00438jor

Freedom House

Jordan

Polity: Traditional monarchy and limited parliament
Political Rights: 4
Civil Liberties: 4
Status: Partly Free
Economy: Mixed capitalist
Population: 5,100,000
PPP: $3,347
Life Expectancy: 70
Ethnic Groups: Arab (98 percent), other (2 percent)
Capital: Amman

Overview

Jordan made strides in 2000 with regard to the economy, foreign relations, and women’s rights. However, analysts noted continuing stagnation in the country’s democratic development, as promised political reforms went unrealized.

Great Britain installed the Hashemite monarchy in 1921 and granted the country full independence in 1946. King Hussein ascended the throne in 1952. His turbulent reign saw the loss of all territory west of the Jordan River in the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, assassination and coup attempts by Arab nationalists, and sporadic efforts to make peace with Israel. Under the 1952 constitution, executive power rests with the king, who appoints the prime minister and may dissolve the national assembly. The assembly currently consists of a 40-member upper house appointed by the king and an 80-member, directly elected lower house.

In 1989, Hussein responded to riots over fuel price increases by easing restrictions on freedom of expression and ending a 32-year-old ban on political party activity. The Muslim Brotherhood’s political wing, the Islamic Action Front (IAF), took 22 seats in general elections that year. The electoral law was amended to prevent such a strong showing in 1993 elections, in which Islamists won 16 seats. Jordan signed a peace treaty with Israel in 1994, formally ending a 46-year state of war. In 1997, nine opposition and Islamist parties, led by the IAF, boycotted parliamentary elections to protest normalization of relations with Israel, restrictions on public freedom, ineffective economic policy, and the electoral law, which left Islamists at a disadvantage with regard to tribal leaders who support the king.

In January 1999, an ailing Hussein dismissed his long-standing heir, his brother Hassan, and named his son Abdullah crown prince in a surprise decision. Abdullah assumed power upon the death of King Hussein in February. Although the late king’s motives for naming Abdullah were unclear, the new king’s credentials as former commander of the elite internal security force and his marriage to a Palestinian woman help ensure the crucial support of the military and of Palestinians, who constitute about 60 percent of Jordan’s population.

Unlike his father, who dedicated most of his energy to Arab-Israeli politics, Abdullah has made Jordan’s economy his priority. He inherited a kingdom beset by 20 to 30 percent unemployment, rampant poverty, and an inefficient bureaucracy perceived by most to be widely corrupt. The economic “peace dividend” expected as a result of normalization with Israel has failed to materialize, while sanctions against Iraq and Israeli security measures in the West Bank have blocked Jordanian exports. Since his accession, the government has initiated new intellectual property laws and tax reforms, decreased import duties, privatized state-run freight railway and telecoms systems, and obtained membership in the World Trade Organization, as well as a trade pact with the United States. Signed in October 2000, the agreement makes Jordan the first Arab country to enjoy special access to U.S. markets.

Despite these improvements, both political and economic liberalization have been hampered by the government’s need to balance its foreign policy with domestic interests. Increasingly vocal opposition to normalization with Israel by Islamist- and nationalist-led political, professional, and academic associations leads to official crackdowns on their activities. And while Abdullah has improved government relations with the Muslim Brotherhood, Jordan’s political system is still carefully controlled to limit Islamist influence. The precarious balance between Jordan’s Israel policy and public opinion was highlighted when fighting broke out in late September between Palestinians and Israelis in the West Bank and Gaza. Jordanian authorities banned public demonstrations after massive anti-Israel protests in and around Amman led to violent clashes with police.

A steep decline in popularity due to allegations of corruption, complaints about a lack of political accountability, the 1999 crackdown on the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas), and the slow pace of political and economic reform led to the resignation of the government in June. Former Industry and Trade Minister Ali Abul Ragheb was appointed prime minister and assembled a broad-based cabinet that includes Palestinians, Islamists, and nationalists. Despite hopes that the new cabinet would lead Jordan to economic prosperity, analysts noted that all recent governments have been charged by the royal palace with the goals of accountability and economic dynamism, but have failed because they operated within a political system in need of dramatic reform. One political commentator noted that accountability will not exist as long as changes in government are initiated by the monarchy and not by the parliament.

King Abdullah’s foreign policy reflects his commitment to economic development and his desire to maintain the support of Islamists and Arab nationalists. While participating in diplomatic efforts to forward the Middle East peace process, Abdullah remained relatively disengaged from Israel. His first official visit there came late, in April 2000, and was described by observers as “lukewarm,” involving only superficial discussions of regional issues. As violence flared late in the year in the West Bank and Gaza, Jordan struggled to maintain its relations with Israel as most Arab states froze their existing ties. Tensions increased when two Israeli diplomats were wounded in separate shooting attacks in Amman at the end of the year. Abdullah looked to promote economic cooperation with fellow Arab states, and, most notably, led efforts to end the trade embargo on Iraq by sending the first Arab humanitarian aid flight to Baghdad in September. Prime Minister Abul Ragheb made a landmark visit to Iraq in November, and the two countries agreed to set up an Iraqi-Jordanian oil pipeline. In December, Jordan directly violated sanctions by sending a commercial flight to Iraq. Although the consequences of this move regarding relations with the West are as yet unclear, such a display of support for the Iraqi people undoubtedly boosts the government’s image among Arabs at home and abroad.

Political Rights and Civil Liberties

Jordanians cannot change their government democratically. The king holds broad executive powers and may dissolve parliament or dismiss the prime minister or cabinet at his discretion. Parliament may approve, reject, or amend legislation proposed by the cabinet, but is restricted in its ability to initiate legislation. The electoral law and the distribution of parliamentary seats favor pro-Hashemite strongholds. Amendments designed to ensure more equitable participation have yet to materialize.

Security forces arbitrarily arrest and detain citizens, particularly Islamists, and abuse detainees in order to intimidate or extract confessions from them. Suspects in cases involving state security enjoy few procedural safeguards. Lawyers for 28 defendants charged with planning to commit acts of terrorism against Westerners during millennium celebrations accused authorities in May of illegally detaining, beating, and torturing 15 of the suspects who were in custody in Jordan. The other 13 defendants were tried in absentia. The judiciary is subject to executive influence through the justice ministry and a committee whose members are appointed by the king. In August, King Abdullah ordered Prime Minister Abul Ragheb to review Jordan’s legal system and report back with recommendations for reform.

The penal code, the State Security Law, the Law for Protecting State Secrets and Documents, and the Contempt of Court law all contain provisions that may be used to restrict freedom of expression and the press. All journalists are required by law to be members of the Jordan Press Association (JPA). Journalists may be expelled from the JPA for breaching its governing code, which prohibits journalists from holding additional jobs outside the profession and from receiving funding from foreign sources. Nidal Mansour, the chief editor of Al-Hadath and head of the Center for Defending Freedom of Journalists, was expelled from the JPA in September 2000 for violating both of these provisions, but a court ruling in December froze the JPA decision pending a final court order. Al-Hadath was then banned from publication by the information ministry until it appointed a new editor. Broadcasting is state owned and operated, as is Petra, the Jordanian news agency. However, the government began talks with media representatives in June about privatizing the sector. The government owns large shares of the popular Al-Ra’i and Al-Dustour newspapers. More affluent Jordanians have access to foreign broadcasting via satellite. Prior censorship of foreign publications was lifted in 1999. Jordan inaugurated its first Internet-based community radio station, AmmanNet, in October. Jordan reportedly has some 20,000 Internet subscribers.

The government grants permits for demonstrations, though it may refuse to do so on national security grounds. Police used tear gas and water cannons in April to disperse students protesting a decision by the University of Jordan to appoint half the members of the university’s student council, and allow voting only for the other half. The decision was seen as an attempt to limit Islamist influence in the council. Four students were arrested in the demonstrations. Authorities banned public demonstrations in October after police clashed with protesters expressing solidarity with Palestinians during violence in the West Bank and Gaza. Several anti-Israel rallies took place despite the ban, however.

Political parties and other associations are licensed by the government. Jordan currently has some 40 nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), which handle numerous political and social issues, including human rights. While the government may restrict NGO activities, Islamists call upon the authorities to crack down on foreign financing of associations, which is seen as an attempt by the West and Israel to control the country. Hardline professional associations and unions issued a blacklist in November of Jordanian journalists, academics, artists, companies, and schools that have advocated cross cultural and economic ties with Israel. The apparent intention was to punish people who have dealt with Israel and to discourage others from doing so. Some unions revoke membership, and therefore the opportunity to work, for members who associate with Israel.

At least 20 women were reportedly killed by male relatives in 2000 for alleged sexual misconduct. In February, King Abdullah’s brother Prince Ali led some 5,000 people in a march to protest laws granting impunity to men who commit honor killings. Although increasing attention to these killings, and activism by Jordanian and international women’s groups have raised public interest in the issue, the laws remain on the books. Women may drive, vote, stand in elections, and pursue careers in many professions. However, they constitute only 14 percent of the workforce and hold no seats in the elected legislature. Aside from legal discrimination in matters of divorce, inheritance, pension and social benefits, and travel, women face social pressures that discourage their political and professional participation.

Islam is the state religion; more than 90 percent of the population is Sunni Muslim. Christianity and Judaism are recognized faiths, and the government does not interfere with worship. Although not recognized as a religious minority, Bahais may practice their faith. However, they face legal and social discrimination, and their personal status matters are heard in Islamic Sharia courts. The Palestinian majority faces systematic discrimination in government and military employment and university admission.

More than 30 percent of workers belong to trade unions. All unions belong to the sole trade federation, the General Federation of Jordanian Trade Unions, though membership is not mandatory. Workers have the right to bargain collectively and may strike with government permission. Jordanian labor laws do not protect domestic servants, most of whom are South Asian nationals. Abuse of these workers, including beatings, rape, long work hours, and inadequate food, is reportedly pervasive. Many domestic workers fail to report abuse for fear of deportation.