28.05.2008 - Source: Amnesty International

Human rights violations including enforced disappearances, abductions, arbitrary detention, torture, extrajudicial executions reported in the Republics of Chechnya, Ingushetia, Dagestan and North Ossetia ("Annual Report 2008") [ID 23503]

"Federal and local law enforcement agencies operating in the region responded in an arbitrary and unlawful fashion to violent attacks by armed groups.

Serious human rights violations, including enforced disappearances and abductions, arbitrary detention, torture including in unofficial places of detention, and extrajudicial executions, were reported in the Republics of Chechnya, Ingushetia, Dagestan and North Ossetia.

People were convicted of crimes in cases where forced "confessions" formed part of the evidence against them.

People mounted demonstrations in Ingushetia and Dagestan against disappearances and other arbitrary actions by law enforcement agencies.

A rally against disappearances was banned in Chechnya's capital, Grozny, in October.

Human rights abuses, including abductions, were reportedly committed by armed groups against civilians in the region."

Document(s): Open document

26.04.2008 - Source: BBC News

Chechnya: Article on shoot-outs, kidnappings, disappearances and journalists ("Russia's region of 'lawlessness'") [ID 24423]

Document(s): Open document

04.2008 - Source: Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation

Security situation in Chechnya has improved, but it is difficult to assess if given improvement will be of permanent nature; armed clashes continue in Southern Chechnya ("Summary of the ACCORD-UNHCR Country of Origin Information Seminar on Chechnya; Vienna, 18 October 2007") [ID 22953]

"In comparison to the years 2003 to 2006, the security situation in Chechnya has clearly improved. Still not every incident is reported, but it is obvious that the attacks have become quite “surgical” – Russian soldiers and Chechen militants fight each other without targeting civilians. Although the number of violent incidents has decreased, armed clashes with casualties continue.

Armed clashes continue in the Southern mountainous part of Chechnya (namely the districts of Itum-Kale, Shatoy, Nodzhay-Yurt and Vedeno). This area is said to be a place where the approximately 300 rebel combatants are based. This area is also known as heavily contaminated with landmines. UNICEF has reported the killing of 27 people by landmine accidents in Chechnya in the first three quarters of 2007.

It is difficult to assess if the given improvement will be of permanent nature. One has to wait and observe the developments of the next 6 months - if the situation in Chechnya remains calm during/ after the parliamentary elections in December 2007 and the presidential elections in March 2008, this would be a sign of stability. Another indicator for a lasting peace would be the reduction of the number of federal forces in Chechnya, which is reported by the press to be 35,000 now. However, as a word of caution, one might consider the recent history of conflicts in the region. With major outbreaks of violence and fighting taking place every four to five years, at least such a time-span has to pass until the region can be classified as permanently stable or unstable."

Document(s): Open document

04.2008 - Source: Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation

UN has not been able to establish permanent presence in Chechnya; for missions within Chechnya UNHCR staff must announce to authorities locations in advance and are accompanied by heavily armed escorts provided by Russian Ministry of Interior ("Summary of the ACCORD-UNHCR Country of Origin Information Seminar on Chechnya; Vienna, 18 October 2007") [ID 22955]

"The UN office in Ingushetia had to be closed in July 2007 as a result of grenade attacks on the UN compound in March 2007. In the absence of approval from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the UN has not been able to establish a permanent presence in the Chechen Republic. UNHCR monitors the situation in Chechnya through its staff based in Grozny and missions that take place once a week or less. For missions within Chechnya, UNHCR staff must announce to the authorities the locations in advance and are accompanied by heavily armed escorts provided by the Russian Ministry of Interior. These escorts inhibit persons of concern in speaking openly about any concerns they may have though they stay outside when UNHCR holds meeting indoors. Some IDPs have asked UNHCR not to come and see them any longer. It is reported that the security forces visit the respective people in advance and question them and their family members about why the humanitarian organisation wants to talk to them.

In principle, there are no restrictions imposed by the authorities on the UN's access to areas within Chechnya. However, the UN virtually has no access to the south of Chechnya, where armed clashes reportedly take place occasionally."

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31.01.2008 - Source: Human Rights Watch

Russian federal and Chechen officials have claimed that conflict in Chechnya is “solved,” though sporadic armed clashes and counterinsurgency operations continue, carried out by forces under Kadyrov's command ("World Report 2008") [ID 22468]

"Ramzan Kadyrov, a former security chief, became president of Chechnya and is presiding over significant reconstruction of civilian infrastructure, changing the face of Grozny, the capital. Russian federal and Chechen officials have claimed that the conflict in Chechnya is “solved,” though sporadic armed clashes and counterinsurgency operations continue. These are carried out chiefly by forces under Kadyrov’s command, known as “kadyrovtsy,” who torture those suspected of ties to rebels and hold them in unlawful detention, including in secret detention centers."

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13.08.2007 - Source: Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (formerly Global IDP Project)

There are signs of progress, but life in Chechnya is not back to normal; armed insurgents are still active and regularly clash with government forces ("Government efforts help only some IDPs rebuild their lives; A profile of the internal displacement situation") [ID 21197]

"Change is evident in Chechnya as the conflict becomes less intense and the signs of war are erased. In the cities of Grozny, Gudermes and Argun, buildings and streets have been restored, squares and schools have been rebuilt and small businesses are opening up (The Independent, 6 March 2007). The brutality and intensity of the conflict has diminished since 2005, as shown by the decrease in the number of recorded abductions and by the replacement of large-scale “sweep” operations, in which government forces would seal off communities and search and detain individuals on an arbitrary basis, with more targeted searches aimed at capturing rebels and their supporters (HRW, 13 November 2006; Memorial, 16 May 2007; Research Centre for East European Studies / Center for Security Studies, 5 June 2007). International organisations have also noted progress in Chechnya, with the UN decreasing its security phase rating for Chechnya from V (evacuation) to IV (emergency operations), and the Council of Europe’s Committee for the Prevention of Torture noting an improvement in the material conditions of detention (UN OCHA, 13 December 2006; CoE, 13 March 2007). Despite these signs of progress, life in Chechnya is not back to normal. While the number of armed insurgents remaining is disputed, they are still active and regularly clash with local and federal government forces throughout the republic (IWPR, 12 July 2007; Swisspeace, 28 May 2007 and October 2006; Prague Watchdog, 23 April 2007; Memorial, 14 March 2007). Abductions and enforced disappearances continue, albeit less often, and perpetrators are rarely investigated or punished (UN CAT, 6 February 2007; Memorial, 16 May 2007; HRW, November 2006; AI, 23 May 2007). Unofficial detention centres continue to be run by local and federal soldiers who mistreat and torture to extract confessions, though the government denies their existence (UN CAT, 6 February 2007 and 21 November 2006; UN HRC, 25 January 2007; IHF, 15 May 2006; HRW, November 2006; CoE CPT, 13 March 2007). Some victims of human rights abuses who have applied to the European Court of Human Rights have been subjected to violent pressure to discourage them from continuing their application (Grouping of Russian NGOs, November 2006). The result is a “climate of fear” where society is governed by force rather than by law (BBC, 24 February 2006)."

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01.2007 - Source: Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe

Climate of fear still prevails, despite recently increasing reports that situation is calming down; irregularly there are bloody clashes between security forces and resistance and violence is spreading to neighbouring republics ("Nordkaukasus; Entwicklungen in Tschetschenien sowie in Dagestan, Kabardino-Balkarien, Inguschetien und Nordossetien") [ID 18666]

"Nach langen Jahren ausschliesslich negativer Meldungen aus Tschetschenien haben in letzter Zeit vermehrt Berichte über die Beruhigung der Lage sowie über die Erfolge des Wiederaufbaus in der Kaukasusrepublik die westliche Öffentlichkeit erreicht. Sowohl der Sonderberichterstatter des Europarats, Andreas Gross, als auch unabhängige BeobachterInnen und Journalisten bestätigen, dass sich die Lage, zumindest gegen aussen, im vergangenen Jahr verbessert hat. Insbesondere in der Hauptstadt Grosny schreitet der Wiederaufbau voran, und das öffentliche Leben hat sich in gewissen Bereichen normalisiert. Weiterhin herrscht jedoch ein Klima der Angst. Sicherheitskräfte und Widerstandskämpfer liefern sich in unregelmässigen Abständen blutige Gefechte und beide Seiten terrorisieren die Bevölkerung. Ausserdem ist die Infrastruktur in weiten Teilen der Republik nach wie vor desolat. Während die Verbesserungen in Tschetschenien – obwohl sie begrenzt sind – zu einer gewissen Hoffnung Anlass geben, stehen die Zeichen für den übrigen Nordkaukasus schlecht: In den Nachbarrepubliken Tschetscheniens, insbesondere in Dagestan, kommt es immer häufiger zu gewalttätigen Auseinandersetzungen zwischen Widerstandskämpfern und Sicherheitskräften – in Dagestan sind die Opferzahlen mittlerweile sogar höher als in Tschetschenien."

Document(s): Open document

01.2007 - Source: Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe

Security situation has become significantly worse in hardly accessible mountainous areas; local residents are suspected of supporting rebels and become victims of assaults by security forces (for example in Sharoy District) ("Nordkaukasus; Entwicklungen in Tschetschenien sowie in Dagestan, Kabardino-Balkarien, Inguschetien und Nordossetien") [ID 18682]

"Während insbesondere in der tschetschenischen Hauptstadt Grosny wieder gebaut wird, verschwinden nach wie vor Menschen. Es wird immer noch gemordet und gefoltert. Als Täter verdächtigen MenschenrechtsaktivistInnen immer häufiger Kadyrowzy Deutlich verschlechtert hat sich die Sicherheitslage in den schwer zugänglichen Bergregionen. Dorthin, wo der erste Tschetschenienkrieg zwischen 1994 und 1996 gar nie hinfand, hat sich in den letzten Monaten und Jahren die Auseinandersetzung zwischen Sicherheitskräften und Widerstandskämpfern verlegt. Die lokale Bevölkerung wird verdächtigt, Widerstandskämpfer zu unterstützen, und leidet deshalb besonders unter den Übergriffen durch die Sicherheitskräfte. Im Distrikt Sharoi sind zum Beispiel in den letzten acht Monaten von insgesamt nur 3200 Einwohnern 20 Menschen verschleppt worden. Es überrascht kaum, dass die Bevölkerung, wenn immer möglich, die Bergregionen verlässt. So ist die Bevölkerung von Sharoi in den letzten sieben Jahren um ein Drittel geschrumpft."

Document(s): Open document

01.2007 - Source: Human Rights Watch

Ongoing armed conflict continues to claim civilian lives; „kadyrovtsy“ now dominate law enforcement and security operations and commit grave human rights abuses ("World Report 2007") [ID 19484]

"Despite claims of stability and reconstruction in Chechnya, the ongoing armed conflict continues to claim civilian lives. Russia’s federal forces play less of a direct role in Chechnya; pro-Kremlin Chechen forces under the command of Chechnya’s prime minister, Ramzan Kadyrov, known as the “kadyrovtsy” now dominate law enforcement and security operations and commit grave human rights abuses. Although local human rights groups reported a slight decline in the number of abductions leading to forced disappearances in 2006, these disappearances remain a key feature of the conflict, with as many as 5,000 people “disappeared” since 1999 and at least 54 so far in 2006. Reports of torture, especially in unofficial detention centers run by the “Kadyrovtsy” increased in 2006. The Russian government failed to pursue any accountability process for human rights abuses committed during the course of the conflict in Chechnya. Unable to secure justice domestically, hundreds of victims of abuse have filed applications with the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR). The court issued landmark rulings on Chechnya, finding the Russian government guilty of violating the right to life and the prohibition of torture with respect to civilians who had died or been forcibly disappeared at the hands of Russia’s federal troops. Hundreds of similar claims are pending before the court."

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07.11.2005 - Source: Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe

113 separatists, 104 policemen and 81 army members killed between January and September 2005 ("Tschetschenien: Update: Entwicklungen in Tschetschenien, Inguschetien, Dagestan und anderen Teilen der Russischen Föderation") [#38928],  [ID 16372]

"Die Sicherheitslage in Tschetschenien ist nach wie vor äusserst prekär. Fast täglich kommt es zu blutigen Auseinandersetzungen zwischen russischen bzw. prorussischen tschetschenischen Kräften und Widerstandskämpfern. 113 bewaffnete Separatisten sind nach offiziellen Angaben der tschetschenischen Regierung allein zwischen Januar und September 2005 getötet und 247 festgenommen worden. 35 haben gemäss der selben Quelle freiwillig ihre Waffen niedergelegt. In der gleichen Zeitspanne seien 104 tschetschenische Polizisten getötet worden. Das russische Verteidigungsministerium spricht von 81 getöteten und vier vermissten Armeeangehörigen. Diese Zahlen sind zwar bestimmt unvollständig, sie zeigen jedoch eines klar: Die Moskau-treuen tschetschenischen Einheiten bezahlen den höchsten Preis.16 Mit Sicherheit viel höher, aber ebenfalls schwierig zu beziffern, sind die Opfer unter der Zivilbevölkerung."

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11.2005 - Source: International Federation for Human Rights

"Chechenization" has not brought peace; stabilization and minimum of security is precondition for investment in economy and creating jobs ("In a Climate of Fear; "Political Process" and Parliamentary Elections in Chechnya (IHF, FIDH, NHC, Demos, Memorial)") [#39859],  [ID 16373]

"The “Chechenization” – i.e. the handing over of responsibility, including for the conduct of “antiterrorist” operations, from the federal to the local authorities – of the conflict has not brought peace to the Chechen Republic. It has resulted in the brutalization of the warring sides and pervasive fear and insecurity for the civilians. The conflict has acquired another internal Chechen dimension, more difficult to resolve than the Russian–Chechen conflict. Moreover, the emergence of pro-Kremlin armed groups, which are only partly controlled by the government/federal authorities, creates preconditions for new spirals of violence in the future. The emergence of security forces numbering thousands added to the remaining high numbers of Chechen fighters result in mass militarization of the male population, a situation where thousands of young men in Chechnya do not know how to win their bread in a way other than with their guns. Many representatives of local security agencies are simply not interested in ending the low intensity warfare – otherwise they risk joining the army of the unemployed. At the same time, it is obvious that investment in the economy and creating jobs are not possible without general stabilization and at least minimal security guarantees for the invested capital. A vicious circle emerges, with one possible way out – the reduction of confrontation, transformation of the conflict from armed to political, and implementation of programs for reintegrating former rebel fighters into the peaceful labor and life."

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15.08.2005 - Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

Chechen pro-Moscow official: death toll from wars could be 160,000 ("Chechen Official: Death Toll From Wars Could Be 160,000") [#35399],  [ID 16374]

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07.06.2005 - Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

Chechnya: Alkhanov says that situation in the republic is improving; but according to human rights organizations working in the region they do not see such improvement ("Chechen President Touts Improvements, But Rights Groups Disagree") [#32775],  [ID 16375]

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15.04.2005 - Source: ReliefWeb

Security situation in Chechnya and Ingushetia is deteriorating ("Situation in Chechnya and Ingushetia is becoming more tense (PW)") [#31324],  [ID 16376]

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17.02.2005 - Source: Institute for War and Peace Reporting

Chechnya: Especially in the districts bordering on Georgia and Dagestan, Shatoi, Itum-Kale, Vedeno and Nozhai-Yurt more than 20 villages have been wholly or partially depopulated because of bombings, mop-up raids and special operations by Russian forces ("Chechnya: Conflict Empties Villages") [#29069],  [ID 16377]

"“Since the war began in the autumn of 1999, the Russians have been constantly bombing and shelling the mountain gorges and forests both in our district and across southern Chechnya. They’re still doing it,” said Usumov. “The locals were forced to flee, fearing for their own lives and those of their next of kin. Any village can be targeted at any time. Russian soldiers can break into your home any time, kill or kidnap you or your family members, and then vanish without a trace and no one will catch the perpetrators.” As Chechen mountain villages have no gas or coal, people have to heat their homes with wood - but this has to be gathered in the forest, and few want to stray there. As well as the danger posed by the scores of landmines planted there, villagers run the risk of being captured by the Russian troops who comb the area looking for guerrillas. Traditionally, people in mountain villages lived off the land by cattle farming, beekeeping or growing maize and potatoes. In summer, the men would leave to find seasonal work in Russia, Kazakstan or elsewhere in the Soviet Union. But this kind of life has become impossible. “The troops have driven people away with their bombings, mop-up raids and special operations,” said Usam Baisayev of the Memorial human rights organisation, referring to the house-to-house operations carried out by Russian soldiers and their Chechen allies. “The odd village still has one or two families living in it, but others have been completely depopulated, especially in the districts bordering on Georgia and Dagestan, Shatoi, Itum-Kale, Vedeno and Nozhai-Yurt. Those who can afford it buy housing to quieter parts of Chechnya, up north, others move in with their relatives or friends.” Human rights activists have compiled an incomplete list of more than 20 villages that have been wholly or partially abandoned because of the conflict. [...] Memorial’s Baisayev said, “The exodus from the foothills and mountains peaked in 2001 and continued through 2002, when the cruellest mop-up raids were carried out. “These villages were subjected to the most inhumane treatment. Soldiers rampaged through the communities again and again, breaking into homes, and taking people away. All this was accompanied by incessant shelling and bombing. Villagers had no choice but to flee to more peaceful places on the plains.” Many ordinary Chechens believe the Russian military is pursuing a coordinated policy to drive people out of the mountains as a way of undermining the rebels’ support base. “This theory was prompted by a certain document, which appeared on the internet at the beginning of the second Chechen War,” said Baisayev. “The document, allegedly adopted by Russia’s Security Council, called for all mountain villages between Bamut and Dargo to be liquidated,” he said."

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06.07.2004 - Source: ReliefWeb

The situation in Chechnya has steeply turned for the worse; explosions, shoot-outs and kidnappings now occur on a daily basis ("Situation in Chechnya worsens (Prague Watchdog)") [#23859],  [ID 16378]

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24.05.2004 - Source: Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe

Insecurity and tensions continue to dominate in Chechnya ("Tschetschenien und die tschetschenische Bevölkerung in der Russischen Föderation ") [#23046],  [ID 16379]

"Spannung und Unsicherheit dominieren in Tschetschenien unvermindert. Explosionen mit zivilen und militärischen Opfern, Übergriffe von Sicherheitskräften und Widerstandskämpfern sowie andere Kriminalität gehören zur Tagesordnung.23 Über die Opfer gibt es keine verlässlichen Zahlen. Die Menschenrechtsorganisation Memorial rechnete Ende 2003 mit zwischen 10'000 und 30'000 zivilen Opfern seit Beginn des zweiten Krieges, während andere von der dreifachen Zahl ausgehen.24 Auch über militärische Opfer gibt es keine genauen Zahlen. Die Komitees der Soldatenmütter Russlands gingen im Mai 2004 von 25'000 Todesopfern unter den Soldaten aus. Offizielle russische Stellen sind nicht einmal davor zurück geschreckt, in der jüngsten Volkszählung im Oktober 2002 von einem Bevölkerungswachstum in Tschetschenien trotz Krieg und Vertreibung von über 50 Prozent – von rund 700'000 auf 1'104'000 Menschen – seit Mitte der 1990er Jahre zu sprechen.25 Ein weiterer gefälschter Beweis für eine Normalisierung, die nicht stattfindet.26 Die Lage ist zudem viel unübersichtlicher als angenommen werden könnte. Die beiden Lager, Russen und Tschetschenen, sind in sich alles andere als homogen. Im Vergleich zu den ersten zwei Jahren des zweiten Tschetschenienkrieges hat sich die Art des Konfliktes in den letzten Jahren verändert: es gibt keinen offenen Krieg mehr, obgleich beispielsweise die russische Luftwaffe nach wie vor gelegentlich Luftangriffe fliegt. Der tschetschenische Widerstand hat sich auf Guerrilla- und Störaktionen verlegt."

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05.2004 - Source: Defence Academy of the United Kingdom - Advanced Research and Assessment Group

Report focused on recent escalation of terrorist violance; overview of different parties of conflict ("Chechnya: Centre of Unabated Instability & Conflict (by C W Blandy)") [#27845],  [ID 16380]

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15.01.2004 - Source: Institute for War and Peace Reporting

Chechnya: the ongoing fighting reported ("Chechnya: The Fighting Goes On") [#18800],  [ID 16381]

"A Russian officer named Vitaly from the military command headquarters also admits that the conflict is not over. “Not a single day passes by without our field-engineer soldiers finding landmines and other self-explosive devices on roads during terrain inspections, while in Grozny and other major towns the attacks on soldiers continue,” he said. “It’s a real partisan war going on here. At the moment the fighters are slightly less active due to winter conditions, but during the spring and summer it gets really hot here.” The character of the fighting has changed. The Chechen fighters are more scattered and divided than they were in the conflict of 1994-96. Several former rebel commanders, including Ruslan Yamadayev, Apti Arsanukayev and Ibragim Sultygov are now fighting on the Russian side. Usman claims that those still fighting remain loyal to rebel president Aslan Maskhadov and that if necessary, they can unite forces for a joint operation at two or three days’ notice. The main disagreement, he says, is over the use of suicide bombing as a tactic. The most feared Chechen fighter, Shamil Basayev, argues for shifting military operations to Russian territory, deploying suicide bombers, and eliminating those who collaborate with the Russian authorities, while Maskhadov, Ruslan Gelayev and some other commanders disagree."

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26.09.2003 - Source: Council of Europe - Parliamentary Assembly

Chechnya: Run-up to presidential election on 5 October; no observer delegation because of difficult security situation ("Assembly Bureau decides against sending observers to Chechnya [466a(2003)]") [#16395],  [ID 16384]

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14.05.2003 - Source: Council of Europe - Secretary General

Security situation had considerably deteriorated ("Twenty-seventh interim report by the Secretary General on the presence of the Council of Europe’s experts in the Office of the Special Representative of the President of the Russian Federation for ensuring Human Rights and Civil Rights and Freedoms in the Chechen Republic – period from 19 February to 13 May 2003 [SG/Inf(2003) 23]") [#14573],  [ID 16386]

"11. The number of checkpoints has been reduced in Grozny. The situation was stabilised until early April. Following an explosion of a roadside bomb killing eight civilians on 3 April, special operations and “targeted measures” were carried out by the federal forces in the city of Grozny and in the Shali and Vedeno Districts. 12. By the end of April, the security situation had considerably deteriorated in Chechnya. Attacks on members of law-enforcement agencies have intensified compared to the pre-referendum period."

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Addendum

29.01.2003 - Source: Human Rights Watch

HRW: Dire security situation inside Chechnya ("Into Harm’s Way: Forced Return of Displaced People to Chechnya") [#10533],  [ID 16388]

"Human Rights Watch researchers visited dozens of displaced families in all of the remaining tent camps in Ingushetia, and almost all of them gave the same reason for refusing to return to Chechnya: they fear for their lives, and the lives of their children. Such fears are well-founded. Chechnya remains an active war zone where, as described below, human rights violations by both Russian and Chechen forces continue. The incident causing greatest loss of civilian life since the first year of the war occurred as recently as December 27, 2002, when, as described above, Chechen rebel forces bombed the main government building in Grozny, causing seventy-two deaths and wounding 210 others.[17] Yet Russian officials routinely dismiss displaced persons’ security concerns. The dire security situation inside Chechnya merited barely a mention in the government’s May 2002 return plan.[18] When Human Rights Watch representatives raised security concerns inside Chechnya with a leading official of the United Headquarters, they received a derisive response: “The situation in Chechnya is not much more dangerous than in Moscow, where people are also kidnapped, abducted, killed, and taken as hostages on a daily basis.”[19] When Human Rights Watch mentioned specifically that Chechen displaced families were concerned about the safety of young men, the official suggested that young Chechen men “are not in the camps, they are all in Chechnya, fighting and killing Russian soldiers.”[20] In fact, many young Chechen males do live in the tent camps. It is exactly this blanket generalization, shared by many Russian soldiers—that all young Chechen males are fighters—that endangers the lives of the displaced, particularly young Chechen males, who return to Chechnya. Neither the Ingush Migration Service nor the Chechen government agency responsible for internally displaced persons gathers information on human rights violations from sources other than law enforcement agencies. Nor do migration authorities focus specifically on human rights abuses as part of their assessment of the overall security situation for returnees. Most displaced persons Human Rights Watch spoke with were well informed about security conditions inside Chechnya. In December, many had traveled home to celebrate one of the major Muslim holidays, the end of Ramadan.[21] Those interviewed by Human Rights Watch gave detailed, sometimes first-hand, accounts of numerous abusive sweep operations, large-scale looting, and other abuses committed by Russian soldiers that they had witnessed during the holiday period and before. One displaced woman said that after she applied for relocation, her brother was killed in the village of Chechen-Aul, after being detained during a sweep operation.[22]Another described four apparent “disappearances” that resulted from a sweep operation that took place on December 5-6 in a village close to Grozny, where she went to visit her family on holidays.[23] One individual who works in a displaced persons camp told Human Rights Watch that he was caught in a sweep operation in Starye Atagi on December 6-7 at his mother’s home, and had to bribe his way out of detention.[24] A woman in her mid-thirties told Human Rights Watch that she got caught in crossfire when she returned to Grozny on December 9 to receive seventy rubles of government support for her child: “I returned the same day without getting the allowance,” she said"

Document(s): Open document