INTRODUCTION

This Extended Response to Information Request is based on interviews conducted in Moscow in May and June 1999 on the situation of Jews in Russia. Some information has been added from documentary evidence that was available in Moscow at the time of the interviews. The interviewees represent secular and religious viewpoints and include individuals from groups designed to assist Jewish emigration as well as organizations that aim to strengthen Jewish culture and presence in Russia. A representative of the country's Human Rights Commission also provided information on that organization's work in this area. Individuals from two broadly-mandated human rights organizations indicated that the situation of Jews in Russia is not a current issue for them (Petrov 20 May 1999; Podrobinek 31 May 1999).

Several interviewees made comments about the context within which the issue of Russia's Jewish population should be examined. First, some sources cited the country's poor economic conditions as creating a climate that, in general, allows human rights abuses to be perpetrated (Civic Assistance Committee n.d., 1-2; Terlitsky 18 May 1999; Goldschmid 17 May 1999; Golenpolsky 25 May 1999). William Smirnov, a member of the Presidential Human Rights Commission, stated that these concerns are so acute that violations of the social and economic rights of Russians have been the focus of the commission's recent work (18 June 1999).

Official figures stated that prior to August 1998, when the government defaulted on its international loans and allowed the ruble to devalue substantially, 22 per cent of the population lived below the poverty line; now that figure has increased significantly, according to the non-governmental organization, Civic Assistance Committee (n.d., 1-2). Tancred Golenpolsky, editor of The Jewish Gazette, stated that the country was becoming "pauperized," particularly in the provinces; Moscow, he pointed out, has an extremely high percentage of all the money circulating in Russia (25 May 1999). Pensions for the country's ageing population are somewhat less than 380 rubles per month; a Russian who, prior to the August 1998 financial crisis was making the equivalent of US$65 would now be earning less than US$20 (ibid.). Furthermore, people in the provinces might receive their pensions only once every three or four months. Salaried individuals frequently receive their pay on a sporadic basis (ibid.).

Tancred Golenpolsky also pointed out that politically-motivated anti-Semitism in Moscow and "street anti-Semitism" in other parts of the country are, first and foremost, products of these poor economic conditions and are not based on religious issues (ibid.).

Second, some interviewees emphasized that the situation of Russia's Jewish community is wide open to subjective interpretation and that there is no definitive analysis of its conditions (ibid.; Steiner 19 May 1999; Terlitsky 18 May 1999). Leonard Terlitsky, of the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society (HIAS), summarized the situation by stating that individuals disagree about the balance of the two sides to Jewish communal life in contemporary Russia: the substantial advances in grassroots communal institutions, both secular and religious, and the ongoing conditions that have led Jews to emigrate in the hundreds of thousands in the last 10 years (ibid.). In his view, there are those who are willing to stay and build their lives in Russia and those who feel that the conditions of fear of the future have not changed (ibid.).

POLITICAL ANTI-SEMITISM

Nationalist and Extremist Groups

Leonard Terlitsky referred to an "ideological vacuum" in Russia that is being filled by nationalism (18 May 1999; see also Golenpolsky 25 May 1999). This nationalism is fuelled by disappointment with the level of help Russia has received from the West as well as the ongoing economic and political crises (ibid.).

According to Evgeni Proshechkin of the Moscow Anti-Fascist Centre, there are between 200 and 250 extremist groups in Russia, with nearly 30 of them present in Moscow, covering any number of points of view (2 June 1999). See the IRB Issue Paper, The Russian Federation: Situation of Jews (August 1998) for additional information about extremist groups.

The most prominent extremist group, according to sources, is the Russian National Unity Party (RNE), led by Alexander Barkashov (ibid.; Terlitsky 18 May 1999). According to Terlitsky, the RNE claims to have 60 branch organizations; he was unaware of their membership size, stating that such groups tend to overestimate their enrolment (ibid.). Their membership is young, generally below 35-40 years of age (ibid.). The organization is rigidly structured and highly disciplined and has set up paramilitary training camps (ibid.; Golenpolsky 25 May 1999). Its members have shaved heads and wear battle fatigues or black uniforms with red armbands with swastika-like symbols on them (ibid.; Goldschmid 17 May 1999).

Several interviewees stated that the people who join these groups are disaffected youth who see no hope for the future and are looking for some way to add meaning to their lives (Terlitsky 18 May 1999; Lazar 7 June 1999; Goldschmid 17 May 1999). Terlitsky stated that such organizations are particularly appealing for young people who live "in one-factory towns, where the factories have closed" and as a result, have limited choices (18 May 1999). Golenpolsky stated that the RNE recruits wisely and virtually acts as surrogate parents for some vulnerable young people, such as Russian orphans from Grozny (25 May 1999). The RNE was recently banned in Moscow (Goldschmid 17 May 1999; Terlitsky 18 May 1999). In late 1998, the Moscow government refused to allow the RNE to hold a planned conference in the city (ibid.). The RNE then threatened to bring 150,000 people to the capital to demonstrate its strength, at which time the municipal government revoked the organization's Moscow registration under the pretext that it was a local organization that was planning national events (ibid.). The party had been registered in Moscow for five years (ibid.). Some sources viewed the Moscow mayor's banning of the RNE, either as a positive first step, if insufficient to address the problem of extremism (Goldschmid 17 May 1999), or as the act of a politically-astute populist (Golenpolsky 25 May 1999).

Evgeni Proshechkin stated that since the ban, it has become more difficult for the RNE to operate in Moscow (2 June 1999); according to Terlitsky, its members are no longer visible on the city streets (18 May 1999). Terlitsky stated that prior to the ban, the RNE had patrolled the city's parks to maintain public order, but now he believes it will go underground and continue to organize (ibid.).

According to Proshechkin, the level of extremism in the country has stayed the same or increased marginally (2 June 1999). These groups are making efforts to gain support within the army, the militia and the government, he added (ibid.).

William Smirnov stated that recently there have been increased efforts by extremist groups and other politicians to use anti-Semitism as a political tool, but that in his view, these efforts have not received much support from the population (18 June 1999).

The Anti-Fascist Centre counted 157 extremist newspapers in Russia in 1993 and Proshechkin stated that their number has increased since then (2 June 1999). The most extreme papers-those, for example, that call for a "Russian Orthodox Hitler" or positively profile the Ku Klux Klan-have recently become harder to find in Moscow (ibid.). Although people used to sell them openly, now they tend to sell them discreetly and only in one or two places in the city (ibid.). These most extreme papers do not have a very wide readership (ibid.; Lokshina 25 May 1999). However, other more mainstream papers, such as Soviet Russia, Pravda and Zaftra, print "articles along the same lines, although less extreme" (Proshechkin 2 June 1999).

William Smirnov and Evgeni Proshechkin stated that what sets these groups apart in a country like Russia is their ability to influence political behaviour, either now or in the future (18 June 1999; 2 June 1999). According to Smirnov, the danger of these groups lies in their potential ability to politically destabilize the country if it becomes more fractured and economically unstable (18 June 1999). Proshechkin stated that these groups have immediate influence, with some political leaders occasionally showing sympathy with their ideas or their members (2 June 1999). It is more likely that someone from one of these groups might eventually get elected (ibid.).

Anti-Semitism is often a common thread in the rhetoric of extremist groups (ibid.). Proshechkin is convinced that Jews are more hurt by this type of extremist propaganda than other people, and that anyone who wishes to act violently against Jews somehow feels protected because of the mass media (ibid.). However, he is of the opinion that the presence of these groups is a general danger to all members of society, regardless of ethnicity (ibid.). As a result, his group focuses on political manifestations and effects of extremism, rather than individual acts of ethnic violence (ibid.). He added that, of course, there are problems of violence, but that ethnic violence occurs in all societies (ibid.).

According to Rabbi Berel Lazar, Chief Rabbi of the Marina Roshcha Synagogue which is affiliated with the Federation of Jewish Communities (FJC), there appears to be little effort to curb the activities of these groups (7 June 1999). They are permitted to organize gatherings and there is no censorship of their published material (ibid.).

Krasnodar Region

Several sources refer to Krasnodar Region as having a particular problem with extremist politics (Terlitsky 18 May 1999; Smirnov 18 June 1999; Proshechkin 2 June 1999). Governor Nikolai Kondratenko, a leader with clear nationalist views, was elected leader of the region in 1993 with 80 per cent support of the electorate (ibid.; Diagnosis Dec. 1997, 6-7). According to Diagnosis, residents in some parts of the region state that "the regional government has ...assigned policing functions to elements of extreme nationalist sentiment." (ibid., 7). Diagnosis reports that the main targets of the extremist movement in Krasnodar are Chechens and Meskhetian Turks followed by Armenians (ibid.). "Though more is said of the Zionist conspiracy than any other, in reality these narrow-minded people have paid little attention to the Jews" (ibid.). According to Proshechkin, Kondratenko's supporters have been disseminating a document called Catechism of the Jews in Russia that is similar to the Protocols of the Elders of Zion (2 June 1999). Proshechkin stated that they have taken control of the mass media and disseminate xenophobic views; those newspapers that tried to speak out against Kondratenko have been "silenced" by the governor and it is becoming harder for them to publish (ibid.).

Other regions of concern include Voronezh and Orel as well as the area near the Ukraine border (ibid.). These regions, as well as Krasnodar, Bryansk and Volgograd are part of what Lazar referred to a "red belt" where Communists are particularly influential (7 June 1999).

Relationship to the Jewish Community

According to three interviewees, anti-Semitism in Russia is often more a political tool or view than an attitude related to one's ethnicity (Golenpolsky 25 May 1999; Proshechkin 2 June 1999; Spectre 11 June 1999); any political opponent can be labelled as a 'Zionist' or a 'Jew' (ibid.; Proshechkin 2 June 1999). For example, Mayor Samolenko of the city of Krasnodar, who is not Jewish, and who opposed Governor Kondratenko, was called a Zionist by the governor (ibid.; Spectre 11 June 1999). Boris Yeltsin has been called a Jew by his opponents (Proshechkin 2 June 1999; Spectre 11 June 1999). Some interviewees discussed anecdotally hearing terms like "fascist", "Jew" and "communist" being used interchangeably at extremist gatherings (Golenpolsky 25 May 1999; Steiner 19 May 1999; Lazar 7 June 1999).

Extremists are considered more specifically anti-democratic than anti-Jewish by several interviewees (Golenpolsky 25 May 1999; Spectre 11 June 1999; Proshechkin 2 June 1999). According to Roman Spectre, vice-president of the Federation of Jewish Communities and Organizations of Russia, and chairman of the Russian Congress of National Minorities, anti-Semitic slogans do not necessarily target the Jewish population, but the country's current democratic leaders (11 June 1999). For example, in January 1999, Communist duma deputy, Viktor Ilyukhin said at President Yeltsin's impeachment hearings that Yeltsin's liberal reforms would not have been able to create such a terrible situation for the Russian people if his inner circle had included main ethnic groups and not just Jews (HRWF 6 Jan. 1999).

In discussing the extent to which the actions of extremist groups are directed at or pose a specific danger to the Jewish community, Rabbi Lazar stated that many of these groups are against Jews, but also against many other minorities: he added that the RNE was fascist, nationalist and anti-Semitic; "I wouldn't say they were more a threat to the Jews than to [other minorities such as] the Chechens [but] the Jews are also being threatened by them" (7 June 1999).

Skinheads

Diagnosis reported in June 1998 that the Ministry of the Interior claimed there are approximately 5-6,000 skinheads in Moscow (June 1998c, 12). The movement's leaders are roughly 25 years old and have been skinheads for about a decade (ibid.). They are known as the "Lyubertsy brigade" (ibid.). The country's most powerful skinhead groups are reportedly in Moscow, Krasnoyarsk, Tomsk, Irkutsk and Vladivostok (ibid. June 1998b, 12). Moscow's largest groups are the Skinhead Legion and the Russian branch of Blood and Honour, an international group (ibid.). Skinheads which are located in the capital are the best organized group (ibid.).

Anti-Semitism and Elected Politicians

Roman Spectre stated that political leaders began making public anti-Semitic statements approximately two years ago, just at the point when observers had thought that they had seen the end of state-sponsored anti-Semitism; he also stated that public anti-Semitic statements are a result of the new democratic forces in the country (11 June 1999). Spectre cited the well-documented examples of Communist duma deputy, Albert Makashov and Krasnodar Region Governor Kondratenko, and stated that some lesser-known state bureaucrats also made similar comments (ibid.). At that time, Jewish leaders immediately signed a statement condemning these sorts of comments and requested and received official statements of condemnation from President Yeltsin and leaders of other religious denominations (ibid.).

Rabbi Lazar pointed out that some people use anti-Semitism to make a political name for themselves; they blame Jews for the economic woes of the country because such anti-Semitic statements get a lot of media attention and they can be in the spotlight for weeks at a time (7 June 1999). Golenpolsky also noted that incidents such as duma deputy, Albert Makashov's anti-Semitic comments in late 1998 in the legislature were aired repeatedly on television (25 May 1999). Lazar also pointed out that others have criticized Makashov's comments, thereby getting their own names in the news (7 June 1999).

December 1999 Duma Elections

Duma elections are scheduled to be held in December 1999 and several interviewees indicated that anti-Semitic rhetoric might increase in an effort to win votes (Lokshina 25 May 1999; Lazar 7 June 1999; Terlitsky 18 May 1999; Steiner 19 May 1999). Michael Steiner, Director of the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee, stated that the communists will probably try to make an election issue out of their ability to fight Jewish control of the economy (ibid.). He pointed out that duma elections are regional elections and are not always logical (ibid.). Lazar suggested that realistically anti-Semitic rhetoric might not sway many voters (7 June 1999). He pointed out that Vladimir Zhirinovsky, leader of the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia, was very anti-Semitic for a while, but toned it down when he realized that it did not win him many votes (ibid.). Tanya Lokshina, director of the Moscow Office of the Union of Councils of Soviet Jews (UCSJ), and public representative of the Moscow Helsinki Group, also pointed out that there is pressure from the international community and local organizations every time people like Makashov and Ilyukhin make anti-Semitic statements (25 May 1999). Sometimes, these people do react to the pressure and restrain their public comments (ibid.). Even Communist Party leader, Gennady Zhuganov, has made some efforts to distance himself from the strong anti-Semitic statements made by some Communist Party members (ibid.). Both Lokshina and Terlitsky felt that Albert Makashov, for example, has toned his rhetoric down a bit of late (ibid.; 18 May 1999), although Terlitsky pointed out that he has never been publicly censured (ibid.).

According to Terlitsky, the RNE leader, Barkashov, claims that the group hopes to run candidates in the December 1999 duma elections (18 May 1999). Both Terlitsky and Proshechkin suggested that it would be unlikely that RNE members would win outright (ibid.; Proshechkin 2 June 1999), but, as Terlitsky pointed out, the electoral laws are confusing, and it is possible that RNE members will run as part of some other registered political organization and there could be 'disguised RNEs' in the next parliament (18 May 1999). Proshechkin also suggested that RNE members might win seats under the communist banner (2 June 1999).

RECENT ACTS AGAINST PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS

In early May 1999, bombs exploded near two of Moscow's most prominent synagogues: the Choral Synagogue and the Marina Roshcha Synagogue (Lokshina 25 May 1999; Golenpolsky 25 May 1999; Lazar 7 June 1999; Goldschmid 17 May 1999). The bombs were planted near, but not in, the synagogues and caused no damage to the buildings (ibid.; Lokshina 25 May 1999; Golenpolsky 25 May 1999; Lazar 7 June 1999) The Marina Roshcha Synagogue has been the subject of several attacks, including arson in 1994, a bombing in 1996 that caused minor damage, and a bomb explosion in May 1998 that caused serious property damage (ibid.; Goldschmid 17 May 1999). Mendel Goldschmid of the Federation of Jewish Communities of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) stated that this is a very active synagogue and has been the heart of the capital's Jewish community for decades (ibid.).

The motives behind and possible perpetrators of the attacks were the subject of discussion with interviewees; police efforts have not yet led to arrests. Several individuals were of the opinion that the bombs were purposely planted too far from the synagogues to do any real damage, probably to scare people or serve as a "reminder" (Lokshina 25 May 1999; Steiner 19 May 1999; Golenpolsky 25 May 1999). Both Tancred Golenpolsky and Rabbi Lazar were surprised that the perpetrators were not willing to place the bomb inside the synagogue, or, apparently, to actually kill anyone (ibid.; Lazar 7 June 1999).

Rabbi Lazar and Michael Steiner pointed out that they were not aware of any instances of massive damage or loss of life in anti-Semitic attacks (ibid.; 19 May 1999). Rabbi Lazar felt that this indicated that there was an apparent limit to the extent to which the perpetrators' anti-Semitism would go (7 June 1999). Steiner's interpretation, however, suggested that there are political forces with a goal of maintaining a status quo in the level of insecurity or a "permanent ambiguity" within the Jewish community (19 May 1999).

Some interviewees felt that it seems highly likely that there was some organization behind the synagogue bombings (Golenpolsky 25 May 1999; Steiner 19 May 1999). Steiner was of the opinion that the bombs were likely placed by young people at the initiative of small- or medium-sized groups of extremists who are supported and driven by political agendas (ibid.).

Rabbi Lazar, however, felt that the bombing was likely the work of "only kids fooling around," although he added that it might be possible that the person who prepared the explosives might have been more "professional" (7 June 1999). Lazar pointed out that bombs have exploded at other non-Jewish targets, such as near the Federal Security Service (FSB) office and at an Intourist hotel in central Moscow in April 1999 (ibid.; RFE/RL 27 Apr. 1999). A bomb was found but defused at a Moscow furniture store on 20 July 1999 ( Nezavisimaya Gazeta 21 July 1999).

A non-activated bomb was found in the building that houses the Federation of Jewish Communities and Organizations of Russia and the Shalom Theatre, on 18 May 1999 (Kommersant 14 July 1999a; Spectre 11 June 1999). The vice president of that organization, Roman Spectre, thought it had probably been there for awhile but he was not certain that it was an anti-Semitic statement (ibid.).

On 8 March 1999, a Novosibirsk synagogue was vandalized, with furniture broken and the words [translation] "Zhids get out of Russia" written on the walls (Nezavisimaya Gazeta 10 Mar. 1999). The home of the city's mayor was also defaced (ibid.).

Tancred Golenpolsky stated that the weekly newspaper, The Jewish Gazette, is not carried in some kiosks, because some kiosk owners are afraid that their windows will be broken, as has happened in the past (25 May 1999). He also pointed that the distributor, Moscow News, will carry The Jewish Gazette in many of their kiosks, but not the ones by its own front doors (ibid.).

ABUSES AGAINST INDIVIDUALS

On 13 July 1999, a young man entered Moscow's Choral Synagogue and repeatedly stabbed a Jewish community leader who was taken to hospital in serious condition (Kommersant 14 July 1999b, 1-2; Nezavisimaya Gazeta 14 July 1999, 2). The attacker was arrested at the scene (ibid.; Kommersant 14 July 1999b, 1-2) and later charged with attempted murder (Nezavisimaya Gazeta 15 July 1999). Newspaper reports state that the attacker was shouting to the effect that there are 50 (or 60) thousand of "them" and that "they" would not rest until they had killed all Jews (Kommersant 14 July 1999b, 1-2; Nezavisimaya Gazeta 14 July 1999, 2).

At the time of the attack, the building was being guarded, but the attacker was not stopped when he entered the building (ibid.). After the May bombings of the synagogues, the Moscow police and city government had stated that they would improve the security of the city's synagogues and other Jewish community buildings (ibid.; Nezavisimaya Gazeta 15 July 1999, 2; Kommersant 14 July 1999b, 1-2).

Izvestiya referred to the police reaction to the event as "impassive" and stated that, contrary to witnesses' statements, the police's preliminary report stated that there had been no anti-Semitic statements (14 July 1999, 3). Izvestiya also reported that according to the police statement, the stabbing had been the result of a quarrel, although the police report did not suggest the reason for the attack (14 July 1999, 3).

The attacker, who was carrying several knives, stated that his original intention had been to set the synagogue on fire (Kommersant 14 July 1999b, 2). Police found containers of gasoline near the synagogue (ibid.). The following day, the attacker stated that he had not intended to murder anyone and that his attack was meant to be a political act to draw attention to [translation] "the genocide of Russians by Jews" (ibid., 15 July 1999). He did not refer to being a member of any organization (ibid.).

In another incident, on 13 May 1998, a rabbi was beaten in a Moscow metro station and verbally abused with anti-Semitic threats (Diagnosis June 1998a, 4). The assaulters were arrested at the scene (ibid.). No additional information was available to the Research Directorate at the time of publication.

Most of the interviewees, who had been interviewed before the July 1999 stabbing incident, stated that there are cases of Jews suffering physical assault or personal harm. Mendel Goldschmid indicated that at the Federation of Jewish Communities, a team of lawyers, working throughout Russia on various issues, have received "many" complaints of anti-Semitism in the course of their work, but did not provide further details (17 May 1999). Rabbi Lazar also stated that in his work, he has known of "many" cases of Jews being beaten up, harassed or robbed and even cases where Jews have been killed in their apartments (7 June 1999). He pointed out, however, that it has never been proven that these things happen because they were Jews (ibid.). He stated that it is possible that these are anti-Semitic incidents, and it is also possible that there are different motives behind them as well (ibid.). Michael Steiner said that there are cases of attacks on individuals-generally beatings-such as youth groups beating boys in the capital (19 May 1999). When asked whether such events happened more often to Jewish children than to others, he said likely not, but that the Jewish community was very sensitive to such occurrences (ibid.).

According to Lokshina, the situation of personal abuses used to be much more severe than it is now (25 May 1999). She also believes that conditions in Moscow are more favourable than elsewhere (ibid.). She stated that she personally does not feel threatened on the streets because of her ethnicity, but adds that "things can [still] happen" (ibid.). However she believes that there is not that much anti-Jewish aggression in Moscow" (ibid.). Rabbi Lazar, an orthodox rabbi, stated that he does not feel anti-Semitism in the street, nor from neighbours (7 June 1999). He felt that after the May 1998 bombing at his synagogue, people from the wider community were very supportive toward the Jewish community (7 June 1999).

Tancred Golenpolsky stated that "there is, there was and there will be" anti-Semitism in Moscow that manifests itself in "overt statements, slogans, demonstrations" (25 May 1999). In Moscow, at least, there is a limit to expressions of anti-Semitism and the situation has not reached the point where individuals are generally subject to violent attacks (ibid.).

Personal Effects of Anti-Semitism and Popular Attitudes

Tancred Golenpolsky and Rabbi Lazar made similar points about the overall effects of existing anti-Semitism. Golenpolsky said that anti-Semitism unquestionably exists, and therefore a person can be harmed by it, not necessarily because of some general anti-Semitic action, but a whole family could be hurt in an incident caused by one "idiot" (25 May 1999). Rabbi Lazar said that it is not necessarily easy for a Jew to live in Russia and that "some people might be having a very, very hard time," but that it is not a situation where there is an all-out effort to rid the country of its Jewish population (7 June 1999). Both men also pointed out that it is no longer the case that people are arrested or unable to attend university or obtain employment because they are Jewish (ibid.; Golenpolsky 25 May 1999).

According to Steiner, political anti-Semitism or acts of vandalism do not really affect daily life, but do affect the medium-term plans of young Jewish adults (20-40 years of age) who might be making decisions about whether to stay in Russia (19 May 1999). He stated that these conditions create a difficult situation; anti-Semitic acts might not be seen as a reason to leave Russia, but they are certainly not reasons that would encourage young adults to build a future in the country (ibid.).

Roman Spectre is of the opinion that individuals do not make connections between anti-Semitic rhetoric and Jews in the street, their friends and neighbours (11 June 1999). He said that people who need images to hate and who think their enemies are Jews, do not necessarily equate their neighbours with the "enemy" (ibid.). They make a distinction between their Jewish friends, with whom they work and drink, and Jews and the Jewish Lobby in Washington or Paris who, they believe, are trying to influence their lives (ibid.).

Evgeni Proshechkin felt that the Russian population perceives Jews as enemies, even though they cannot necessarily always identify them on the street (2 June 1999). Terlitsky was of the view that Jews are both tolerated and hated more by the population as of late. (18 May 1999). Rabbi Lazar does not believe that Russia is any more or less anti-Semitic than any other country in the world (7 June 1999).

William Smirnov believes that people are becoming aware through the mass media and education that anti-Semitism is not legitimate (18 June 1999). At the same time, people are desperate to find a scapegoat to blame for their difficult financial circumstances (ibid.). He believes that people may make anti-Semitic statements, but since they only half-believe in these statements, they are not willing to actually commit violence (ibid.). He stressed, however, that this situation should not be underestimated and that the Human Rights Commission writes a great deal about this issue (ibid.).

Michael Steiner suggested that 90 per cent of Jews in Russia are not identifiable in any way; he was not certain how people who, in no way, identify themselves as Jewish could be recognized as such (19 May 1999). He felt that it was simply another form of anti-Semitism to say that Jews are 'just known'; there is no clear-cut distinction between Jews and Russians (ibid.). Proshechkin indicated that, for example, there are no Jewish quarters in Moscow and St. Petersburg, the way there are in cities like Paris (2 June 1999). According to him, however, this lack of a visible Jewish community only proves that the anti-Semitism that does exist is more political than ethnic (ibid.).

Rabbi Lazar pointed out that when his organization sends out information, it is mailed in plain envelopes; otherwise, it is his perception that 80 per cent of the current recipients would not want to receive them. He believes that people are afraid to be targeted as Jews (7 June 1999). He believes that many people think it would not be "100 per cent safe" to be openly Jewish (ibid.). This is especially true in the "red belt" of Communist-dominated areas: Krasnodar, Voronezh, Bryansk and Volgograd (ibid.).

Outside Moscow

In Krasnodar, there have been numerous extremist meetings and dissemination of propaganda which has included the suggestion that 'zhids' should be killed (Proshechkin 2 June 1999). Proshechkin mentioned that at a Krasnodar University, a teacher who wrote an anti-xenophobic article was dismissed (ibid.).

Rabbi Lazar stated that individual complaints from outside the capital vary by region. He stated that "Jews are more edgy" in the "red belt" (7 June 1999). He does not think that one can say, however, that a Jew cannot live there (ibid.). Again, he was of the belief that when things happen, it is often the work of disaffected young people (ibid.). The Rabbinical Alliance has sent rabbis throughout the country where they have been warmly received by entire communities-even in the "red belt" areas like Volgograd, Bryansk, Smolensk, Novosibirsk-and have not been concerned for their own safety (ibid.).

Tancred Golenpolsky stated that anti-Semitism has begun to make itself felt in places where it had previously not existed, such as Siberian towns (25 May 1999). He provided an example of a doctor whose patients would no longer accept her services at a hospital because she is Jewish (ibid.). He also mentioned that this woman's home was later broken into, although one of the robbers, after recognizing her as someone who had once done him a favour, called off the robbery (ibid.). Golenpolsky did not believe this was an anti-Semitic act, stating that they broke into her house because they were hungry and needed money (ibid.). Golenpolsky stated that he was unaware of reports of violent incidents even outside the capital (ibid.).

Lack of Information about Abuses

All sources acknowledged that ascertaining the extent of anti-Semitic physical abuse is very difficult. They provided several reasons for a lack of information on the subject.

Some interviewees stated that people do not come forward to report abuses (Goldschmid 17 May 1999; Smirnov 18 June 1999; Lokshina 25 May 1999). Mendel Goldschmid stated that many communities are afraid to come forward when an anti-Semitic incident occurs (17 May 1999). On occasion, his organization finds out from other sources about an incident, but when the Jewish leaders are contacted, they will deny that there are problems (ibid.). Tanya Lokshina concurs, explaining that Jewish communities are very closed (25 May 1999). She stated that when the UCSJ distributed a questionnaire about anti-Semitic incidents to human rights groups in Russia, linked to a survey with the Moscow Helsinki Group, many groups did not report any incidents at all (ibid.). Many Jewish communities believe that if they are vocal, they could face a backlash from the community at large, while individuals are scared to make a disturbance (Goldschmid 17 May 1999). Tanya Lokshina also stated that sometimes individuals do not want to advertise the fact that they are Jewish for fear that they might expose themselves as a target (25 May 1999). William Smirnov agreed, stating that in his opinion, most people are not "psychologically ready" to report problems (18 June 1999). Goldschmid's organization has a database of reports of anti-Semitic incidents, but it is not public information (Goldschmid 17 May 1999).

As noted in section 2.3, there has been a lot of recent television criticism of anti-Semitism in the duma, which is welcomed by the Jewish community; at the same time, however, Golenpolsky believes that criticizing anti-Semitism can popularize it (25 May 1999). Lokshina also noted that when a human rights group which supports Mormons in Russia sent a letter to a Jewish community about an anti-Semitic publication being distributed, the local Jewish organization stated that it should be kept quiet (25 May 1999). They felt that making it public knowledge would encourage people to read it (ibid.).

Some sources pointed out that it is very often impossible to determine if someone is attacked or robbed specifically because they are Jewish (Steiner 19 May 1999; Lazar 7 June 1999; Golenpolsky 25 May 1999). Golenpolsky expressed doubt as well, for example, that the drawing of a swastika on someone's door is a personal affront (ibid.). He pointed out that youths see such activities in the media and copy them (ibid.). Michael Steiner stated that attacks on individuals are not usually covered in the press (19 May 1999).

THE AUGUST 1998 FINANCIAL CRISIS

Several interviewees noted that the August 1998 financial crisis provided another set of circumstances for which Jews could be blamed (Lazar 7 June 1999; Steiner 19 May 1999; Golenpolsky 25 May 1999). As Golenpolsky pointed out, people who have suffered economic loss as a result of the crisis might be more willing to believe the old cliché that "Jews are running the banks and the government" (ibid.). Rabbi Lazar also expressed similar comments (7 June 1999).

According to Proshechkin, while extremism has stayed at the same level for the last few years, he felt that perhaps recently, there has been a very slow increase in extremist activity because of the economic situation (2 June 1999). Terlitsky was of the opinion that there had been a certain increase in nationalist activity, rhetoric and violence, including desecrations of Jewish cemeteries and synagogue bombings, since the August 1998 financial crisis (18 May 1999). William Smirnov also believes that criminal violence has increased since the crisis (18 June 1999).

Several interviewees referred to a general fear or unease within the Jewish community (Lazar 7 June 1999; Terlitsky 18 May 1999; Smirnov 18 June 1999; Lokshina 25 May 1999), particularly in smaller towns or in rural areas (ibid.). The extent to which the fear is justified is subjective, according to Lazar (7 June 1999). Terlitsky and Lokshina stated that this fear has increased since the financial crisis (18 May 1999; 25 May 1999). Before that time, the economy and general social conditions had been relatively stable, but the unexpected crash put people on edge (ibid.). Lokshina said people of her acquaintance had been afraid of a major increase in anti-Jewish violence after the crisis, but that it did not occur (ibid.). She also mentioned a similar anxiety among Jews in the late 1980s and early 1990s, when extremist organizations were very visible and the economic situation was unstable (ibid.). At that time, the Jewish community also expected something violent to happen; similarly, this expectation was not fulfilled (ibid.).

Some interviewees expressed the view that Jews who have recently decided to leave or have already left Russia, in fact, probably made the decision a long time ago (ibid.; Steiner 19 May 1999). For many, there comes a point where one final, even apparently trivial, event prompts them to make the decision to leave (ibid.). There is a long-term build-up of issues until the decision to leave is made. The final issue is often not the only nor the principal reason for leaving, but becomes "the final straw" (ibid.). In Steiner's opinion, it is political events, not individual acts that cause Jews to leave (ibid.). Golenpolsky added that individual acts of abuse are not even necessary for Jews to make the decision to emigrate (25 May 1999).

Roman Spectre stated that recent academic and sociological investigations indicate that anti-Semitism is not the principal reason why people decide to leave (11 June 1999). The first reason is the country's political instability; the second is economic conditions; while in third place is anti-Semitism (ibid.). He also pointed out that young people are less likely to be affected by the threat of anti-Semitism than older people (ibid.). However, he added that when people arrive at their new destination, they will often say they left because of anti-Semitism (ibid.).

STATE RESPONSE TO ANTI-SEMITISM

Leonard Terlitsky believes that people are deliberately not charged or brought to trial under the decree against dissemination of fascist propaganda (18 May 1999). He was not aware of how many charges or trials have been brought forward under this decree; it is difficult to monitor the situation as trials and investigations are not covered in the media (ibid.). Terlitsky believes that the number of cases is limited because the people who commit such acts have many sympathizers within the country and their cases might therefore not be pursued. Furthermore, many cases are not pursued because law enforcement agencies are simply overloaded (ibid.). As noted above, the police have not found the perpetrators of any of the synagogue attacks in Moscow (Goldschmid 17 May 1999; Lazar 7 June 1999).

Tanya Lokshina stated that people in general have lost all trust in the police (25 May 1999). She added that someone who was the victim of a perceived anti-Semitic attack and who wanted to pursue it would probably turn to a human rights or Jewish organization rather than going to the prosecutor's office (ibid.). This is partially due to the general problems within the judicial system, as well as the difficulty in proving that an action or statement is anti-Semitic, even in the unlikely event that a prosecutor was willing to pursue a case. Mendel Goldschmid and Rabbi Lazar stated that lack of results on the part of the police are not necessarily the result of anti-Semitism (17 May 1999; 7 June 1999). Lazar believes that, while anti-Semitism exists and is an issue, "90 per cent of issues that people here claim to be anti-Semitic are really [due to a lack of] law and order" (ibid.). He stated that the real concern of Jews is not so much that young people disseminate extremist propaganda, but the fact that they probably will not be stopped by the police or, if they are stopped, that they can simply bribe their way out of trouble (ibid.).

According to Goldschmid, there is a need for clear laws banning anti-Semitic acts and fascist groups (17 May 1999). Terlitsky felt that the post-Soviet social, economic and legal reforms have been a general failure (18 May 1999). A number of laws that are necessary for a free market and open society have either not been adopted at all or have no implementation mechanism (ibid.). He also believes that there is no desire to enforce certain laws or that there is a perceived deliberate attempt not to enforce laws (ibid.).

Rabbi Lazar stated that the fact the government permits extremist groups to keep operating is the problem (7 June 1999). The longer they are allowed to operate openly, knowing no one will stop them, the stronger they become (ibid.).

While Goldschmid felt that the Russian government is generally understanding about this problem, he stated one of the biggest hindrances is a lack of resources (17 May 1999). The Moscow city government pledged money to help after the May 1998 synagogue bombing, but the funds were received after the August financial crisis and, therefore had diminished purchasing power and were not enough to fix the building (Lazar 7 June 1999).

Interviewees suggested several reasons that the government at large does not take clear action to address anti-Semitism or nationalist-extremist groups.

Lazar stated that politicians are afraid that if they do react more strongly against anti-Semitism, they will be accused of siding with the Jews and the communists will raise political opposition against them (ibid.).

Tanya Lokshina felt that anti-Semitism was somehow considered a "sensitive topic" in Russian society and that the authorities find it simply easier to ignore (25 May 1999).

Two sources suggested that the government might be deliberately trying not to stamp out extremism (Diagnosis June 1998b, 13; Steiner 19 May 1999). In Steiner's opinion, the mainstream might believe that is better to leave this situation at its current minimal level, and not create an issue by trying to severely or totally eliminate extremism (ibid.). Steiner feels that eliminating extremes in Russia may cause more damage than maintaining a low level of extremism (ibid.). Diagnosis suggested that the presence of these groups provides the leadership with a scapegoat and a ready-made political target (June 1998b, 13).

Leonard Terlitsky stated that some laws are deliberately not enforced because Russian "society is corrupt from top to bottom" (18 May 1999). In such a corrupt society, it is possible to buy one's way out of trouble (ibid.). He believes that the presidential decree against the dissemination of hate program has not been passed by the duma for political reasons (ibid.).

William Smirnov was of the opinion that human rights are simply not a high political priority (18 June 1999). At the moment, federal politicians are focused on the upcoming elections and building loyal coalitions among themselves (ibid.).

This Extended Response was prepared primarily on the basis of oral interviews conducted in the Russian Federation in May and June 1999. This Response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum.

NOTES ON SELECTED SOURCES

Mendel Goldschmid

Mendel Goldschmid is a representative of the Federation of Jewish Communities (FJC) of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), an organization set up by Jewish religious and secular leaders. It aims to rebuild Jewish communal infrastructure and publishes magazines, brochures, books and other Jewish reading material. It also distributes food and medical aid, provides support to community events and runs summer camps, retreats and educational seminars among other activities.

Tancred Golenpolsky

Tancred Golenpolsky is the editor of the weekly newspaper, The Jewish Gazette, and is also a member of the Russian Jewish Congress. The same publishing concern also publishes the occasional journal, Diagnosis.

Berel Lazar

Berel Lazar is the chief rabbi of the Marina Roshcha Synagogue in Moscow, which is affiliated with the Federation of Jewish Communities (FJC). This synagogue has been the site of several bomb and arson attacks in the past several years. Rabbi Lazar is also the chair of the Rabbinical Alliance, the rabbinical arm of the FJC of the Commonwealth of Independent States. There are over 50 rabbis in the Alliance and they keep in contact once a week either by way of conference calls or meetings.

Tanya Lokshina

At the time of the interview, Tanya Lokshina had just recently been appointed director of the Moscow Office of the Union of Council of Soviet Jews, an organization originally established to assist refuseniks leave the Soviet Union. At the present time, much of its information is gathered by way of press monitoring. Lokshina is also the public representative of the Moscow Helsinki Group.

Alexander Petrov

Alexander Petrov is the deputy director of the Moscow Office of Human Rights Watch.

Alexander Podrobinek

Alexander Podrobinek is the editor-in-chief of the Express-Chronicle, a weekly newspaper devoted to human rights issues.

Evgeni Proshechkin

Evgeni V. Proshechkin is the chairman of the Moscow Anti-Fascist Centre, which was established ten years ago. He was a member of the Moscow duma and is currently a member of the Expert Commission Against Political Extremism. The Anti-Fascist Centre issues publications, participates in court cases and takes part in public fora.

William Smirnov

William Smirnov is a member of the Presidential Commission on Human Rights specializing in political processes and the law. The commission is legally subordinated to the president and its main purpose is to assist the president to accomplish his constitutional duties in the human rights sphere, to monitor how laws are observed, establish what are the most urgent problems and what gaps exist in human rights protection. The commission is made up of 11 volunteer members and there are also regional commissions in 64 of the country's 89 regions.

Roman Spectre

Roman Spectre is vice-president of the Federation of Jewish Communities and Organizations of Russia (FJC), a secular umbrella organization that includes 350 groups across the country. He is also the chair of the Russian Congress of National Minorities, a national group that represents all of the country's extra-territorial groups.

Michael Steiner

Michael Steiner is director of the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee. Its main focus is providing assistance to those in need; approximately 80 per cent of its work is welfare-related. The remaining 20 per cent of its work focuses on support for Jewish community centres throughout the country as well as support for religious life and education.

Leonard Terlitsky

Leonard Terlitsky is the Moscow representative of the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society (HIAS). According to their mission statement, they "assist Jews whose lives and freedoms are endangered." HIAS is the "worldwide arm of the American Jewish community for the rescue, relocation, family reunification and resettlement of refugees and other migrants" (HIAS n.d., i). Between October 1996 and September 1997, HIAS assisted 16,000 individuals to leave the countries of the former Soviet Union (ibid., 4)

References

Civic Assistance Committee. No date. "Involuntary Migration in Russia; General Situation in the Field of Law and Social Protection."

Diagnosis. June 1998a. No. 2. "A Rabbi Beaten in Moscow."

_____. June 1998b. Arsen Rstaki. "Who Stands to Gain."

_____. June 1998c. Lev Vladimirov. "The First Bloodshed."

_____. December 1997. Georgy Lesskis. "A Chauvinist at the Helm in the Kremlin."

Goldschmid, Mendel. Federation of Jewish Communities of the Commonwealth of Independent States. Moscow. 17 May 1999. Personal interview.

Golenpolsky, Tancred. Editor of The Jewish Gazette and Member of the Russian Jewish Congress. Moscow. 25 May 1999. Personal interview.

Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society (HIAS). no date. HIAS Annual Report 1997. New York: HIAS.

Human Rights Without Frontiers (HRWF) [Brussels]. 6 January 1999. "Russia: Communist Targets Jews, Yeltsin." (World Evangelical Fellowship's Religious Liberty E-Mail Conference)

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_____. 14 July 1999a. "Antisemitskie aktsii v Moskve"

_____. 14 July 1999b. Sergei Topol'. "Reznya v sinagoge."

Lazar, Berel, Chief rabbi, Marina Roshcha Synagogue, which is affiliated with the Federation of Jewish Communities, and chairman of the Rabbinical Alliance, which is the rabbinical arm of the Federation of Jewish Communities. Moscow. 7 June 1999. Personal interview.

Lokshina, Tanya. Director of the Union of Councils of Soviet Jews's Moscow Office and public representative of the Moscow Helsinki Group. Moscow. 25 May 1999. Personal interview.

Nezavisimaya Gazeta [Moscow]. 21 July 1999. Anna Novosel'skaya. "B Mosskve predotvrashchen terakt."

_____. 15 July 1999. Anna Novosel'skaya. "B sinagogax usilyat okhranu."

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_____. 10 March 1999. Yurii Trigbovich. "Akt vandalizma v novosibirskoi sinagoge."

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Smirnov, William. Presidential Human Rights Commission. Moscow. 18 June 1999. Personal interview.

_____. 9 June 1999. Personal interview.

Spectre, Roman, Vice-president of the Federation of Jewish Communities and Organizations of Russia, and chairman of the Russian Congress of National Minorities. Moscow. 11 June 1999. Personal Interview.

Steiner, Michael. Director of the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee. Moscow. 19 May 1999. Personal interview.

Terlitsky, Leonard. Moscow Representativeof the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society (HIAS). Moscow. 18 May 1999. Personal interview.