20. Februar 2017

 

Die International Crisis Group (ICG), eine unabhängige, nicht profitorientierte Nicht-Regierungsorganisation, die mittels Informationen und Analysen gewaltsame Konflikte verhindern und lösen will, beschreibt die SPLM/A-N (Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army-North) als früheren nördlichen Zweig der SPLM/A (Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army), der nach der Unabhängigkeit des Südens eine eigenständige Bewegung wurde, die in Südkordofan und Blue Nile kämpfe. Ihr Anführer sei Malik Agar:

SPLM/A-N – (Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army-North), formerly the SPLM/A’s northern branch, it became a separate movement after Southern independence, fighting in South Kordofan and Blue Nile. With JEM [Justice and Equality Movement] and other rebel groups, it founded the SRF [Sudan Revolutionary Front] in 2011. Its chairman is Malik Agar. (ICG, 29. Jänner 2015, S. 30)

Die US-amerikanische Online-Zeitung International Business Times (IBTimes) mit Sitz in New York erwähnt in einem Artikel vom November 2016, dass die SPLM-N im Sudan im Jahr 2011 von ehemaligen Mitgliedern des Sudan People‘s Liberation Movement (SPLM) gegründet worden sei. Die SPLM sei mittlerweile die regierende Partei im Südsudan, die SPLM-N sei hingegen eine verbotene politische Partei und militante Organisation im Sudan. Die Gruppe, die das Regime im Sudan stürzen wolle, sei in den Regionen Südkordofan und Blue Nile aktiv:

„SPLM-N was created in 2011 by former members of the SPLM (Sudan People's Liberation Movement), now the ruling party of South Sudan. SPLM-N is now a banned political party and militant organisation in Sudan. The group, which aims to overthrow the current Sudanese government, is active in South Kordofan and neighbouring Blue Nile regions. SPLM-N is often accused by Khartoum of being involved in the current conflict in South Sudan, something the group strongly denies.” (IBTimes, 28. November 2016)

In einem Artikel der IBTimes vom Dezember 2016 wird ausgeführt, dass sich nach der Unabhängigkeit des Südsudan 2011 einige Mitglieder der SPLM neu gruppiert hätten. Sie hätten die SPLM-Nord (SPLM-N) gegründet und ihren Kampf gegen die sudanesische Regierung fortgesetzt. Die SPLM-N, die von der Regierung verboten worden sei und von ihr als Rebellengruppe betrachtet werde, habe seit ihrer Gründung 2011 sudanesische Kräfte in den Bundesstaaten Südkordofan und Blue Nile bekämpft. Im Juni 2016 habe die Regierung einen vier Monate langen Waffenstillstand erklärt, „um den bewaffneten Gruppen die Chance zu geben, sich dem Friedensprozess anzuschließen und die Waffen niederzulegen“. Der sudanesische Medienattaché in London habe erklärt, dass die SPLM-N, die mit den Rebellen in Darfur in Verbindung stünde, Friedensgespräche verweigern wolle, um die US-Sanktionen aufrecht zu erhalten:

„When in 2011 South Sudan broke away from Sudan becoming the world's newest nation following two decades of civil war, the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) emerged as the ruling party of the newly-born country. However, some members of the movement – whose armed wing, the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA), long fought for the autonomy of southern Sudan – did not relocate to the new state. Instead, they regrouped into the SPLM-North (SPLM-N) and continued their fight against the central government of Omar al-Bashir in Sudan. The SPLM-N – banned by the Sudanese government and branded as a rebel movement – has been fighting Sudanese forces in the Blue Nile and South Kordofan states since its very formation in 2011.

[...]In June 2016, Sudan declared a four-month ceasefire in Blue Nile and South Kordofan ‘to give the armed groups a chance to join the peace process and to surrender their arms.’ Khalid Al-Mubarak, media attache at the Sudan embassy in London, told IBTimes UK the SPLM-N, which is affiliated with Darfuri rebels, aims to reject peace talks in order to ‘keep US sanctions in place’.” (IBTimes, 2. Dezember 2016)

BBC News berichtete im September 2011 vom damals verhängten Verbot der SPLM-Nord durch die Regierung. Laut Angaben der Partei seien ihre Büros geschlossen und viele Mitglieder festgenommen worden:

„Sudan has ordered 17 political parties to stop their activities, saying most of their leaders and members come from newly independent South Sudan and so are now foreigners. Those targeted includes the SPLM-North, which was outlawed last week. The party has strong ties to former SPLM rebels - now the ruling party in the south which seceded in July. This crackdown follows fighting in some border states between soldiers loyal to SPLM-North and government troops. [...] SPLM-North has said its offices have been closed down and many of its party members arrested since violence broke out earlier this month in Blue Nile state, where a state of emergency has been declared. Conflict erupted in South Kordofan state ahead of the south's independence in July.” (BBC News, 16. September 2011)

Der Sender Radio Dabanga, ein Projekt des Radio Darfur Network, eines Zusammenschlusses von sudanesischen Journalisten und internationalen Entwicklungsorganisationen, das von Free Press Unlimited in den Niederlanden betrieben wird, berichtet im September 2015, dass das Höchstgericht in Khartum das Todesurteil gegen Malik Agar, Anführer der SPLM-N und 16 weitere Vertreter der Rebellenbewegung bestätigt habe. Die 17 Personen seien nach einem Prozess in Abwesenheit im August 2014 schließlich im Jänner 2015 zum Tode verurteilt worden. Das Gericht habe auch die lebenslangen Haftstrafen von 46 weiteren SPLM‑N-Mitgliedern bestätigt:

„The review office of the National Supreme Court of Khartoum has upheld the ruling of the execution for Malik Agar, the head of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N), and 16 other officials in the rebel movement. The seventeen members were tried in absentia in August 2014, and sentenced to death by hanging by the court in Sinja in January. The court in Khartoum also upheld the execution of Manallah Hussein Huda on Thursday, and the sentence of life imprisonment of 46 other members of the SPLM-N.” (Radio Dabanga, 14. September 2015)

Das US-amerikanische Außenministerium (US Department of State, USDOS) schreibt in seinem Menschenrechtsbericht vom April 2016 (Berichtszeitraum 2015), dass Berichten zufolge Personen wegen ihrer tatsächlichen oder vermeintlichen Unterstützung von regierungsfeindlichen Kräften, z.B. die SPLM‑N und Rebellenbewegungen in Darfur, festgenommen worden seien. Lokale NGOs hätten Berichte, dass einige Frauen festgenommen worden seien, weil sie Verbindungen zu Männern hätten, die der Unterstützung der SPLM‑N verdächtigt worden seien. Die Regierung würde weiterhin Oppositionelle verhaften oder vorübergehend festnehmen, dazu würden auch Personen gehören, die zur SPLM‑N gehören oder mit ihr in Verbindung stünden. Besonders häufig seien Verhaftungen vor den Wahlen im April 2015 gewesen. Am 25. Mai 2015 habe es Berichte über die Verhaftung eines Angehörigen der ethnischen Gruppe Ingessana in Blue Nile gegeben. Der Militärgeheimdienst habe ihm vorgeworfen, online mit der SPLM‑N kommuniziert zu haben. Im September 2014 seien fünf Personen in Südkordofan festgenommen worden, die der Unterstützung der SPLM‑N beschuldigt worden seien. Ende 2015 sei ihr Aufenthalt weiterhin nicht bekannt gewesen:

„There were reports of individuals detained due to their actual or assumed support of antigovernment forces, such as the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N) and Darfur rebel movements. Local NGOs reported that some women were detained because of their association with men suspected of being SPLM-N supporters (see section 1.g.).” (USDOS, 13. April 2016, Section 1d)

„The government continued to arrest or temporarily detain opposition members, especially those belonging to or affiliated with of the Sudan Congress Party, Sudanese Communist Party, and affiliates of the SPLM-N or other opposition groups. Detentions were especially frequent in the period before national elections in April. There were some temporary detentions after elections as well despite the government’s assurances that it would create an environment conducive to national dialogue.” (USDOS, 13. April 2016, Section 1e)

„On May 25, there were reports that military intelligence captured and imprisoned Mohamed al-Bur Ali from the Ingessana ethnic group in Damazin Maket, Blue Nile. Military intelligence accused him of communicating with the SPLM-N through internet application WhatsApp. As of year’s end, he remained in solitary confinement in SAF headquarters in Damazin.

In September 2014 military intelligence arrested five individuals accused of being SPLM-N supporters or affiliates in Allaggori village, Southern Kordofan: Eisa Abbas, Gibriel Abbas, Abdalla Khamis, Abboud Obeid, and Abboud al-Tijani. As of year’s end, their whereabouts remained unknown.” (USDOS, 13. April 2016, Section 1g)

Die dänische Einwanderungsbehörde (Danish Immigration Service, DIS) und das UK Home Office zitieren in einem im August 2016 veröffentlichten gemeinsamen Bericht zu einer Erkundungsmission nach Khartum, Kampala und Nairobi im Feburar/März 2016 verschiedene Quellen zum Thema Behandlung von Mitgliedern der SPLM bzw. SPLM-N. Eine Menschenrechtsorganisation mit Sitz in Khartum habe erklärt, dass Personen unter dem Verdacht mit Verbindungen zur SPLM zum Ziel des sudanesischen Geheimdienstes NISS (National Intelligence and Security Service) würden. Außerdem, so dieselbe Quelle, seien viele Binnenvertriebene, die von den Nuba-Bergen nach Khartum gezogen seien, nicht von den Behörden registriert worden, weil diese vermutet hätten, dass diese Menschen in vielen Fällen mit der SPLM/A in Verbindung stünden und als Schläferzellen oder Informanten für bewaffnete Gruppen agieren könnten:

„The source explained that if the NISS suspected someone to be linked to the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), he would be targeted. According to the source the NISS targeted students who had affiliation with the SPLM.” (DIS, August 2016, S. 73)

„A great number of the IDPs who had moved to Khartoum from the Nuba mountains after the start of the current war in June 2011 were not registered by the authorities because the authorities in many cases suspect that they were affiliated to SPLM-A and might act as sleeping cells or informers to the armed groups.” (DIS, August 2016, S. 74)

Ein Journalist mit Sitz in Khartum habe der Erkundungsmission erklärt, dass Khartum für nicht-politische Personen aus Darfur oder den „Two Areas“ (Blue Nile und Südkordofan) sicher sei, während Personen mit einem hohen politischen Profil, die bereits von den Behörden beobachtet würden, Gefahr laufen würden, zum Ziel zu werden. Als Beispiel nennt die Quelle den Führer der gegen die Regierung kämpfenden SPLM-N, Malik Aggar, der in Abwesenheit wegen Hochverrats zum Tode verurteilt worden sei. Seine Tochter, die bei der Polizei arbeite, sei weiterhin Beamtin des Staates:

„Regarding the issue of Khartoum as a safe place for persons fleeing a local dispute within their area, the source replied that it depended on the profile of the person and his activities. According to the journalist, Khartoum was safe for non-political persons from Darfur or the Two Areas, whilst persons who had a high political profile and who were already monitored by the authorities would risk being targeted. The journalist referred to two cases of high-profiled persons whose families lived in Khartoum without facing any problems and their children went to school and university. Referring to these two examples, the source explained the first as Dr. Khalil Ibrahim; he was the leader of the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), one of three major rebel groups in Darfur whose family lived in Khartoum. The source further clarified that following the death of Dr. Khalil Ibrahim in an airstrike by the Sudanese air force, his family arranged for his funeral service to be held in Khartoum. The other was Malik Aggar; he was the leader of the SPLM-N which was actively fighting the government until now. His daughter was actually a police officer, customs directorate of the Sudan Police Force while her father was sentenced to execution for treason in absentia. His daughter continues to be an employee of the federal government. The source also mentioned the case of a high level member of a rebel group who died and his funeral was afterwards held in Khartoum. Nothing happened during the funeral and no intervention took place by the authorities” (DIS, August 2016, S. 85)

Die National Human Rights Monitors Organisation (NHRMO) habe bei einem Gespräch in Kampala erklärt, dass Personen, die als politische Gegner eingeschätzt würden, dem Risiko der Verhaftung bei der Einreise am Flughafen ausgesetzt seien. NHRMO habe einen Fall aus 2014 erwähnt, bei dem eine Person am Flughafen festgenommen und gefoltert worden sei. Der Person sei vorgeworfen worden, mit der SPLM-N zusammenzuarbeiten, sie sei danach ohne Anklage freigelassen worden. Laut Quelle würden Personen, die den Behörden nicht politisch aufgefallen seien, üblicherweise nicht befragt werden. Die Behörden würden auch versuchen, sudanesische Aktivisten im Ausland zu frustrieren. So sei der Reisepass eines prominenten Menschenrechtsverteidigers in Juba nicht erneuert worden, weil er als Unterstützer der SPLM‑N betrachtet worden sei. Personen, die aus den südlichen Provinzen Südkordofan und Blue Nile („Two Areas“) stammen, würden am Flughafen anders behandelt werden, da sie mit der SPLM‑N in Verbindung gebracht würden. Sie würden intensiver zu ihrem Hintergrund und politischem Engagement befragt werden:

„NHRMO explained that perceived political opponents were at risk of detention by the NISS on arrival at Khartoum International Airport (KIA). NHRMO cited one case from 2014 in which a civilian who was not politically active and returning to Sudan from a neighbouring country was detained for two months on arrival, after security staff at KIA found photographs of ground bombings in Southern Kordofan on his laptop. According to NHRMO the individual was tortured during his detention and accused of collaboration with the rebel SPLM-N movement before subsequently being released without charge. However, the source highlighted that usually persons who did not have a political record with the authorities would not be subjected to questioning.” (DIS, August 2016, S. 87)

„NHRMO mentioned that the Sudanese authorities also tried to frustrate the activities of Sudanese activists living abroad. NHRMO mentioned one case in which a prominent human rights defender had been unable to renew his passport at the Sudanese mission in Juba because he was considered a supporter of the SPLM-N.

According to NHRMO, when travelling through KIA persons from the Two Areas would be treated differently because of being perceived to be affiliated with SPLM-N and they would be subject to more intensive questioning about their background and political involvement. Ethnic Nuba persons would be most likely to experience harassment and would be easily identifiable from the name.” (DIS, August 2016, S. 88)

Eine NGO mit Sitz in London habe der Erkundungsmission mitgeteilt, dass Menschen, die von den Nuba abstammen oder zu den Ingessana gehören, als Unterstützer, Mitglieder oder Informanten der SPLM‑N betrachtet würden:

„Those of a Nuba descent were considered as supporters of the SPLM-N, an armed movement fighting against the Government in the Two Areas, whilst members from the Ingessana – the same group to which Malik Agar, a leading figure of the SPLM-N, belonged – were also similarly targeted as potential informers, members and so forth.” (DIS, August 2016, S. 103)

Eine westliche Botschaft in Khartum habe gemeint, dass sie wenig spezifische Informationen zu Rückkehrern habe. Die Quelle würde erwarten, dass Rückkehrer nur Probleme bekommen würden, wenn sie eine politische Positionierung gegen die Regierung einnehmen. Die Quelle kenne einige wenige Fälle, in denen sogar Personen aus den Nuba-Bergen mit SPLM-Bezug, die Asyl im Ausland bekommen hätten, später ohne Probleme in den Sudan gereist seien nachdem sie ihre Loyalität gegenüber der Regierung deklariert hätten. Die Quelle habe betont, dass es die politische Aktivität einer Person sei, die entscheidend sei, ob jemand Schwierigkeiten bekomme oder nicht:

„The Western embassy (B) stated that they had limited specific information about the treatment of returnees of Darfuri or the Two Areas origin at Khartoum airport, including information about the treatment of rejected asylum seekers who were forcibly returned. There were no forced returns effectuated by the source’s country, only voluntary return, according to the Western embassy (B). Roughly 30 persons returned on a voluntary basis per year from the source’s country. The Western embassy (B) was not aware of returnees that had encountered problems upon return. The source expected returnees to get into trouble only if they had taken a political (anti-government) stance. Even in cases where people returned after having obtained asylum (because of being against the government), there was no trouble the moment they pledged allegiance to the government. The source knew a few cases where even persons from the Nuba Mountains who had been involved with the SPLM and who had obtained asylum in the source’s country had later come back to Sudan without facing any problem. The Western embassy (B) highlighted that it was the political activity a person was involved in that – in the source’s view – determined whether one got into trouble or not.” (DIS, August 2016, S. 112)

 

 

 

Quellen: (Zugriff auf alle Quellen am 20. Februar 2017)

·      BBC News: Sudan bars SPLM-North and other 'southern parties', 16. September 2011
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-14949818

·      DIS - Danish Immigration Service; UK Home Office: Sudan; Situation of Persons from Darfur, Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile in Khartoum; Joint report of the Danish Immigration Service and UK Home Office fact finding missions to Khartoum, Kampala and Nairobi Conducted February – March 2016, August 2016 (veröffentlicht von DIS, verfügbar auf ecoi.net)
http://www.ecoi.net/file_upload/90_1472796566_sudanffmreportjune2016.pdf

·      IBTimes - International Business Times: Sudan claims three-day strike failed after receiving 'kiss of death' by SPLM-N banned political party, 28. November 2016
http://www.ibtimes.co.uk/sudan-claims-three-day-strike-failed-after-receiving-kiss-death-by-splm-n-banned-political-party-1593825

·      IBTimes - International Business Times: Third Sudanese Civil War: SPLM-N 'fights for secularism' in South Kordofan and Blue Nile, 2. Dezember 2016
http://www.ibtimes.co.uk/third-sudanese-civil-war-splm-n-fights-secularism-south-kordofan-blue-nile-1594405

·      ICG - International Crisis Group: Sudan and South Sudan’s Merging Conflicts, 29. Jänner 2015
https://d2071andvip0wj.cloudfront.net/223-sudan-and-south-sudan-s-merging-conflicts.pdf

·      Radio Dabanga: Death sentence for 17 SPLM-N leaders confirmed by Sudan court, 14. September 2015
https://www.dabangasudan.org/en/all-news/article/death-sentence-for-17-splm-n-leaders-confirmed-by-sudan-court

·      USDOS - US Department of State: Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2015 - Sudan, 13. April 2016 (verfügbar auf ecoi.net)
http://www.ecoi.net/local_link/322495/461972_de.html