a-4905 (ACC-MRT-4905)

Nach einer Recherche in unserer Länderdokumentation und im Internet können wir Ihnen zu oben genannter Fragestellung Materialien zur Verfügung stellen, die unter anderem folgende Informationen enthalten:
Situation der arabischen Volksgruppe, Maßnahmen der Regierung
Das Auswärtige Amt (AA) nennt in seinen Länder- und Reiseinformationen vom April 2006 als mauretanische Bevölkerungsgruppen die hellhäutige Mauren, die Haratin und die Schwarz-Afrikaner:
„Bevölkerung: ca. 2,8 Mio. Einwohner, davon etwa je ein Drittel hellhäutige Mauren, Haratin (Schwarz-Afrikaner, die sich zum maurisch-arabischen Kulturkreis rechnen) und Schwarz-Afrikaner.“ (AA, April 2006)
In einem Artikel der Tageszeitung Standard vom August 2005 wird zwischen arabisierten Mauren und der dunkelhäutigen sesshaften Bevölkerung (Fulbe, Wolof, Bambara) unterschieden:
„Die ehemalige französische Kolonie ist seit 1960 unabhängig. Der Staatsgründer und erste Präsident Mokhtar Ould Daddah wurde 1978 gestürzt. Das 1,03 Millionen qkm große Land, das an den Atlantischen Ozean, die von Marokko besetzte Westsahara, Algerien, Mali und Senegal grenzt, hat nur 2,7 Millionen Einwohner. Zwei Drittel sind arabisierte Mauren, die noch in den 1960er Jahren mehrheitlich Nomaden waren. Die dunkelhäutige sesshafte Bevölkerung (Fulbe, Wolof, Bambara) lebt im Süden von traditioneller Landwirtschaft. Die Bevölkerung Mauretaniens ist zu 99,6 Prozent muslimisch. Arabisch ist Amtssprache. Das Land ist Mitglied der Arabischen Liga.” (Standard, 11. August 2005)
Das US Department of State (USDOS) schreibt in seinem Menschenrechtsbericht zu Mauretanien vom März 2006, dass das Gesetz die Gleichheit aller Bürger vorsehe, die Regierungen jedoch oftmals Individuen u.a. auf der Basis ihrer Zugehörigkeit zu einer bestimmten Rasse (race) bzw. zu einem Stamm (tribe) bevorzugt hätten. Minderheiten seien mit Diskriminierungen konfrontiert, Spannungen entstünden aus den Unterschieden zwischen Mauren und Schwarzafrikanern. Die Mauren seien weiter unterteilt in ethno-linguistische Stämme und Clans und würden auch differenziert nach weißen oder schwarzen Mauren. Stämme und Clans der weißen Mauren würden Positionen in Regierung und Geschäftsleben dominieren, die Untergruppe der schwarzen Mauren sei politisch und wirtschaftlich schwächer. 
Die im Süden konzentrierten Halpulaar (die größte nicht-maurische Gruppe), die Wolof und die Soninke seien im Militär und im Sicherheitssektor unterrepräsentiert. Arabisch sei die Amtssprache, es gebe auch noch die Nationalsprachen Pulaar, Soninke und Wolof; verschiedene Regierungen hätten jedoch eine Arabisierungspolitik in Schulen und am Arbeitsplatz betrieben. Schwarze Mauren und Afro-Mauretanier seien auch in mittleren bis höheren Berufen des privaten und öffentlichen Sektors unterrepräsentiert:
“The law provides for equality for all citizens regardless of race, national origin, sex, or social status, and prohibits racial or ethnic propaganda; however, the former and transitional governments often favored individuals on the basis of racial and tribal affiliation, social status, and political ties. Societal discrimination against women, trafficking in persons, and racial and ethnic discrimination were problems. [...]
Racial and ethnic minorities faced societal discrimination. Racial and cultural tension and discrimination arose from the geographic and cultural divides between Moor and Black African. The Moors were divided among numerous ethno-linguistic tribal and clan groups and further distinguished racially as either White Moor or Black Moor, although it often was difficult to distinguish between the two by skin color. White Moor tribes and clans, many of whom were dark-skinned after centuries of intermarriage with Berbers and sub-Saharan African groups, dominated positions in government and business. The Black Moor subgroup remained politically and economically weaker than the White Moor subgroup. Concentrated in the south, the Halpulaar (the largest non-Moor group), the Wolof, and the Soninke ethnic groups were underrepresented in the military and security sectors. The constitution designates Arabic as the official language and Arabic, Pulaar, Soninke, and Wolof as the country's national languages; however, successive governments--both civil and military--have pursued various policies of "Arabization" in the schools and in the workplace. Ethnic rivalry significantly contributed to political divisions and tensions. Some political parties tended to have readily identifiable ethnic bases, although political coalitions among them were increasingly important. Black Moors and Afro-Mauritanians are also underrepresented in mid to high-level public and private sector jobs.” (USDOS, 8. März 2006, Section 5)
In seiner Background Note zu Mauretanien erwähnt das USDOS, dass es eine Spaltung zwischen jenen gebe, die Mauretanien als arabisches Land betrachteten (vor allem Mauren) und jenen, die eine dominierende Rolle von Völkern der Subsahara anstrebten. Dieser Konflikt sei in der Gewalt zwischen den Gemeinschaften im April 1989 sichtbar geworden, habe aber seither nachgelassen. Die Spannung zwischen diesen Sichtweisen seien bestehen geblieben, es gebe aber auch eine bedeutende Anzahl von Angehörigen beider Gruppen, die eine diverse, pluralistische Gesellschaft anstrebten:
“Moors reacted to this change by trying to Arabicize much of Mauritanian life, such as law and language. A schism developed between those who considered Mauritania to be an Arab country (mainly Moors) and those who sought a dominant role for the Sub-Saharan peoples. The discord between these two conflicting visions of Mauritanian society was evident during intercommunal violence that broke out in April 1989 (the "1989 Events"). It has since subsided. However, the tension between these two visions remains. A significant number from both groups, however, seeks a more diverse, pluralistic society.” (USDOS, April 2006)
Tätigkeit von Organisationen
In einem Artikel zur Armut in Mauretanien erwähnt BBC im September 2005 das Internationale Komitee des Roten Kreuzes, das ein Ernährungszentrum betreibe. Auch die Hilfsorganisation World Vision wird zitiert, die Nahrungsmittelhilfe im Rahmen des United Nations World Food Programme leiste:
"Chronic malnutrition is a big problem here," says Mohamed Barou of the International Committee of the Red Cross, which runs the feeding centre. [...] Aid agency World Vision report that farmers in the south-east have already sold precious livestock for food, after locusts wiped out last year's harvest. Now they are living on credit against this year's harvest. The price of basic food has also shot. Camel milk, rice and a kilo of ground bone (meat is too expensive), have all doubled in price since last year. This means that even when rural families leave the parched fields for the well-stocked shops of the capital, they can't afford to feed themselves. But this does not count as an emergency, when severe malnutrition takes hold. Measured this way, Mauritania is doing well. Although aid workers say one out of three children brought to the therapeutic feeding centres and hospitals are dying, malnutrition is only found in pockets and as yet, the numbers are not high enough to warrant the attention of the television cameras. Besides, the United Nations World Food Programme says the situation in Mauritania is under control. [...] The WFP has been able to hand out food aid through partner organisations such as World Vision for months now, protecting an estimated 1 million from hunger. That's more than a third of Mauritania's entire population. But when the "pockets of severe malnutrition" disappear, so too will the emergency aid and yet the situation in Mauritania will not be under control. Families will still fall into debt because of failed crops, they will still find basic foods beyond their reach in the capital, and malnutrition and cholera will still prey on their children. In the cholera-infected slum, Sidi Hamoud tells me stiffly that "Praise be to Allah," he has "no problems", although we both know he could choose from a wide variety. The truth is that a crisis situation has become difficult to identify, even for Mauritanians. Thanks to grinding poverty, death from curable disease is part of everyday life.” (BBC, 8. September 2005)
Das USDOS nennt in seinem Bericht vom März 2006 die Noura Foundation und der UN Children's Fund in Zusammenarbeit mit der CARITAS als Organisationen, die  in Gefängnissen arbeiteten, das Internationale Komitee des Roten Kreuzes habe Zugang zu den Gefängnissen und habe Besuche durchgeführt:
“The women's prison employed both male and female guards. Children of female prisoners remained with their mothers, or the Ministry of Justice gave temporary custody of the children to another family member. The Noura Foundation, an NGO working in the prisons, provided education and domestic training to the female prisoners. UN Children's Fund, in collaboration with the Catholic NGO CARITAS and the Noura Foundation, provided services such as job training, gardening instruction, and sport activities in the juvenile detention center. Pretrial detainees in all detention facilities were frequently held with convicted prisoners as a result of overcrowding. The former and transitional governments permitted prison visits by NGOs, diplomats, and international human rights observers. During the year foreign diplomats visited some prisons during the year. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) had access to prisons and conducted multiple prison visits during the year. The ICRC visited prisoners both before and after the August 3 coup. By year's end their findings were not reported.” (USDOS, 8. März 2006, Section 1.c)
Das USDOS erwähnt auch, dass das Gesetz die Versammlungsfreiheit vorsehe, die früheren Regierungen und die Übergangsregierung das Recht auf Versammlungsfreiheit jedoch eingeschränkt und die Anstrengungen von NGOs beschnitten hätten, indem sie ihnen die offizielle Anerkennung verweigerten. Die frühere Regierung habe drei Menschenrechts-NGOs anerkannt. Ein weites Spektrum an NGOs, viele von ihnen regierungskritisch, würden offen arbeiten, öffentliche Stellungnahmen abgeben und ihre Führung frei wählen. Die Regierungen hätten trotz fehlender Anerkennung ihre Funktion nicht eingeschränkt:
“The law provides for freedom of association; however, the former and transitional governments limited this right in practice and circumscribed the efforts of some groups by denying them official recognition. The former government recognized three human rights NGOs but refused to recognize the major political party, The Party of Democratic Convergence (PDC) (see section 4). In October the transitional government also refused recognition to the PDC. In December the transitional government recognized the political party, Democratic Renewal. All political parties must register with the Ministry of the Interior. Organized political parties (29 under the former government and 30 under the transitional government) and a wide array of NGOs, many of them highly critical of the former government, functioned openly, issued public statements, and chose their own leadership. The former and transitional governments did not grant certain NGOs official standing but did not prevent them from functioning (see section 4). Groups were often refused recognition under laws which prohibited the formation of racially or religious-based organizations. These laws were used by the former and transitional governments to ban Islamist political parties.” (USDOS, 8. März 2006, Section 2.b)
Mehrere nationale und internationale Menschenrechtsgruppen würden generell ohne Einschränkungen durch die Regierung operieren, so das USDOS weiter in seinem Bericht. Die Mauritanian League for Human Rights sei die älteste Menschenrechtsgruppe, sie sei von der Regierung anerkannt und habe die Politik früherer Regierungen verteidigt. Im Mai 2005 habe die frühere Regierung die Mauritanian Association for Human Rights, die International Study and Research Group on Democracy and Economic and Social Development in Africa, sowie die NGO SOS-Esclaves anerkannt, deren Präsident ein Kritiker der Regierung gewesen sei:
“Several domestic and international human rights groups generally operated without government restriction, investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Former and transitional government officials were somewhat cooperative and responsive to their views. The former government officially recognized three NGOs but refused recognition of several others and denied them the ability to deal with government officials, as well as the opportunity to request government assistance. There were four NGOs concerned with overall human rights issues. The oldest was the Mauritanian League for Human Rights, a government-recognized body with a strong track record of defending former government policies. In May the former government recognized the Mauritanian Association for Human Rights, the International Study and Research Group on Democracy and Economic and Social Development in Africa, and anti-slavery NGO SOS-Esclaves. SOS Esclaves' president, Boubacar Ould Messaoud, had been a longstanding and vocal critic of the former government, and the recognition of this and the other two NGOs was seen as a significant positive step by the former government. In August 2004 the UN-based Committee for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination reported that slavery, FGM, and racial discrimination remained ongoing problems in the country.” (USDOS, 8. März 2006, Section 4)
Amnesty International (AI) berichtet in seinem Jahresbericht vom Mai 2006 ebenfalls von der Anerkennung der NGOs SOS Esclaves und der Mauritanian Human Rights Association durch die Regierung:
“Several Mauritanian non-governmental organizations (NGOs), including SOS Esclaves and the Mauritanian Human Rights Association, were officially recognized in June. Although recognized by international human rights bodies, including the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, these and several other NGOs had remained illegal for years under Mauritanian law and had operated with great difficulty.” (AI, 23. Mai 2006) 
Diese Informationen beruhen auf einer zeitlich begrenzten Recherche in öffentlich zugänglichen Dokumenten, die ACCORD derzeit zur Verfügung stehen. Diese Antwort stellt keine Meinung zum Inhalt eines bestimmten Ansuchens um Asyl oder anderen internationalen Schutz dar. Wir empfehlen, die verwendeten Materialien zur Gänze durchzusehen.
Quellen:
Situation der arabischen Volksgruppe, Maßnahmen der Regierung
Tätigkeit von Organisationen