25.03.2008 - Source: Daily Star

Governing Justice and Development Party (AKP), under legal threat of closure, wants to amend the constitution to make bans on political parties more difficult ("Turkey's AKP to make banning parties more difficult") [ID 22692]

Document(s): Open document

06.11.2007 - Source: European Commission

Constitutional reforms ("Turkey 2007 Progress Report [SEC(2007) 1436]") [ID 22253]

"On 10 May 2007, the Turkish Grand National Assembly adopted a package of constitutional reforms proposed by the majority Justice and Development Party (AKP). The package introduces the election of the President by popular vote for a renewable term of five years, the shortening of the government's term of office from five to four years and the establishment of a quorum of one third for all sessions and decisions of parliament. A referendum held on 21 October endorsed these reforms.

In a separate constitutional amendment, the minimum age for a person to be elected to parliament was lowered from 30 to 25 years. The new rules will not be applicable until the next parliamentary elections."

Document(s): Open document

10.05.2007 - Source: Guardian

Parliament passes major constitutional amendment to allow people, rather than members of parliament, to elect president ("Ankara reforms embrace people power") [ID 19893]

Document(s): Open document

10.05.2007 - Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

Legislators approve constitutional amendment that would make it more difficult for Kurdish politicians to enter parliament ("Turkey Passes Amendment Seen As Curbing Kurdish Votes") [ID 19894]

Document(s): Open document

10.10.2006 - Source: International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights

Constitution and minority rights/protection ("A Minority Policy of Systematic Negation") [ID 18153]

"The Constitution of the Republic of Turkey, adopted in 1982, does not refer to minorities. Only article 10 of the constitution guarantees all individuals “equality before the law,” without any discrimination, irrespective of language, race, color, sex, political opinion, philosophical belief, religion and sect, or other such considerations.

In fact, the constitution itself provides contradictory guidance on the rights of minority groups within the state. Indeed, while article 2 states that the “Republic of Turkey is a democratic, secular, and social state governed by the rule of law; bearing in mind the concepts of public peace, national solidarity and justice, respecting human rights…,” the preamble of the constitution informs that “no protection shall be accorded to an activity contrary to Turkish national interests, the principle of the indivisibility of the existence of Turkey with its state and territory, Turkish historical and moral values or the nationalism, principles, reforms and modernism of Atatürk and that, as required by the principle of secularism, there shall be no interference whatsoever by sacred religious feelings in state affairs and politics.” In other words, the preamble of the constitution clearly warns against any effort to promote cultures, languages, or any other characteristics other than Turkish and condemns any such initiative or behavior as anti-Turkish, secessionist, and contrary to Turkish interests. In conformity with these constitutional provisions, “creating minorities,” by referring to their existence, was criminalized in the Turkish law."

Document(s): Report
Press Release

27.09.2006 - Source: Federal Government (Germany)

Constitution and religious freedom ("Antwort der Bundesregierung auf die Kleine Anfrage der Fraktion Bündnis 90/Die Grünen - BT-Drs. 16/2739 -") [ID 17987]

"Die türkische Verfassung garantiert die Religions- und Gewissensfreiheit. Die individuelle Glaubensfreiheit wird respektiert und die Religionsausübung ist weitgehend frei möglich. Das neue türkische Strafgesetzbuch (in Kraft seit 1. Juni 2005) stellt in Artikel 115 die Behinderung der Religionsfreiheit und in Artikel 216 die Erniedrigung religiöser Werte unter Strafe. Allerdings unter- liegen religiöse Gemeinschaften außerhalb des sunnitischen Islam, also auch islamische Gruppierungen, rechtlichen und administrativen Einschränkungen bei ihren Gruppenrechten, wie auch der letzte Fortschrittsbericht Türkei der EU-Kommission vom 9. November 2005 festgestellt hat."

Document(s): BT-Drs16/2739

15.09.2006 - Source: US Department of State

Consitution and religious freedom ("International Religious Freedom Report 2006") [ID 18461]

"The constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the Government generally respected this right in practice; however, the Government imposes some restrictions on Muslim and other religious groups and on Muslim religious expression in government offices, state-run institutions, and universities, usually for the stated reason of preserving the "secular state." The constitution establishes the country as a secular state and provides for freedom of belief, freedom of worship, and the private dissemination of religious ideas. However, other constitutional provisions regarding the integrity and existence of the secular state restrict these rights. The constitution prohibits discrimination on religious grounds. Core institutions of the state, including the presidency, armed forces, judiciary, and state bureaucracy, have played the role of defending traditional Turkish secularism throughout the history of the republic. In some cases, elements of the state have opposed policies of the elected Government on the grounds that they threatened the secular state.

[...] The constitution establishes compulsory religious and moral instruction in primary and secondary schools. Religious minorities are exempted. However, some religious minorities - such as Protestants - faced difficulty obtaining exemptions, particularly if their identification cards did not specifically list membership in a minority religion. The Government claims that the religion courses cover the range of world religions; however, religious minorities said the courses reflected Sunni Islamic doctrine, which, they maintained, explains why non-Muslims are exempt."

Document(s): Open document

10.2005 - Source: UK Home Office

The Constitution ("Country Report - October 2005") [#40563], [ID 13232]

"[...]5.1 The ‘Introduction to Turkish Law’ (1996), by Ansay and Wallace, states: “The framers of the 1982 Constitution approached their task with the assumption that the political crisis of the 1970s was due to the erosion of state authority and, more specifically, to the weakness of the executive branch. This, in turn, was attributed to what was perceived as the excessive permissiveness of the 1961 Constitution and its equally excessive limitations on the exercise of the executive authority. The underlying objective of the framers of the 1982 Constitution was a ‘strong state and strong executive’." [64] (p26)

5.2 Introduction to Turkish Law continues “The principal characteristics of the state have been described in Articles 1 through 3 of the Constitution. Article 1 states that ‘the State of Turkey is a Republic.’ Article 2 describes the characteristics of the Republic as ‘a democratic, secular, and social state governed by the rule of law, in accordance with the concept of social peace, national solidarity, and justice; respectful of human rights, committed to Atatürk nationalism, and based on the fundamental principles set forth in the Preamble.’ Finally, according to Article 3, ‘the Turkish State is an indivisible whole with its territory and nation. Its language is Turkish. Its flag is composed of a white crescent and star on a red background, in the manner prescribed by law. Its national anthem is the ‘Independence March’. Its capital is Ankara. Provisions contained in the first three articles are specially protected by Article 4 of the constitution according to which Articles 1,2 and 3 shall not be amended, nor shall their amendment be proposed.” [64] (p27)

5.3 As noted in Introduction to Turkish Law: “The 1982 Constitution, like its predecessors, retained the Kemalist conception of secularism. While it clearly recognized the freedom of religion (which compromises the freedom of faith and the freedom of worship), it kept the directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet Isleri Baskanligi) as part of the administrative apparatus (Art. 136).” [64] (p31) Introduction to Turkish Law also stated that Article 3's reference to the indivisibility of the state with its territory and nation is a clear ban on separatist movements. [64] (p28)

5.4 In April 2004 the Turkish Daily News reported that the Government proposed 10 amendments to the Constitution. Some of the changes included adding the statement ‘men and women have equal rights’ to Article 10, removing all references to capital punishment in Articles 15, 17 & 38 and annulling article 143 which effectively abolished State Security Courts. [23n]

5.5 As reported by the Turkish Daily News on 24 June 2004, the Constitution package was approved by Parliament on 7 May 2004 and sent to the President. [23o]

5.6 Amnesty International’s report ‘Europe and Central Asia Summary of Amnesty International’s Concerns in the Region January - June 2004’ published 1 September 2004 stated that “Notable laws in this period were the package of constitutional changes approved by the Turkish Parliament on 7 May [2004]. As of June [2004] one third of the articles in the 1982 constitution had been changed and this was the ninth time it had been amended. Among the changes, Article 143 - providing for State Security Courts - and Article 131/2 - providing for a member chosen by the General Chief of Staff to be represented on the Higher Education Council – were both repealed, and by adjusting part of Article 160 the annual military expenditure was made more transparent and placed under the monitoring of the Exchequer (Sayıştay).” [12l] (p56)

5.7 The AI report continued “An important alteration to Article 90 of the Constitution placed international conventions above domestic law; this means that where there is a contradiction between the provisions of domestic law and an international agreement, international standards will take precedence. The impact of this measure was already beginning to be reflected in certain Court of Appeal decisions in subsequent months. A further amendment to Article 38 of the Constitution provided for extradition orders to be complied with in those cases which fell under the provisions of the International Criminal Court (ICC); although Turkey is not yet a signatory to the ICC Statute, this paves the way for it to become a party. All provisions in the Constitution (in Articles 15, 17, 38 and 87) relating to the death penalty were removed.” [12l] (p56) [...]"

Document(s): Open document

04.2005 - Source: UK Home Office

Citizenship and nationality ("Country Report - April 2005") [#31987], [ID 13233]

"[...]5.8 As regards nationality by birth, Introduction to Turkish Law states that “Turkish nationality is mainly acquired through the relation to the father or mother. Thus a legitimate or illegitimate, but legally recognised, child of a Turkish father or mother is Turkish. Legitimate children born to a Turkish mother, and not acquiring the nationality of the father by birth, as well as all illegitimate children born to Turkish mothers, are Turkish. Children born of non-Turkish parents do not acquire Turkish nationality by reason of birth on Turkish soil. An exception is the case of children born in Turkey and not acquiring at the time of birth the nationality of either their father or mother; they are Turkish at birth.” [64] (p89) 5.9 Regarding acquisition of nationality other than by birth. Introduction to Turkish Law states that “A foreign woman acquires Turkish nationality at the time of marriage to a Turkish man, if she makes a declaration of intention to this effect to the marriage officer. Any foreigner may acquire Turkish nationality by means of naturalisation (telsik). Persons who have lived in Turkey more than five years and have all the qualifications required by the law may apply to the Ministry of Interior, and, upon the recommendation of this Ministry, the Council of Ministers may grant Turkish nationality.” [64] (p89) [...]"

Document(s): Open document

15.02.2005 - Source: Council of Europe - European Commission against Racism and Intolerance

Reform of the Constitution was accompanied by seven packages of legislative reforms ("Third report on Turkey: Adopted on 25 June 2004 and made public on 15 February 2005 [CRI(2005) 5]") [#30573], [ID 13234]

"10. A thorough overhaul of the Turkish Constitution was effected in October 2001, particularly with a view to strengthening fundamental rights and freedoms. A further revision of ten articles took place in 2004. The reform of the Constitution was accompanied by seven packages of legislative reforms chiefly designed to reflect the basic amendments to the Constitution and thus to extend rights and freedoms in Turkey. ECRI is pleased to learn that Articles 13 and 14 on the restriction of fundamental rights and freedoms have been amended to bring them more closely into line with the provisions of the ECHR. Article 26 on freedom of expression no longer prohibits the use of a language other than Turkish to express and disseminate ideas. The provision of Article 28 on the freedom of the press to the effect that nothing may be published in a language prohibited by law has been repealed2. These amendments lift a major obstacle to the expression of the ethnic and cultural identities of everyone living in Turkey, a development that ECRI welcomes."

Document(s): Open document

24.01.2005 - Source: Konrad Adenauer Stiftung

Konrad Adenauer Foundation: Discussion about implementing a presidental system ("Politischer Bericht Türkei: Vor dem 13. außerordentlichen Parteikongress der Republikanischen Volkspartei (CHP) - Zusammenbruch oder Wende?") [#38694], [ID 13235]

"Die Überlegungen der Regierung zur Einführung eines Präsidialsystems in der Türkei wurden von Ministerpräsident Tayyip Erdoğan im April des vergangenen Jahres während eines Fernsehinterviews zum ersten Mal öffentlich geäußert. „Mein politischer Wunsch geht in Richtung eines Präsidialsystems oder eines semi-präsidentiellen Systems. Bedingung dafür ist natürlich ein Konsens zwischen allen Institutionen unseres Landes und auch der Menschen. Wenn wir dies schaffen sollten, glaube ich, dass die Türkei einen großen Sprung machen kann. Für mich wäre das amerikanische System ideal.“ US-Präsident Bush selbst soll Erdoğan das amerikanische Regierungssystem nahe gelegt haben. Mittlerweile wurde die Diskussion durch den Regierungssprecher und Justizminister Cemil Çiçek sowie durch den Vorsitzenden der Verfassungskommission des Türkischen Parlaments, Prof. Dr. Burhan Kuzu, weiter angeheizt. Beide sind für einen Wandel des Regierungssystems.

Der türkische Staatspräsident hat neben seinen repräsentativen Funktionen umfangreiche legislative, exekutive und judikative Kompetenzen. Er kann Gesetze mit einem Veto belegen, das türkische Verfassungsgericht anrufen und Referenden anberaumen. Er hat den Vorsitz des Nationalen Sicherheitsrates, ernennt den Generalstabschef und im Kriegsfalle ist er der Oberbefehlshaber der Armee. Er kann das Kabinett einbestellen und den Vorsitz führen. Durch den Staatlichen Kontrollrat, der seiner Behörde unterstellt ist, kann er jederzeit jedes Ministerium oder jede staatliche Institution überprüfen lassen. Er hat Vorschlagsrecht für ein Viertel der Verfassungsrichter und für die Hälfte der Mitglieder des Hochschulrates. Auf deren Vorschlag hin ernennt er alle Universitätsrektoren und auf Vorschlag des „Hohen Richter und Staatsanwaltsrats“ die wichtigsten Richter. Eigentlich erfüllt das Amt des türkischen Staatspräsidenten heute schon einige Vorraussetzungen eines Präsidialsystems. Jedoch mit einem wichtigen Unterschied: Der Staatspräsident braucht keine Wahlen zu gewinnen.

Ein Wandel des Regierungssystems wurde auch schon von den früheren Ministerpräsidenten Özal und Demirel angeregt. Während Demirel eher das französische Vorbild bevorzugte, wollte Özal die Türkei nach dem Vorbild der USA umgestalten. Der Gedanke wurde jedoch von Beiden nicht weiter verfolgt, obwohl es dafür die notwendigen Mehrheiten in der Großen Türkischen Nationalversammlung gab. Beide hatten später das Amt des Staatspräsidenten der Türkei inne.

Der aktuellen Diskussion liegen jedoch andere Motive zu Grunde. Die Amtszeit des derzeitigen Staatspräsidenten Ahmet Necdet Sezer endet im Mai 2007. Eine Wiederwahl ist laut Verfassung nicht möglich. Nationale Wahlen stehen übrigens für November 2007 an. Für viele politische Beobachter gibt es keinen Zweifel daran, dass Ministerpräsident Erdoğan auch Staatspräsident werden möchte. Eine knappe zwei Drittelmehrheit dafür hat die AKP im Parlament. Jedoch möchte, nach Ansicht politischer Beobachter, der AKP-Vorsitzende nicht ohne umfangreiche Machtbefugnisse in das Präsidentenamt wechseln. Er wolle wohl vor allem die EU-Beitrittsverhandlungen weiterhin wesentlich mitgestalten.

Parlamentspräsident Bülent Arinç hat vor einer verfrühten Einführung eines Präsidialsystems gewarnt. Mindestens zwei Legislaturperioden solle der Parlamentarismus noch beibehalten werden. In dieser Zeit könne über eine Stärkung und Verbesserung des aktuellen politischen Systems nachgedacht werden. Möglich wäre z.B. die Herabsetzung der 10% Sperrklausel. Ministerpräsident Erdoğan ist gegen eine Absenkung der Sperrklausel, regte aber an, für 100 der 550 Sitze im türkischen Parlament diese Regel künftig auszusetzen. Die Diskussion um einen Systemwandel hat Bewegung in die Reformbestrebung des türkischen Parlamentarismus sowie des Parteien- und Wahlrechts gebracht.

Zustimmung und Ablehnung der Reformvorschläge halten sich in der türkischen Öffentlichkeit die Waage. Einige bevorzugen aus historischen Erfahrungen das System eines „Starken Mannes“. Einzelne Führungspersönlichkeiten würden in der Türkei immer noch mehr bewegen als Programme oder Konzepte. Der Großindustrielle Rahmi Koç meldete sich zu diesem Thema von seiner Weltumseglung. Die beste Regierungsform sei für ihn die einer „klugen Diktatur“. Da dies in der heutigen Zeit jedoch kaum mehr durchsetzbar sei, bevorzuge er das Präsidialsystem. Kritiker verweisen daraufhin, dass der Zentralismus in der Türkei eine andere Regierungsform als die aktuelle ad absurdum führe. Das föderale System in den USA beinhalte große politische Kompetenzen der einzelnen Staaten, zudem gebe es in der Türkei sehr ausgeprägte und starke Parteien, die einen solchen Systemwechsel nicht befürworten würden.

Es wird darüber spekuliert, dass die AKP schon einen Entwurf für eine Verfassungsreform ausgearbeitet hat und zurzeit den Grad der Bereitschaft in der Bevölkerung für ein solches Vorhaben testet. Viele nehmen an, dass Tayyip Erdoğan im Mai 2007 neuer Staatspräsident und Außenminister Abdullah Gül neuer Ministerpräsident sein wird. Ende 2007 gewinnt die AKP dann mit großer Mehrheit die Wahlen und einer Änderung des Regierungssystems stünde nichts mehr im Wege. Einige vermuten jedoch, dass es zu vorgezogenen Neuwahlen im Jahr 2006 kommen könnte. Die hervorragenden Umfragewerte von 61% Zustimmung in der Wählergunst für die AKP werden wohl kaum noch drei lange Jahre gehalten werden können. Ministerpräsident Erdoğan könnte so sichere Mehrheiten für die notwendigen Verfassungsänderungen bekommen."

Document(s): Open document

07.07.2004 - Source: World Organisation Against Torture

Legal status of women ("Violence Against Women - 10 reports - year 2003") [#24621], [ID 13236]

"The Constitution of Turkey provides, in Article 10, for equality before the law of men and women without discrimination. The Article reads: “All individuals are equal without any discrimination before the law, irrespective of language, race, colour, sex, political opinion, philosophical belief, religion and sect, or any other such considerations” (emphasis added). However, there is no legislation in Turkey which punishes discrimination on the basis of sex. Article 41 of the Constitution was amended in 2001 to provide for the equality of spouses in marriage. The Constitution now provides that “The family is the foundation of Turkish society and is based on equality between spouses.” [Emphasis added] [...] Article 41 also provides for the protection of the family, especially of the mother and children: “The State shall take the necessary measures and establish the necessary organization to ensure the peace and welfare of the family, especially the protection of the mother and children, and for family planning education and its application.” With regard to education, article 42 of the Constitution states: “Primary education is compulsory for all citizens of both sexes and is free of charge in state schools.” [...] Several noteworthy changes to the Code reflect the new approach to gender equality: 1) The husband is no longer the head of the family; spouses are equal partners, jointly running the matrimonial union with equal decision-making powers; 2) Spouses have equal rights over the family abode; 3) Spouses have equal rights over property acquired during marriage; 4) Spouses have equal representative powers; 5) The concept of “illegitimacy” formerly used to designate children born out of wedlock has been abolished; custody of children born outside marriage lies with the mother. The new Civil Code has also raised the legal minimum age for marriage to 18 (it was formerly 15 for women and 17 for men), gives the same inheritance rights to children born outside the marriage, gives single parents the right to adopt children, and gives women the right to retain their maiden names when hyphenated with that of their spouses."

Document(s): Introduction and Contents
Cover Turkey

25.02.2004 - Source: US Department of State

Justice and Development Party (AK) formes one-party government ("Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2003") [#19741], [ID 13237]

"Turkey is a constitutional republic with a multiparty parliamentary system and a president with limited powers elected by the single-chamber parliament, the Turkish Grand National Assembly. In the November 2002 parliamentary elections, the Justice and Development (AK) Party won the majority of seats in a free and fair election and formed a one-party government. In March, AK Chairman Recep Tayyip Erdogan was named Prime Minister. In 2000, Parliament elected Ahmet Necdet Sezer as President for a 7-year term. The military exercised indirect influence over government policy and actions in the belief that it was the constitutional protector of the State. The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary, and the general law courts acted under a declared policy of independence; however, the judiciary was sometimes subject to outside influences."

Document(s): Open document

15.04.2002 - Source: Council of the European Union

Netherlands delegation to CIREA: In general, the Turkish constitution recognizes fundamental rights ("Note from the Netherlands delegation to CIREA: Official general report on Turkey, January 2002" Rf. 7838/02") [#7991], [ID 13238]

"The Turkish constitution, which dates from 1982, recognises fundamental rights such as freedom of
expression, press, religion, association and assembly, freedom of movement, freedom of
communication, the right to privacy and the right to property, the right to a fair trial, protection from
torture, inhuman treatment, house searches, arrests without warrant, arbitrary arrests, etc. On
3 October a comprehensive package of changes to the constitution was introduced.
However, the constitution does allow for those freedoms to be restricted. Pursuant to Article 13,
which was amended on 3 October 2001, restrictions of fundamental rights may not conflict with the
principles of a democratic social order and may not affect the essence of the right. Although the
basic principle is that fundamental rights may only be restricted by order of the judiciary, in
emergencies the executive is also accorded such powers. The constitutional provisions in question
allow of tight restrictions on fundamental rights in regions where a state of emergency has been
declared. Article 119 of the constitution provides, for instance, that in a region in which a state of
emergency is in force, fundamental rights and individual freedoms are governed by law. Pursuant
to Article 148, decrees of the Council of Ministers issued during a state of emergency are not
subject to examination of their constitutionality by the Constitutional Court."

Document(s): Open document