Ein von ACCORD im Dezember 2009 veröffentlichter Bericht zu Clans in Somalia (basierend auf einem Vortrag von Dr. Joakim Gundel) geht folgendermaßen auf die Asharaf ein:

„Die Asharaf werden häufig als Minderheit kategorisiert. Hier wird in erster Linie auf die Digil-Mirifle-Asharaf Bezug genommen und nicht auf die Benadiri-Asharaf. Weitere Asharaf-Gruppen leben zusammen mit anderen somalischen Clans in verschiedenen Regionen des Landes. Die Asharaf gelten allgemein als religiös bzw. als religiöse Lehrer, die von der Tochter des Propheten Mohammed, Fatima, abstammen. Meist sind sie in die Gruppen, mit denen sie zusammen siedeln (Digil-Mirifle oder Benadiri) integriert und werden normalerweise von diesen wegen ihres besonderen religiösen Status als Nachkommen des Propheten beschützt. Sie werden daher nicht als Minderheit im engeren Sinne angegriffen, doch können sie an den selben Problemen, mit denen ihre ‚Gastgeber’-Clans konfrontiert sind, leiden. So wurden sie in den frühen Bürgerkriegsjahren zusammen mit den Benadiri zum Ziel von Angriffen. Heute ist einer der wichtigsten Minister und Verbündeten von Präsident Sheikh Sharif, Sharif Hassan, ein Angehöriger der Asharaf. Derzeit können die Digil-Mirifle-Asharaf zum Ziel von Übergriffen durch die islamistische Gruppe Al-Shabaab werden, da letztere den religiösen Status der Asharaf nicht anerkennen und Sharif Hassan, der zusammen mit Präsident Sheikh Sharif die treibende Kraft hinter dem Dschibuti-Abkommen von 2008 war.“ (ACCORD, 15. Dezember 2009, S. 22)

„Einer der Gründe dafür, weshalb die Asharaf häufig als Minderheit eingestuft werden, liegt darin, dass sich die Asharaf bei der Errichtung der Vorübergehenden Bundesregierung im Jahr 2004 aus politischen Gründen in die 0,5-Gruppe als Minderheit platzierten, nachdem sie Schwierigkeiten hatten, innerhalb der Rahanweyn-Gruppe voll repräsentiert zu werden.“ (ACCORD, 15. Dezember 2009, S. 22, FN 22)

Laut einem vom irischen Refugee Documentation Centre (RDC) und von UNHCR im August 2007 veröffentlichten Bericht würden die Asharaf den Gibil Cad angehören, die als Minderheit „ausländischer“ Herkunft betrachtet würden:

„Social and ethnic divisions are most acute in the south due to a long history of north to south migration of ‘majority clan’ pastoral Somalis (of purported samaal descent). Over the last two hundred years northern Somalis have expanded into areas already settled by agro-pastoral and agricultural groups of saab descent, as well as minorities perceived to be of ‘foreign’ origin such the gibil cad (light-skinned groups such as the Rer Hamar, Rer Marka, Barawanese, Ashraf) and so-called ‘Bantu’ groups also known semi-politely as jereer (‘kinky-hair’) and pejoratively as adone (‘slaves’).” (RDC/UNHCR, 9. August 2007, S. 10)

Amnesty International (AI) erwähnt in einem Bericht vom März 2005 die Asharaf als eine Minderheit und religiöse muslimische Gemeinde:

“The Somali minorities comprise principally the ‘African’ Bantu/Jarir, who are mostly landless labourers; the Benadiri/Rer Hamar urban traders of Middle Eastern origin; and the smaller dispersed Midgan (Gaboye), Tumal and Yibro occupational groups of metal-workers, leather-workers, hairdressers, herbalists and others. There are other smaller minorities, such as the Ashraf and Shikhal Muslim religious communities, Bajuni fishing people, and remote hunter-gatherer groups.” (AI, 17. März 2005)

Das UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UN OCHA) beschreibt in einer im August 2002 veröffentlichten Studie die Asharaf als „arabische Immigranten aus Saudi-Arabien“, die schätzungsweise 0,5 Prozent der Gesamtbevölkerung ausmachen und in den Regionen Merka, Brava, Bay und Bakol siedeln würden. Sie stünden in Clan-Beziehung mit den Rahanweyn und seien Bauern und Hirten (UNOCHA, 1. August 2002, S. 13).

 

Das Danish Immigration Service (DIS) geht in einem Bericht zu einer Fact-Finding-Mission nach Somalia aus dem Jahr 2000 ausführlich auf die Asharaf ein und erwähnt dabei, dass diese von Asharaf-Ältesten in die Gruppen Hussein und Hassan (mit jeweils weiteren Untergruppierungen) unterteilt würden. Weiters werden die Asharaf als Untergruppe der Bravanese, die persisch-arabisch-portugiesisch-spanischer Herkunft seien, genannt:

“The delegation also held a meeting with representatives of the Ashraf (Asharaf, Asheraf, Sharifians) community in Nairobi including elders and women. They were all refugees from the coastal areas of Somalia. The Ashraf elders interviewed by the delegation readily identified themselves as Benadiri. The Ashraf elders made it clear that only one Ashraf group (or clan) exists in Somalia.53 However, this group is further sub-divided on the lines of their male ancestors. The Ashraf of Bay and Gedo regions (Baidoa, Hoddur, Bardera) are the same group as the Ashraf in the coastal areas. One subgroup of the Ashraf called Ashraf Sarman lives mainly in Hoddur (Bakool region), Bay region, Bardera (Gedo region) and Mogadishu. Other sub-groups called Mohammed Sharif, Sharif Ali and Sharif Ahmed live mainly in Kismayo, Merka, Bardera, Jalalaqsi, Jowhar and Mogadishu. An NGO informant explained on an earlier occasion to the Netherlands Embassy in Nairobi that there are various sub-groups of the Ashraf, including the Sarman who reside in Bay region. According to this source, the Ashraf Sarman have the same skin colour as Somalis, while the Ashraf in Merka have light skin.

The Ashraf elders sub-divided the Ashraf in the following way:

-          Hussein:

-          Hassan:

The Ashraf elders trace their origin to the Prophet Mohamed, whose daughter Fatima had two sons with Ali, named Hassan and Hussein. Any member of the Ashraf community belongs to one of these two lines of descent, from Hassan or Hussein, and any Ashraf (both females and males from the age of two) is able to identify her- or himself as belonging to one of these two lines. The Prophet Mohamed conferred the title ‘Sharif’ upon Hassan and Hussein. Since that time, all their descendants have the name Sharif as part of their name, added to the personal name and the father's, and sometimes the grandfather's, name. From this comes the name of the group, Ashraf being the plural of Sharif. Ali had children by other wives after the death of Fatima, but they were not ‘Sharif’. The Ashraf elders indicated that the Ashraf are living in southern and central Somalia, especially in urban locations like Bardera, Kismayo, Baidoa, Hoddur, Merka, Brava and Mogadishu. In Mogadishu the largest concentration of Ashraf was to be found in the Shingani district, but they also lived in Hamar Weyne. Ashraf used to live also in Ethiopia. Some Ashraf from Ethiopia became exiled in Somalia at the time of the Ogaden war in 1977. These Ashraf came from Ogaden, Oromia, Dire Dawa and Harar in Ethiopia and some of them fled Somalia in 1991-92. Those remaining in Somalia reside with other Ashraf. UN sources confirmed that Ashraf communities are also to be found in the Ogaden district of Ethiopia.

The elders from Brava told the delegation that they consisted of two sub-groups: the Bravanese and the Tunni. Both groups are from Brava and they share to a large extent the same culture. They intermarry between their groups. However, the Bravanese consider themselves Benadiri, while the Tunni do not. The Bravanese are of Persian/Arab/Portuguese/Spanish origin. According to the Bravanese elders the Tunni belong to the Digil clan-family. They are originally from the region of Brava. […]

The Bravanese sub-divided themselves into:

• Bida

• Hatimi

• Ashraf” (DIS, 2000, S. 41-42)

 

Das US Department of State (USDOS) schreibt diesbezüglich im Länderbericht zur Menschenrechtlage 2009 vom März 2010:

“Minority groups and low-caste clans included the Bantu (the largest minority group), the Benadiri, Rer Hamar, Brawanese, Swahili, Tumal, Yibir, Yaxar, Madhiban, Hawrarsame, Muse Dheryo, and Faqayaqub. Intermarriage between minority groups and mainstream clans was restricted by custom.” (USDOS, 11. März 2010, Sec. 6)

Der oben zitierte Bericht von ACCORD zu Clans in Somalia vom Dezember 2009 (Autor: Joakim Gundel) erwähnt Folgendes bezüglich Ehen zwischen Minderheiten und „noblen“ nomadischen Clans:

„Mischehen zwischen diesen Minderheitengruppen bzw. -untergruppen und den ‚noblen’ nomadischen Clans sind weder erlaubt, noch werden diese akzeptiert.“ (ACCORD, 15. Dezember 2009, S. 16)

Während seitens der sab keine Vorbehalte hinsichtlich Eheschließungen mit Angehörigen nomadischer Clans bestehen, würde – aus Sicht der ‚noblen’ Clans – ein Mitglied eines nomadischen Clans im Falle einer Heirat mit einer den sab angehörenden Person den Schutz durch den eigenen Clan verlieren.“ (ACCORD, 15. Dezember 2009, S. 16, FN 17)

Das Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) erwähnt in einem Bericht zu einer Somalia-Mission im Juli und August 2008 im Zusammenhang mit der Situation von Minderheiten, dass diese von sozialen Beschränkungen hinsichtlich gemischter Ehen betroffen seien: 

“Discrimination against minorities and persons with disabilities was also consistently reported, by recently asylum-seekers to Dadaab and in Somaliland. Social constraints put obstacles to inter-marriage, access to work is restricted to traditional jobs – normally those enjoying the lowest social status and pay.” (OHCHR, 2008, S. 6)

Das Danish Immigration Service (DIS) geht in einem im August 2007 veröffentlichten Bericht zu einer Fact-Finding-Mission nach Somalia unter Berufung auf verschiedene Quellen etwas ausführlicher auf Ehen zwischen Clans ein:

“Hibo Yassin, Regional Coordinator, Cooperatione per lo Sviluppo dei Paesi Emergenti (COSPE) explained that minority populations in Somalia, i.e. members of ethnic minority groups and members of clans being in a minority position are no longer victims of targeted looting and other targeted human rights violations.” (DIS, August 2007, S. 18)

“Yassin explained that the situation for persons living in a cross clan marriage might be difficult in some places. Their situation will depend on actual circumstances and Yassin emphasized that it will never be possible to make reliable general statements about the situation for persons in cross clan marriages. An international organisation (B) considered that persons in cross clan marriages could face problems, especially if the couple or one of them have been disowned by his or her own clan because of the marriage. However, it was emphasized that whether or not a person is at risk of being marginalized or persecution will depend on that person’s individual plight. Regarding cross clan marriages Bamehriz stated that the husband’s clan will absorb the woman, and in case the marriage ends she can return to her clan of origin. Cross clan marriages are not so common these days as clans are not on good terms. Before the civil war began in the south in 1991 interclan marriages were much more common. An international organisation (C) confirmed that a wife is absorbed into her husband’s clan irrespective of her own clan affiliation. This is so except for when she has married below her own clan’s position. However, if the husband dies a problem may arise regarding the widow’s clan affiliation. According to NOVIB a woman’s marriage against the wishes of her family or clan may lead to the death of the man if he comes from a lower clan than his wife. NOVIB gave an example of a couple in which the woman’s own clan sent her away to the other end of the country. The couple later found each other again and had to go into hiding or they would be killed.” (DIS, August 2007, S. 30-31)

Amnesty International (AI) schreibt hierzu in einer Urgent Action vom März 2005:

“The minorities are customarily prohibited from inter-marrying with the pastoralist clans and thus have no clan protection from them. The most discriminated minority groups are the Bantu/Jarir and the occupational groups, who are often subjected to direct or indirect verbal abuse and exploitation, and mostly live in extreme poverty. The minority groups, who have no armed militias, have been extremely vulnerable during the period of state collapse and absence of a justice system and rule of law to killing, torture, rape, kidnapping for ransom, and looting of land and property with impunity by faction militias and clan members. Such incidents are still commonly reported and are being documented by local human rights NGOs.” (AI, 17. März 2005)

Das US Department of State (USDOS) hält in seinem Länderbericht zur Menschenrechtslage 2009 vom März 2010 Folgendes bezüglich der Lage von Frauen fest:

“Laws prohibiting rape exist; however, they were not enforced. There were no laws against spousal rape. There were no reports that rape cases were prosecuted during the year. NGOs documented patterns of rape perpetrated with impunity, particularly of women displaced from their homes due to civil conflict or who were members of minority clans. Police and militia members engaged in rape, and rape was commonly practiced in interclan conflicts. Traditional approaches to dealing with rape tended to ignore the victim's situation and instead communalized the resolution or compensation for rape through a negotiation between members of the perpetrator's and the victim's clans. Victims suffered from subsequent discrimination based on attributions of ‘impurity.’ Women and girls in IDP camps were especially vulnerable to sexual violence, contributing to the spread of HIV/AIDS. In March 2008 the UNIE reported that in Mogadishu and Kismayo IDP women and girls, particularly those belonging to minority groups, were increasingly becoming the targets of sexual violence by youth gangs. In Somaliland gang rape continued to be a problem in urban areas, primarily by youth gangs, members of police forces, and male students. Many of these cases occurred in poorer neighborhoods and among immigrants, refugee returnees, and displaced rural populations living in urban areas. Many cases were not reported. According to UNIE's October report, sexual violence, including gang rape of teenage girls, was on the rise. In the report, UNICEF monitors reported 11 rape cases in IDP camps in Puntland and 13 cases in Somaliland camps; victims included mentally and physically handicapped children.” (USDOS, 11. März 2010, Sec. 6)

Der oben zitierte Bericht von ACCORD zu Clans in Somalia vom Dezember 2009 (Autor: Joakim Gundel) geht wie folgt auf die Situation von Frauen ein:

„Hinsichtlich der Frage, ob Frauen, Kinder und alte Personen Ziel von Rachemorden werden können, gilt es zunächst festzuhalten, dass diese Gruppen nach somalischer Kultur ‚vom Speer verschont’ (Somali: Birimageydo) sind und daher prinzipiell nicht angetastet werden dürfen. Doch ist es schwierig zu sagen, ab welchem Alter eine (männliche) Person als Erwachsener angesehen und damit zu einem möglichen Ziel eines Rachemordes wird. Doch da die Männer für den Schutz der eigenen Familie verantwortlich sind, lassen sich insbesondere im Süden Situationen beobachten, in denen 12- bis 14-jährige männliche Jugendliche nach dem Tod aller älteren männlichen Familienmitglieder den Haushalt übernehmen. In einem solchen Fall kann es vorkommen, dass auch ein männlicher Minderjähriger zu einem Ziel wird.“ (ACCORD, 15. Dezember 2009, S. 25)

„Traditionell verpflichtet ein somalischer kultureller Code dazu, Personen, die um Schutz ansuchen, zu schützen. Einer solchen Person ihren Schutz zu verweigern wird dementsprechend als Pflichtverletzung und Schande betrachtet. Gleichwohl ist aufgrund der massiven Vertreibungen der jüngeren Zeit die Anzahl der Schutz suchenden Menschen zu groß geworden, als dass die lokalen Gastgeber-Clans (englisch: host clans) dieser traditionellen Pflicht nachkommen könnten. Dies führte zu einer erhöhten Gefährdungslage für Vertriebe. In diesem Zusammenhang ist insbesondere zu beachten, dass Frauen und Kinder in allen gesellschaftlichen Hierarchien ganz unten stehen. Frauen, die Minderheiten bzw. Gruppen angehören, die nicht Teil der lokalen nomadischen Hauptclans sind, befinden sich in einer besonders schlimmen Lage, vor allem dann, wenn sie Angehörige einer Minderheit in einem Lager für Binnenvertriebene (englisch: Internally Displaced Persons, IDPs) sind. Aufgrund der Zerstörung sozialer und staatlicher Strukturen existieren Recht und Ordnung kaum. So gibt es zahlreiche junge Männer, die bewaffnet sind (oder Zugang zu Waffen haben) und unter Ausnutzung der in großen IDP-Lagern vorherrschenden Situation beispielsweise willkürlich IDPs schikanieren, Frauen vergewaltigen, Personen zur Verrichtung bestimmter Arbeiten zwingen oder Geld erpressen.“ (ACCORD, 15. Dezember 2009, S. 26)

Der bereits oben zitierte Bericht des Danish Immigration Service (DIS) vom August 2007 geht unter Berufung auf verschiedene Quellen ausführlich auf die Situation von Frauen ein und erwähnt, dass eine Frau, die nicht unter dem Schutz eines Ehemannes stehe, gefährdet sei, insbesondere dann, wenn sie einem schwachen Clan oder einer ethnischen Minderheitengruppe angehöre:

“An international organisation (B) explained that there are powerful women in Somalia, but socially such women may be treated badly and their own community may marginalize them. Powerful women of minority origin may even be treated worse than powerful women from major clans. An international organisation (B) added that women are not vulnerable just because they are women. A woman’s vulnerability depends on particular circumstances and it is not right to state that all women in Somalia are vulnerable. Abdulle considered that women are still victims of human rights violations throughout Somalia, and they are exposed to all the usual abuses and violations. Women are the breadwinners of Somalia but political authority governs them. They may be socially active but they do not have any decision making influence. Abdulle explained that there are almost no women in the cabinet. In addition the majority of all those being killed and wounded in the recent fighting are women and children. NOVIB considered that women in Somalia are vulnerable and just being a woman makes you at risk of being targeted and abused, especially by militias and other gunmen. Today women are especially at risk at checkpoints where warlord militias or so-called free-lance militias may check buses and sexually abuse female passengers. Domestic violence against women is common and NOVIB referred to an old Somali proverb: ’As soon as you are married beat up your wife, so she knows who is master’. NOVIB explained that there is almost general impunity for violence against women in Somalia. Traditional law is not focused on the victim as an individual and women as victims are normally not covered by the compensation system. Even in Hargeisa, Somaliland it is the male who decides whether or not a case should be tried according to traditional law or the legal system. An international organisation (B) considered that women are generally not vulnerable or insecure solely because they are women. However, female IDPs are generally vulnerable. An international organisation (C) explained that women in Somalia – from a Western perspective – are being treated in an unacceptable manner, but this situation is general for all women in the country. Whether or not a woman is at risk of persecution and other violations depends on concrete circumstances as already mentioned. An international organisation (C) acknowledged that there are many really strong women in Somalia, but stated that there are a number of cases where even such women have been victims of human rights violations, even from persons within their own family. Women with good jobs in many families are regarded as bringing shame onto the family and can become targets for their own family members. For example, a father may not tolerate that his wife or his daughter has gained a strong position. On the other hand some women know how to manage even if they have been threatened. An international organisation (C) added that even local NGOs in Somalia, that defend the rights of women, put themselves at risk and such NGOs can be attacked. An international organisation (C) explained that if a woman is left without a husband’s protection she is in concrete danger, especially if she is an IDP, and belongs to a minor or weak clan or an ethnic minority group.” (DIS, August 2007, S. 31-32)

Joakim Gundel thematisiert in seinem oben zitierten Bericht vom November 2006 die Lage von Frauen wie folgt:

“It is clear that women have become the main breadwinners in Somalia. At the same time they are the most vulnerable group when it comes to fighting, drought and other disasters, but are not given corresponding voice and decision making powers. Women in Middle Shabelle pointed out that they carry the greatest burden of insecurity and survival, but are not being heard.” (Gundel, November 2006, S. 40)

Weiters schreibt Gundel im soeben zitierten Bericht Folgendes bezüglich der Lage von Frauen im Kontext von traditionellem Recht (xeer) und der Scharia speziell in Somaliland:

“At present, lifestyles in cities are changing the times: women work outside their homes, and have become traders. If any of those women becomes subject to a crime 'outside' their home, (especially rape is a major un-recognised problem in urban Hargeisa) many men will consider that they do not have any right to justice. That is a challenge for the xeer, especially in the urban context where the out-working woman will have to be considered as an individual according to the formal laws of the penal code, and the rights she can find within Sharia as well. Nonetheless, she still has to stand up against everyone and public prejudice on her own, which is the reason many women in the end find that they will be treated with more discretion, and may even gain more within the context of customary law, because here they will at least have some collective protection from their own clan elders. This was confirmed by young women from NGOs such as HAVOYOCO, who find that in principle the constitutional courts are best in the urban setting because the woman can express her grievances as an individual. However, the courts may expose the confidentiality of the woman in public. Hence, since the xeer do exist in urban areas, women mostly turn to their elders to deal with their issues, especially in family relations, because the elders respect their confidentiality.” (Gundel, November 2006, S. 21-22)

 

 

·       ACCORD: Clans in Somalia - Bericht zum Vortrag von Dr. Joakim Gundel beim COI-Workshop in Wien am 15. Mai 2009 (überarbeitete Neuausgabe)

·       AI – Amnesty International:  Urgent need for effective human rights protection under the new transitional government, 17. März 2005

·       Gundel, Joakim: The predicament of the ‘Oday’ – The role of traditional structures in security, rights, law and development in Somalia (in Auftrag gegeben von DRC & Novib/Oxfam), November 2006 (veröffentlicht auf logcluster.org)

·       DIS - Danish Immigration Service: Report on minority groups in Somalia; Joint British, Danish and Dutch fact-finding mission to Nairobi, Kenya; 17 - 24 September 2000, 2000 (veröffentlicht auf ecoi.net)

·       DIS – Danish Immigration Service: Human rights and security in central and southern Somalia – Joint fact-finding mission by the Danish Refugee Council and the Danish Immigration Service 14 – 27 March 2007, August 2007

·       OHCHR - Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights: Preliminary Human Rights Assessment on Somalia 19 July to 2 August 2008 - Mission Report, 2008

·       RDC / UNHCR – Refugee Documentation Centre / United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees: Country Report – Somalia, 9. August 2007 (veröffentlicht auf ecoi.net)

·       UN OCHA – UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs: A Study on Minorities in Somalia, 1. August 2002 (veröffentlicht auf ecoi.net)

·       USDOS - US Department of State: Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2009, 11. März 2010, Sec. 6