Document #1074102
IRB – Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (Author)
The first government of Somaliland,
announced on 4 June 1991 was composed of 16 members of the Issak
clan and its subclans and six members of minority clans (Drysdale
1991, 45). According to a Somali professor of African studies at
the University of Florida in Gainsville, the first head of
government and chairman of the Somali National Movement (SNM) was
Ahmed Ali "Tur," an Issak of the Habar Yoonis subclan. He was later
replaced by President Ibrahim Egal, a member of the Habr Awal
subclan of the Isse Musa, which in turn is a subclan of the Issaq
(4 May 1994). Ahmed Ali Tur has since renounced the secession and
now advocates the reunification of Somaliland and Somalia (Reuters
30 Apr. 1994). The Somali professor explained that Somaliland is
composed of five regions: Awdal, North West, Togdheer, Sool and
Sanag
(4 May 1994). The last three regions are located west of Hargeisa.
Sources knowledgeable on Somalia agree that each of these regions
is controlled by a different clan each with its own militia.
Togdheer is under the control of the Isaaq, Sanag is a territory of
the Warsangeli, the Dulbahante and the Isaaq, and Sool is
controlled by the Dulbahante (ibid.; OFDA 4 Mar. 1994).
Since they are reportedly opposed to the
current government of Somaliland, the Warsangeli are not
represented in the Somaliland parliament (ibid.). According to
Le Nouvel Afrique Asie of March 1994, there is no sign of
the Somaliland Republic administration in Las Khorey, which is
their stronghold. On the contrary, the Warsangeli's sultan
reportedly displays Somalia's national flag in front of his house.
Nonetheless, the Warsangeli were initially represented at the
meeting of elders, customary chiefs, academics, politicians and
soldiers that took place at Borama in February 1993 (The Horn of
Africa Bulletin Mar.-Apr. 1993, 27). According Gilkes, in a
report entitled "Ethnic and Political Movements in Ethiopia and
Somalia," the Warsangeli were represented in the initial government
of Somaliland when the Somali National Movement (SMN) assumed power
in 1991:
The constitutional commission was very carefully balanced to represent all northern clans ... There are two Gadabursi, one Issa, one Warsengeli together with thirteeen Isaaq (July 1992, 52).
Relations between the Warsangeli and the
Issaq appear to be tense. The head of the Warsangeli militia is
quoted as saying that his clan would deal with Somaliland ... when
its presumed president Ibrahim Egal, has extended his authority at
least to the airport of his capital Hargeisa. At present, when he
uses this airport, he has to pay a transit tax to the Isaaq clan (a
clan different from his own) which controls the runway (Le
Nouvel Afrique Asie Mar. 1994, 13).
According to a Somali professor of African
studies at University of Florida in Gainsville, the majority of the
Dulbahante are opposed to the secession of Somaliland, and although
there are Dulbahante in the government of Somaliland, they do not
represent the rest of the Dulbahante subclan (4 May 1994.).
According to Bricker and Leatherbee, the interests of the
Dulbahante and the Warsangeli are represented by the United Somali
Party (USP), and they tend to oppose the secession of Somaliland
from the rest of Somalia (Leatherbee & Bricker Jan. 1994, 29).
According to Gilkes the Dulbahante are a subclan of the Darod and
relations between them and the Marjeteen are "traditionally poor,
largely because of feuding over land and water ... [and because of]
the Dulbahante role in Siad's [Barre] operations against the clan
after the creation of the Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF)"
(July 1992, 51). According to Bricker and Leathebee,
there are powerful checks on the power of the executive in
Somaliland. The power of the clans, demonstrated in their
reluctance to turn control of the national airport in Hargeisa and
seaport in Berbera over to the national government indicates that
these are independent and diffused loci of potential resistance to
the state, (Jan. 1994, 31).
The government of Somaliland has a fragile
economic base and is reportedly financed by remittances from
Somalis abroad (Drysdale 1991, 47). Additionally, "the port of
Berbera, and the customs collection point, is the only potential
source of central government revenue until some other source of
budget support is forthcoming" (ibid. 1991, 47). Drysdale states
that there are small police forces in the cities and towns, but
they do not wear or carry firearms, and reportedly receive a
rations in lieu of salaries (ibid., 49).
Africa and the international community have
not recognized Somaliland's sovereignty (Reuters 30 Apr. 1994),
which means that Somaliland cannot rely on other countries for
assistance. President Egal reportedly apppealed to Britain for
international recognition, without which his country does not
qualify for bilateral aid (The Herald 12 Feb. 1994).
According to the Herald, Clearly there is a vicious circle
in Somaliland involving lack of resources for demobilisation and
recovery, lack of security, and lack of international recognition."
U.S.@led troops did not operate in Somaliland and it reportedly
received a meagre fraction of the U.N. funds (Reuters Feb.
1994).
Owing to the lack of international
recognition, Kenya withdrew President Egal's visit to Nairobi in
December 1993:
President Moi let it be known that he had been subject to pressure, both domestic and international, for him not to receive president Egal. One objection put forward had been that the Kenyan head of state could not receive officially the head of a country which is not yet recognised by the international community (The Indian Ocean Newsletter 18 Dec. 1993, 4).
This response was prepared after
researching publicly accessible information currently available to
the DIRB within time constraints. This response is not, and does
not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular
claim to refugee status or asylum.
Dricker, Dale and Lea Leatherbee. 6
January 1994. Balancing Consensus and Dissent: The Prospects for
Human Rights and Democracy in the Horn of Africa. New York: The
Fund for Peace.
Drysdale, John. 1991. February 1994.
Anne Johnstone. Somaliland 1991: Report and Reference. Hove,
UK: Global-Stas Ltd.
The Herald [Glasgow]. "Somali
Caught In a Cycle of Terror."(NEXIS).
Gilkes, Patrick. July 1992. "Ethnic and
Political Movements in Ethiopia and Somalia."
The Horn of Africa Bulletin
[Uppsala]. March-April 1993. Vol. 5, No. 2. "Grand Shir at
Borama."
The Indian Ocean Newsletter
[Paris]. 18 December 1993. "Somaliland: Nairobi Kills Egal
Visit."
Le Nouvel Afrique Asie [Paris].
March 1994. No. 54. Pietro Petrucci. "Somalie: Oublier Mogadiscio?"
pp. 12-13.
Office of United States Foreign Disaster
Assistance (OFDA), Washington, DC. 4 March 1994. Situation
Report No. 25. "Somalia-Civil Strife."
Reuters. 30 April 1994. BC Cycle.
"Somaliland Leader Renounces Seccession." (NEXIS)
Somali professor of African studies,
University of Florida, Gainsville. 4 May 1994. Telephone
interview.
Drysdale, John (1991). Somaliland
1991: Report and Reference. Hove, UK: Global-Stas Ltd.
The Herald [Glasgow]. "Somali
Caught In a Cycle of Terror." (NEXIS).
The Indian Ocean Newsletter
[Paris]. "Somaliland: Nairobi Kills Egal Visit."
Reuters. 30 April 1994. "Somaliland
Leader Renounces Seccession." (NEXIS)