13. März 2012

FOROYAA Newspaper berichtet im März 2011, dass am 7. März 2011 ein Bewohner von Nyakoi Kerewan im Bezirk Wuli West verhaftet worden sei, weil er eine Flagge der Partei Gambia Moral Congress (GMC) gehisst und ein Foto und Plakat des GMC aufgehängt habe:

„Reports have it that a native of Nyakoi Kerewan, Wuli West District was arrested from his home and detained at Basse Police Station at around 3 p.m. on Monday, 7 March 2011 for purportedly erecting a flag and pasting a photo and poster of the GMC party. The Gambia Moral Congress is a registered political party which is led by Mai Fatty, a barrister who now lives in self exile. When this reporter contacted the Commissioner of Police, Upper River Region, Ebrima Cham, he confirmed the arrest and detention of Mr. Fatty. According to him, he was detained for the alleged offence that has been committed. But he added that during interrogation, Mr Fatty pointed out that it was not him but one of his sons (Mohammadu Fatty) who erected the flag and pasted the posters. He said further that Mohammadu was asked to report at Basse Police Station which he had already done; that he was subsequently detained and his father released.“ (FOROYAA Newspaper, 9. März 2011)

The Point berichtet am 22. Februar 2012, dass der oppositionelle GMC bei der vergangenen Präsidentenwahl ein Bündnis mit der United Democratic Party (UDP) eingegangen sei:

„The leader and founder of the opposition Gambia Moral Congress (GMC), Mai Ahmad Fatty, has told The Point that he is not ruling out the possibility of contesting the forthcoming National Assembly elections due on 29th March. A native of Nyakoi Kerewan in the Wuli West constituency of the Upper River Region, Fatty,whose party forged an alliance with the opposition UDP in last year’s presidential election, made the revelation in an interview with this reporter.” (The Point, 22. Februar 2012)

Auf der Website Destination Gambia findet sich ein Eintrag zu Sprachen in Gambia. Englisch sei die offizielle Sprache Gambias und werde vom Großteil der Bevölkerung an der Küste und in Touristengebieten gesprochen. Im Landesinneren würden örtliche Sprachen wie Mandinka, Wolof, Fula und Jola gesprochen:

„English is the official language of The Gambia and most people around the coast and the tourist areas can speak it to some degree. However, the further upcountry you go, the fewer people you will find who can speak English. Learning a few sentences in some of the local languages (Mandinka, Wolof, Fula, Jola, etc.) will certainly be a good idea if one plans on visiting The Gambia, and Gambians will appreciate the effort taken.” (Destination Gambia, ohne Datum)

Laut einem Artikel auf der Website Ethnologue.com sei Mandinka eine Sprache im Senegal, die auch in Gambia (von 510.000 Menschen) gesprochen werde. Alternative Namen für die Sprache seien Mande, Manding, Mandingo, Mandingue, Mandinque, Socé:

·      Lewis, M. Paul: Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Sixteenth edition, Mandinka, 2009

·      Lewis, M. Paul: Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Sixteenth edition, Languages of Gambia, 2009

 

Die in Mali gesprochenen Sprachen finden sich unter folgendem Link. Viele der aufgelisteten Sprachen sind unter dem Begriff „Manding“ klassifiziert:

·      Lewis, M. Paul: Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Sixteenth edition, Languages of Mali, 2009

 

Die gambische Zeitung The Point berichtet im August 2011, dass die zwei wichtigsten Sprachen in Gambia, Mandinka und Fula, künftig in die Suchmaschine Google eingegliedert werden sollen:

„The two main local languages of The Gambia, Mandinka and Fula, will soon be found on the information technology search engine Google, as the Jollof Tutors Training Institute has partnered with Google to translate 10,000 phrases, words and sentences into Mandika and Fula languages.” (The Point, 16. August 2011)

Folgende Anfragebeantwortung des Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB) vom Februar 1993 enthält Informationen zu den Begriffen Maninka, Mandingo, Mandinka und Malinka:

·      Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Gambia: Clarification of the words maninka, mandingo, mandinka and malinka, 1. Februar 1993

 

Ein Mandinka-Englisch-Wörterbuch finden Sie unter folgendem Link:

·      Peace Corps: Mandinka - English Dictionary, 1995 (verfügbar auf The Gambia Resource Page)

 

Laut einem Artikel von Radio Netherlands Worldwide (RNW) vom März 2010 seien die Green Boys maskierte bewaffnete Männer, die den loyalsten Leibwächtern des Präsidenten, der „staatlichen Garde“ angehören würden. RNW berichtet im Artikel des Weiteren über von den Green Boys ausgeübte Folter:

„The ‘green boys’ are masked armed men from the president’s most loyal guards, the State Guards. The doors actually closed in on Dem when they visited his cell at the NIA that night. ‘My hands were tied, my head covered with a black plastic bag… they poured cold water on me and the four men from the State Guard started beating me. They beat me until I became unconscious. They lifted me up and took me out to face the panel again.’ When Dem refused to talk to the panel for the second time, he was taken back to his cell where the State Guards visited him again. ‘The same beating continued until they realised that they would kill me but I wouldn’t talk. They took me to Mile 2 where they kept me for four months before charging me with treason and conspiracy to commit treason.’” (RNW, 12. März 2010)

Die New York Times (NYT) berichtet im Mai 2009, dass die Green Boys die militantesten Unterstützer von Jammeh [des Präsidenten von Gambia, Anm. ACCORD] seien. Sie würden sich in Grün kleiden und manchmal ihre Gesichter grün bemalen. Grün sei die Farbe der politischen Partei des Präsidenten, der Alliance for Patriotic Re-Orientation and Construction:

„The roundups were guided by the president’s ‘Green Boys,’ villagers say. The Green Boys are Mr. Jammeh’s most militant supporters, ’vigilante die-hards,’ said Abdoulaye Saine, a political scientist at Miami University of Ohio. They dress in green and sometimes paint their faces green, the color of Mr. Jammeh’s political party, the Alliance for Patriotic Re-Orientation and Construction. The roundups were conducted with force, guns in evidence and directed largely at the elderly, witnesses and local journalists said.” (NYT, 20. Mai 2009)

Die Open Society Justice Initiative (OSJI) berichtet in Zusammenhang mit einem Gerichtsverfahren zur Tötung des Journalisten Deyda Hydara, dass Medienberichten zufolge die Green Boys als potentielle Täter infrage kämen. Die Green Boys seien eine Gruppe von Unterstützern der Regierung und der regierenden Partei und hätten einen (para)militärischen Hintergrund. Sie würden verdächtigt, hinter einer Reihe von Einschüchterungskampagnen und gewaltsamen Angriffen auf unabhängige JournalistInnen und Medienunternehmen zu stehen:

„Deyda Hydara, one of Gambia’s most distinguished journalists, was gunned down in a Banjul suburb on December 16, 2004. A leading critic of the regime, Hydara had led the efforts of journalist groups to resist changes to press laws that would have severely muzzled Gambian journalism. […]

Gambian media reports and independent monitors have identified the so-called ’Green Boys’ as potential suspects in the case. The Green Boys are a loose group of government and ruling party supporters of (para) military background, who are suspected of being behind a series of intimidation campaigns and violent attacks against independent journalists and media houses in the years before the Hydara shooting. The NIA report made only a cursory, dismissive reference to the Green Boys possible connection with the Hydara case.” (OSJI, ohne Datum)

Amnesty International (AI) berichtet im Juli 2010, dass bestimmte Einheiten des Nationalen Geheimdienstes als Green Boys, Ninjas oder Drug Boys bezeichnet würden. Diese seien für „entsetzliche Verbrechen“ verantwortlich:

„Members of the President’s own personal protection guard – who are under his direct control – carry out the most egregious abuses, as do certain units in the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) often referred to as green boys, ninjas, or drug boys. However, the army and police also commit serious human rights violations.” (AI, 22. Juli 2010)

In seinem Jahresbericht vom Mai 2011 berichtet AI Folgendes über den gambischen Geheimdienst:

„Angehörige des gambischen Geheimdienstes (National Intelligence Agency - NIA), der Armee, der Polizei und dubioser Milizen, die dem Präsidenten nahestanden und unter den Namen ‘Ninjas‘, ‘Drug Boys' und ‘Jongleure' bekannt waren, nahmen vermeintliche Regierungsgegner ohne rechtliche Grundlage fest und hielten sie in Haft. Dazu zählten Menschenrechtsverteidiger, Journalisten und ehemalige Angehörige der Sicherheitsdienste. Es gingen Berichte ein, wonach Personen im Gewahrsam gefoltert und auf andere Weise misshandelt wurden. Es kam zu einer zweiten Verhaftungswelle, die in einem Hochverratsprozess gegen acht prominente Männer gipfelte. Die Angeklagten wurden in einem äußerst unfairen Verfahren zum Tode verurteilt.” (AI, 13. Mai 2011)

The Point berichtet im Juli 2010, dass Alhagie Musa Joof, der Vorsitzende der Green Boys und Girls in der Region North Bank, angeklagt worden sei. Er habe gemeinsam mit Kebba E.A. Touray, einem ehemaligen Mitglied der Nationalversammlung, einen Brief an das Präsidentenbüro verfasst, der den Vorwurf illegaler Abrisstätigkeiten entlang der Schnellstraße zwischen Farafenni und Kerewan enthalten habe:

„Charges have been brought against Kebba E.A. Touray, a former [Alliance for Patriotic Re-Orientation and Construction] APRC National Assembly Member for Illiassa constituency and Alhagie Musa Joof, head of the Green Boys and Girls at Farafenni, in the North Bank Region. […]

According to the particulars of the offence, on count one, Kebba E.A. Touray and Alhagie Musa Joof sometime in the month of March 2010 in Banjul allegedly conspired and wrote a petition letter to the Office of the President through the Secretary-General against the Governor of the North Bank Region and four others. They stated in the letter that the Governor of North Bank Region, the Seyfo Upper Baddibou, the National Assembly Member for Upper Badibou, the Chairman of Kerewan Area Council and the National Youth Mobiliser for North Bank Region have embarked on illegal demolition and selling of stalls, along the Farafenni and Kerewan highway occupied by individuals since 1992, which information they knew to be false. ” (The Point, 14. Juli 2010)

In folgendem Artikel der Freedom Newspaper wird über mutmaßliche Folter durch die Green Boys berichtet:

·      Freedom Newspaper: MP Dem Threatens To Name March Coupists Still Serving Jammeh's Government!, 3. Dezember 2010

 

Laut einem Bericht der World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) vom Juli 2011 werde angenommen, dass Femi Peters, der Wahlkampfleiter der UDP am 1. April 2010 ungerechtfertigt verurteilt worden sei, da der vorsitzende Richter vom Präsidenten unter Druck gesetzt worden sei. Peters sei in Zusammenhang mit der Abhaltung einer politischen Kundgebung in Serrekunda zu einer einjährigen Haftstrafe und einer Geldstrafe verurteilt worden:

„Human rights defenders in The Gambia have often questioned the independence of the ’contract’ judges, particularly in criminal matters. For example, it is widely believed that Mr. Femi Peters, Campaign Manager of the opposition United Democratic Party (UDP), received an unfair ruling on April 1, 2010 because the judge was under pressure from the President. Mr. Peters, charged with two counts of ’control of procession’ and ’use of loud speaker’ under section 6 of the Public Order Act, for having allegedly held a political rally at Serrekunda without a permit from the Inspector General of Police, was sentenced to one-year imprisonment and a fine of ten thousand dalasis. There is also a general climate of threat and intimidation of lawyers who provide legal services to human rights defenders (see Section III 3.a).“ (OMCT, Juli 2011, S. 9)

Das US-Außenministerium (US Department of State, USDOS) berichtet in seinem Länderbericht vom April 2011 ebenfalls über den Fall Femi Peters:

„The opposition UDP reported that police did not issue permits for a July 2009 meeting in Serrekunda or an August 2009 meeting in Bakau; the August meeting, however, proceeded without police permission.

For example, on April 1, leading opposition activist Femi Peters was sentenced to one year in prison and fined 10,000 dalasi ($360) for organizing a political rally and using a loudspeaker without a police permit as required under the Public Order Act. Peters, who was the campaign manager of the UDP, was arrested in October 2009 after the UDP held a rally in Serrekunda without prior police authorization. The opposition said the police were using the issue of a permit to stifle their legitimate right to hold meetings. Peters appealed his conviction; it was dismissed by the court of appeal on August 5.“ (USDOS, 8. April 2011, Section 2b)

Am 16. Dezember 2010 berichtet AI über die Freilassung von Femi Peters, die am 10. Dezember 2010 erfolgt sei:

„Amnesty International has welcomed the early release of a former Gambian opposition leader who was serving a one-year prison sentence for charges relating to a peaceful demonstration organized by his party in October 2009. Femi Peters, campaign manager of the United Democratic Party was freed on 10 December, almost four months before his expected release in March 2011.” (AI, 16. Dezember 2010)

AI berichtet im Juni 2011, dass Kanyiba Kanyi, ein Politiker der UDP und Mitarbeiter der NGO Christian Children’s Fund am 18. September 2006 verhaftet worden sei. Er habe keinen Zugang zu seiner Familie oder einem Anwalt gehabt und sein Aufenthaltsort sei unbekannt. Es seien keine unabhängigen Ermittlungen zum Verschwinden von Kanyiba Kanyi eingeleitet worden:

„On 18 september 2006, kanyiba kanyi, a politician with the opposition united democratic party (udp), who also worked for the international ngo christian children’s fund, was arrested at his home by security agents. He was taken first to a local police station and then to the capital banjul, where he was questioned by the crime management co-ordinator. since then, there have been reports that kanyiba kanyi was moved between several police stations, but he has not been seen and has had no access to his family or a lawyer. the authorities deny that he is in custody. the udp filed a writ of habeas corpus and in 2007 a high court ordered his release. there has been no independent investigation into kanyiba kanyi’s disappearance and he remains missing.” (AI, 22. Juni 2011, S. 3)

Das USDOS berichtet in seinem Länderbericht vom April 2011 ebenfalls über den Fall Kanyiba Kanyi:

„For example, United Democratic Party (UDP) supporter Kanyiba Kanyi, who was arrested by men believed to be state security agents and held without charge shortly before the 2006 presidential elections, remained in prison at year's end. The government has not permitted access to Kanyi by international humanitarian organizations or his lawyer. In 2008 Kanyi's lawyer, who maintained Kanyi was being held by the NIA, filed an application to force the state to comply with the 2006 high court rulings to free him. In July 2009 the judge presiding over the case returned the case file to the Office of the Chief Justice in an apparent attempt to recuse himself from the trial; the judge provided no explanation for the return of the case file. Kanyi reportedly was sighted by a relative in March 2008 at the Royal Victoria Hospital, where he was being escorted by wardens from Mile 2 Central Prison.” (USDOS, 8. April 2011, Section 1e)

Laut einem Bericht von AI vom Juli 2011 würden insbesondere JournalistInnen, Mitglieder von oppositionellen Parteien und Mitglieder der Sicherheitskräfte dem „Verschwindenlassen“ zum Opfer fallen. Die Behörden würden in diesem Zusammenhang nur selten Ermittlungen einleiten und die Täter würden nicht vor Gericht gestellt:

„Most victims of enforced disappearances in Gambia are journalists, opposition party members or security force personnel. Investigations by the authorities rarely take place and perpetrators are not brought to justice. Extrajudicial executions have been routinely carried out in Gambia especially against members of the security forces who oppose the government. Amnesty International has also documented cases in which students, journalists and foreign nationals have been killed by security personnel.” (AI, 22. Juli 2011)

Weitere Informationen zur Lage von Mitgliedern der UDP finden sich auf Seite 3 des folgenden Berichts der Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe (SFH) vom Juli 2009:

·      SFH - Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe: Gambia: Menschenrechtssituation, 13. Juli 2009

 

Eine Anfragebeantwortung des Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB) vom März 2010 enthält ebenfalls Informationen zur Behandlung von Mitgliedern und Unterstützern der UDP:

·      Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Gambia: Treatment of members and supporters of the United Democratic Party (UDP) (2006 - March 2010), 31. März 2010

 

 

Quellen: (Zugriff auf alle Quellen am 13. März 2012)

·      FOROYAA Newspaper: Gambia: Mai Fatty's Relatives Detained, Released, 9. März 2011

·      The Point: GMC leader may contest parliamentary poll, 22. Februar 2012

·      Destination Gambia: Language, ohne Datum

·      Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Gambia: Clarification of the words maninka, mandingo, mandinka and malinka, 1. Februar 1993

·      Lewis, M. Paul: Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Sixteenth edition, Mandinka, 2009

·      Lewis, M. Paul: Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Sixteenth edition, Languages of Gambia, 2009

·      Lewis, M. Paul: Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Sixteenth edition, Languages of Mali, 2009

·      Peace Corps: Mandinka - English Dictionary, 1995 (verfügbar auf The Gambia Resource Page)

·      The Point: Gambian local languages to hit the internet soon, 16. August 2011

·      AI - Amnesty International: Amnesty International Report 2011 - Zur weltweiten Lage der Menschenrechte, 13. Mai 2011 (verfügbar auf ecoi.net)

·      AI – Amnesty International: “Freedom Day” in The Gambia is a travesty, 22. Juli 2010

·      Freedom Newspaper: MP Dem Threatens To Name March Coupists Still Serving Jammeh's Government!, 3. Dezember 2010

·      NYT - New York Times: Witch Hunts and Foul Potions Heighten Fear of Leader in Gambia, 20. Mai 2009

·      OSJI - Open Society Justice Initiative: Deyda Hydara Jr. and Others v. The Gambia, ohne Datum

·      RNW - Radio Netherlands Worldwide: The Gambia’s secret torture chambers, 12. März 2010

·      The Point: Former APRC NAM, head of Green Boys charged, 14. Juli 2010

·      AI – Amnesty International: Gambia frees opposition leader, 16. Dezember 2010

·      AI – Amnesty International: Climate of fear continues: Enforced disappearances, killings and torture in Gambia [AFR 27/001/2011], 22. Juni 2011

·      AI – Amnesty International: Gambia: Hundreds disappeared, killed and tortured, 22. Juli 2011

·      Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Gambia: Treatment of members and supporters of the United Democratic Party (UDP) (2006 - March 2010), 31. März 2010

·      OMCT – World Organisation Against Torture: Climate of fear amongst the community of human rights defenders - International fact-finding mission report, Juli 2011

·      SFH - Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe: Gambia: Menschenrechtssituation, 13. Juli 2009 (verfügbar auf ecoi.net)

·      USDOS - US Department of State: Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2010, 8. April 2011 (verfügbar auf ecoi.net)