeking legal redress, particularly in rural areas. Social practices obstructed investigations and prosecutions in rape cases, and many women were not aware of their rights under the law. It was estimated that there were more than 1,000 rapes a year in Addis Ababa. The press continued to regularly report on rape cases. Rape sentences were handed down in line with the 10 to 15 years prescribed by law. Unlike in the previous year, there were no reports that members of the military who were redeployed from border areas to other regions sexually harassed and raped some young women. During the year, the EWLA conducted research on the number of rapes committed and the number of rape convictions handed down; however, the results had not been released by year’s end.
Although illegal, the abduction of women and girls as a form of marriage continued to be practiced widely in the Oromiya region and the Southern Region, despite the Government’s attempts to combat this practice. Forced sexual relationships often accompanied most marriages by abduction, and women often were physically abused during the abduction. Many of those girls married as early as the age of 7, despite the legal marriage age of 18. Abductions led to conflicts among families, communities, and ethnic groups. In cases of marriage by abduction, the perpetrator was not punished if the victim agreed to marry him (unless the marriage was annulled); even after a perpetrator was convicted, the sentence was commuted if the victim married him.
The majority of girls underwent some form of FGM. Clitoridectomies typically were performed 7 days after birth and consisted of an excision of the labia. Infibulation, the most extreme and dangerous form of FGM, was performed at any time between the age of 8 and the onset of puberty. According to the findings of a government national baseline survey released during the year on harmful traditional practices, 90 percent of women undergo one of four forms of FGM--circumcision, clitoridectomy, excision, and infibulation. The National Committee on Harmful Traditional Practices reported that, according to a national baseline survey, harmful practices against women, including FGM, abduction, and early marriage have declined from over 90 percent to 73 percent since 1992.
The Constitution and the Penal Code prohibit bodily injury; however, these provisions did not specifically outlaw FGM. The Government continued to update the Penal Code. The Government also worked to discourage the practice of FGM through education in public schools.
There were credible reports from the EWLA and the International Organization for Migration (IOM) that many female workers who traveled to the Middle East as industrial and domestic workers were abused in these positions (see Section 6.f.).
The Constitution states that all persons are equal before the law; however, the Government has not yet fully put into place mechanisms for the effective enforcement of these protections. The Family Law sets the legal marriage age for girls at 18, the same as for boys; elevates civil law above customary and religious law; allows for the legal sharing of property for unmarried couples who live together for at least 5 years; eliminates family arbitrators as a means of settling marital disputes in lieu of the court system; allows for the joint administration of common marital property; requires the courts to take into account the situation of children or the weakest member of the family in the event of divorce or separation; and imposes a 6-month waiting period on women seeking to remarry following divorce or the death of a spouse. However, regional councils had authority to determine family law for their respective regions. During the year, the Oromiya Regional Parliament struck down a provision in the Oromiya Family Law banning bigamy in the region.
Discrimination against women was most acute in rural areas, where 85 percent of the population lived. The Civil Code and the Penal Code contained discriminatory regulations, such as the recognition of the husband as the legal head of the family and the sole guardian of children over 5 years old. Domestic violence was not considered a serious justification to obtain a divorce. There was only limited juridical recognition of common law marriage. Irrespective of the number of years the marriage existed, the number of children raised, and joint property, the woman was entitled to only 3 months’ financial support if the common law relationship ended. A husband had no obligation to provide financial assistance to his family and, as a result, women and children sometimes were abandoned when there was a problem in the marriage.
All land belonged to the Government. Although women could obtain government leases to land, and the Government had an explicit policy to provide equal access to land for women, this policy rarely was enforced in rural communities. According to the EWLA, in nearly all regions, women do not have any access to land. They cannot inherit land, and the only way for them to gain access to land was to get married. However, when the husband dies, his wife was often kicked off her land by other family members.
In urban areas, women had fewer employment opportunities than did men, and the jobs available did not provide equal pay for equal work.” (USDOS, 25 Febr 2004, Sec. 5)
In its Ethiopia country report of October 2003, the UK Home Office describes the social and legal situation of women as follows:
“The 1994 Constitution provides for the equality of women, however this provision is not always applied in practice. The provisions of the Constitution are often in conflict with the 1960 Civil Code and the 1957 Penal Code, which are still in force although under review by the Ministry of Justice. The 1960 Civil Code is based on a monarchical constitution that treated women as if they were children or disabled. Culturally based abuses including wife beating and marital rape are pervasive social problems. Although women have recourse to the police and the courts, societal pressures and limited court facilities reduce the availability of these remedies, particularly in rural areas. Discrimination is most acute in rural areas where 85% of the population live. In urban areas it is reported that women have fewer employment opportunities than men.
The traditional practice of abduction as a form of marriage is illegal under the penal code but is still believed to be practised widely in many rural areas particularly the Oromiya region and SNNPRS. Women are often abused physically during abduction and forced sexual relationships accompany many marriages by abduction. On 29 July 2000 the Government adopted a new family law which took effect from 4 July 2000. Amongst other provisions this raised the legal marriage age for girls to 18. Family arbitration councils which in the past had the power to dissolve marriages can now only engage in arbitration and reconciliation counselling, only the courts have the power to grant divorces. Domestic violence is not considered a serious justification under the law for divorce.
In 1997 the Government adopted a plan of action aimed at enhancing the status of women. In 1999 and 2000 since the adoption of this program few improvements were noted. According to a study produced by the National Committee on Traditional Practices in Ethiopia (NCTPE) in 1998 certain harmful practices such as early marriage and marriage by abduction appeared to be declining.
With regards to political participation in 2002 of the 19 members of the Council of Ministers, 1 was a woman, 2 other women held ministerial positions, and a number of other women held senior positions. There were 42 women among the 548 members of the HPR, and 9 of 113 mebmbers in the House of Federation were women. Of the 14 members of the Supreme Court, 3 were women.
The majority of girls undergo some form of female genital mutilation (FGM) which is widely condemned by international experts. The ritual is practised on girls between the ages of seven days and 16 years old. It is often performed in unsanitary settings by a community ’specialist’ using an unclean blade. FGM has terrible effects on the child or young girl’s state of health, both at the time and in the future. Apart from potentially fatal haemorrhages, there is a risk of tetanus or septicaemia from the very basic instruments used and neighbouring organs are often damaged due to the girl’s distress.
The law does not prohibit FGM although the Government discourages it officially, supporting the NCPTE and educational programmes in schools. The NCTPE survey in 1998 indicated that in excess of 72% of the female population had undergone FGM, which was a reduction from the estimated figure of 90% in 1990.
Social practices obstruct investigations into rape and the prosecution of rapists. Many women are not aware of their legal rights under the law. It is estimated that there are more than 1,000 rapes a year in Addis Ababa however there were only 168 rape convictions nation-wide in the year ending September 2000. In August 2001 a demonstration was held in Addis Ababa during which protestors called upon the Government to withdraw bail rights from those charged with committing rape, it was estimated that some 3,000 people attended.
In September 2001 it was reported that over 500 charges were filed against rape cases in Addis Ababa in the preceding 12 months. The Ethiopian Women’s Democratic Organisation estimated an average of about 84 rape cases per day in Addis Ababa which are never reported or brought to court due to social and cultural problems. The Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association, one of whose missions was to help women victims of violence, was suspended in 2001 by the Ministry of Justice for operating outside its mandate. However the banning order on the EWLA and Ethiopian Human Rights Council was quickly rescinded by the new Justice minister following a government reshuffle.
Human Rights Watch report a move towards enforcement laws protecting women and children, in particular by making greater efforts to arrest men who raped children and, when convictions were secured, by imposing prison sentences on some rapists. In Addis Ababa two policewomen were assigned to each district. However, women’s groups claimed that police often did not investigate reports of adult rape, while prosecutors took over a year to bring charges and then only for infractions with the lowest possible penalty.
An emerging problem is the trafficking of women. The IOM says that illegal traffickers who prey on women could make up to 7,000 Ethiopian Birr (more than US $800) for each victim they send overseas. The IOM say women aged between 18 and 25 are targeted by traffickers at colleges and in poor districts in towns and cities.“ (UK Home Office, Oct. 2003, para. 6.115-6.124)
The United Nations Country Team Ethiopia (UNCTE) highlights the situation of internally displaced women:
“Out of the estimated 350,000 internally displaced people in Ethiopia more than 75 per cent are assumed to be children and women. Among displaced populations, women, children and the elderly generally suffer the most. They often have fewer income generation opportunities, and thus are more likely to be impoverished, particularly in areas such as Tigray and Afar, which are among the poorest parts of a country that ranks 171 out of 174 in the world in terms of wealth. Women and children - including a number of orphans - who were separated from other family members and find themselves in a strange social environment are often traumatized and disorientated. They are consequently more vulnerable to abuse, marginalisation and discrimination. Situations of social dislocation, such as that prevailing in northern Ethiopia, pose particular dangers to women during pregnancy, childbirth, and post-partum recovery. These situations also expose women and adolescents to greater risks of sexual exploitation, abuse and violence. Displaced people, particularly women, are more at risk of contracting sexually transmitted diseases including HIV/AIDS, since many families are split up and experience greater poverty as a result of having fewer income generation opportunities. This situation has forced many displaced women into prostitution to support themselves and their children.” (UNCTE, 22 Aug 2000, p. 8)
BBC News writes in an article about protests against domestic violence in Addis Ababa:
“Organisers say they have been shocked by the increase in sex offences and the fact that they often concern very young girls with street children and young maids particularly vulnerable. […]But campaigners also want laws changed to stamp out more oppressive "traditional values". In some country areas, there is a tradition of marriage by abduction, with men kidnapping and raping the girls they want to marry. In Ethiopian law, this rape is not punishable by law as long as the abductor pays the girl’s family and agrees to marry her.” (BBC News, 10 Febr 2001)
Does this IC face any risk after so many years abroad?
Amnesty International says in a statement of 6 August 1997 that the Oromo affiliation in connection with a (longer) stay abroad might allow predicting the potential intensity of persecution in Ethiopia. Oromo who stayed abroad aroused suspicions that they supported the Oromo liberation fight from abroad. (AI, 6 Aug 1997)
In the above mentioned decision by the Bavarian Administrative Court, dated 2 July 2003, the court claims that the applicant would - even after a long stay in Germany - not be safe from political persecution in Ethiopia. Since the situation in Ethiopia had remained basically unchanged, including frequent human rights abuses also against family members of alleged OLF members, the safety from renewed political persecution could not be sufficiently presumed. The claimant might avoid the risk by moving to another part of the country outside of Addis Abeba, but would not be able to earn his living there. (BayVGH, 2 July 2003, p. 13)
In the sources consulted by ACCORD, no further information could be found on this question.
This Response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the ACCORD within time constraints. This Response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum.
ecoi.net is run by the Austrian Red Cross (department ACCORD) in cooperation with Informationsverbund Asyl & Migration. ecoi.net is funded by the Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund, the Austrian Ministry of the Interior and Caritas Austria. ecoi.net is supported by ECRE & UNHCR.
