06.11.2007 - Source: European Commission

New government will continue reforms ("Turkey 2007 Progress Report [SEC(2007) 1436]") [ID 22256]

"Following the general election a single-party AKP government was formed by Prime Minister Erdoðan and endorsed by Parliament on 5 September. The government programme includes a commitment to continue reforms. The government plans to carry out extensive constitutional reforms aimed in particular at fully aligning Turkey to international standards in the area of fundamental rights. The government reiterated its intention to push forward the implementation of the Turkish road map for EU accession presented in April 2007. The Road Map provides internal guidance to line Ministries on alignment with the acquis and covers alignment of primary and secondary legislation to be adopted and implemented between 2007 and 2013. The inter-ministerial Reform Monitoring Group met in September.

In the new government the Foreign Ministry will continue to be in charge of accession negotiations with the EU. The Secretariat General for EU Affairs (EUSG) was placed under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and will continue to play a coordinating role, in particular on the political criteria, financial cooperation and negotiations on individual chapters. In September 2007 it was announced that the EUSG and the State Planning Organisation will exercise a quarterly progress review of the road map implementation.

However, given its significant role there is a need to strengthen the EUSG staff and resources. Only limited action was taken in this respect."

Document(s): Open document

08.11.2006 - Source: European Commission

Democracy and rule of law: Parliament ("Turkey 2006 Progress Report") [ID 18902]

"The Turkish Grand National Assembly, in which six parties are represented, has adopted 148 laws of a total 429 draft bills submitted since October 2005. The next elections are scheduled for November 2007.

Throughout the year, the EU Harmonisation Committee and the Human Rights Committee played an important role in addressing issues arising under the Copenhagen political criteria (on the Human Rights Committee see section on human rights).

A public debate has developed over the need to change the electoral system, which currently requires political parties to reach a 10% threshold at national level to achieve representation.

The government submitted a new reform package in June, covering a number of areas related to the Copenhagen political criteria. Parliament passed several laws in the area of the political criteria.

However, some legislative proposals included in the government's reform package were not adopted before the end of the reporting period.
Amendments to the anti-terror law were adopted in June 2006 as a response to the escalation of terrorism. Under the new law, the list of what constitutes a terrorist offence was extended and a wide definition of terrorism maintained. The law introduces legal restrictions on freedom of expression, the press and the media3. In August, President Sezer applied to the Constitutional Court for the cancellation of articles 5 and 6, providing for such restrictions. The new anti-terror law reduces procedural safeguards for suspects of terrorist offences. Access to a lawyer may be denied for a period of 24 hours, and under certain circumstances security officers may attend meetings between suspects and their lawyer. As regards the defence rights, officials and former officials are granted differentiated treatment. Furthermore they dispose of wider discretion with regard to the use of firearms."

Document(s): Open document

08.11.2006 - Source: European Commission

Goverment and EU accession process ("Turkey 2006 Progress Report") [ID 18903]

"The government, in power since November 2002, has repeatedly confirmed its commitment to the EU accession process. As a result, it presented a new reform package in June [...].

In October 2005 the EU Chief Negotiator presented the structure of the negotiating team. The Head of the team is the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The EU Chief Negotiator is in charge of steering and implementing the accession work. A Monitoring and Steering Committee was established. The Committee comprises the Secretary General for EU Affairs, the Deputy Undersecretary of the Foreign Ministry, the Deputy Undersecretary of the State Planning Organisation, the Deputy Undersecretary of the Office of the Prime Minister and Turkey’s Permanent representative to the EU.

The Secretariat General for EU Affairs (EUSG) has played a co-ordinating role, in particular regarding alignment under the political criteria, financial co-operation and, since 3 October 2005, the process of screening and negotiating acquis chapters.

However, given the significant increase of EUSG responsibilities, there is a need for a proportional strengthening of its staff and resources. Limited action has been taken in this respect."

Document(s): Open document

15.09.2006 - Source: US Department of State

Government and religious freedom (Diyanet; General Directorate for Foundations (GDF); recognized religious minorities may operate schools under the supervision of the Ministry of Education) ("International Religious Freedom Report 2006") [ID 18462]

"The Government oversees Muslim religious facilities and education through the Diyanet, which is under the authority of the Prime Ministry. The Diyanet is responsible for regulating the operation of the country's more than 77,500 registered mosques and employing local and provincial imams, who are civil servants. Some groups, particularly Alevis, claimed that the Diyanet reflected mainstream Sunni Islamic beliefs to the exclusion of other beliefs; however, the Government asserted that the Diyanet treated equally all who requested services.

A separate government agency, the General Directorate for Foundations (GDF), regulates some activities of non-Muslim religious groups and their affiliated churches, monasteries, synagogues, and related religious property. There are 161 "minority foundations" recognized by the GDF, including Greek Orthodox foundations with approximately 70 sites, Armenian Orthodox foundations with approximately 50 sites, and Jewish foundations with 20 sites, as well as Syriac, Chaldean, Bulgarian Orthodox, Georgian, and Maronite foundations. The GDF also regulates historic Muslim charitable religious foundations, including schools, hospitals, and orphanages.

In 1936, the Government required all foundations to declare their sources of income. In 1974, amid political tensions over Cyprus, the High Court of Appeals ruled that the minority foundations had no right to acquire properties beyond those listed in the 1936 declarations.

The court's ruling launched a process, which continued during the period covered by this report, under which the state has seized control of properties acquired after 1936. The law also allows the state to expropriate properties in areas where the local non-Muslim population drops significantly. Minority religious groups, particularly the Greek and Armenian Orthodox communities, have lost numerous properties to the state in the past and continued to fight ongoing efforts by the state to expropriate properties.

The law allows the 161 religious minority foundations recognized by the GDF to acquire property, and the GDF has approved 364 applications by non-Muslim foundations to acquire legal ownership of properties. However, the legislation does not allow the communities to reclaim the hundreds of properties affiliated with foundations expropriated by the state over the years. Foundations have also been unable to acquire legal ownership of properties registered under names of third parties, including properties registered under the names of saints or archangels, during periods when foundations could not own property in their own name.

Government authorities do not interfere in matters of doctrine pertaining to non-Muslim religions, nor do they restrict the publication or use of religious literature among members of the religion.

There are legal restrictions against insulting any religion recognized by the Government, interfering with that religion's services, or debasing its property.

[...] Officially recognized religious minorities may operate schools under the supervision of the Ministry of Education. Such schools are required to appoint a Muslim as deputy principal; reportedly, these deputies have more authority than their nominal supervisors. The curriculum of these schools includes Greek Orthodox, Armenian Orthodox, and Jewish instruction."

Document(s): Open document

10.2005 - Source: UK Home Office

Local Government ("Country Report - October 2005") [#40563],  [ID 13244]

"5.24
The Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2002 reported that:

“Turkey is divided into 81 provinces (il), each headed by a provincial governor (vali). Provinces are subdivided into districts (ilçe), administered by a district governor (kaymakam). Districts may be further broken down into sub-districts (bucak). Governors are appointed for a number of years by the central authorities in Ankara, to which they are directly accountable via a chain of responsibility extending from district governor to provincial governor and on to the central authorities in Ankara. The role of governors is to represent the central authorities in the provinces.” [2a] (p18)

5.25
The Netherlands report also stated that “In addition to centrally administered bodies, there are also decentralised authorities directly elected by the population, the main ones being the mayor and municipal council for a municipality (belediye) and the village or neighbourhood head (muhtar).” [2a] (p19)

5.26
The Netherlands report continued:

“Every locality (including areas within large cities) with over 2,000 inhabitants is entitled to elect a mayor and municipal council. The mayor enjoys limited powers in areas including infrastructure (public transport, water and gas supplies, etc) and public works (parks and gardens, pavements, refuse collection, etc). In some cases, mayors and provincial or district governors find themselves at odds with one another, with the former being more representative of local interests and the latter of central government interests.” [2a] (p19)

5.27
As noted by the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2002:

“Every village or neighbourhood has its own head, often known by the name ‘muhtar’. The muhtar acts as an intermediary between the population and the authorities, being the sole keeper of address records. The only official document that a muhtar can issue is a residence certificate (ikametgâh ilmühaberi). In theory, anyone taking up residence in or leaving a particular neighbourhood or village is supposed to report this to the local muhtar. In practice, that is often not done, with the muhtar not being approached until a need arises for a certificate of residence somewhere. [2a] (p20)

5.28
As noted in a letter from the British Embassy in Ankara to the Home Office, dated 14 September 2005:

“I am responding to a Home Office request for further information on Muhtars in Turkey and any computer system they might use. Muhtars are the elected heads of villages or small towns who are responsible for local administrative matters (e.g. recording births and registering names and addresses of newcomers to their village). Together with my colleague [name omitted], I recently visited two Muhtars’ offices in north eastern Turkey. Both Muhtar offices were very basically equipped and there was no evidence of any kind of computer equipment. In one village, local people told us that they had been without electricity for a year. (Turkish NGOs report that lack of infrastructure, including electricity, is still a problem in outlying areas of Turkey.).” [4g]

5.29
The letter from the British Embassy in Ankara further noted:

“We also spoke to a Mayor in the same region about the role of Muhtars. He told us that local Muhtars’ Councils gathered regularly at Municipal level and that there was also a National Union of Muhtars which individual Muhtars could refer to for support and legal advice. The Muhtar Council gathering was the main medium through which Muhtars worked together and shared information. According to the Turkish State Statistics Institute report for 2004, less than 10% of households possess a computer and internet access. These figures drop sharply with increasing age and lower levels of education.

In answer to your query, in the light of the above, we judge it unlikely that a national, networked Muhtar computer system exists in Turkey today. However, local political party officials and NGOs have told us that Muhtars are sometimes distrusted because of their allegedly close relations with police and jandarma (who do possess computer systems) and are consequently suspected of informing the law enforcement agencies about the activities of local people.” [4g]

5.30
As recorded in the document ‘Political Structure of Turkey’ dated August 2005) available in the References section in the website of the Office of the Prime Minister, Directorate General of Press and Information (website accessed on 5 September 2005):

“According to a decision of the Supreme Board of Elections (YSK), there were twenty political parties which took part in the [28 March 2004] elections. The local administrators that are elected will be in office for five years. The voters elected mayors for 16 metropolitan municipalities, 58 city municipalities, 65 cities, 792 municipalities and 2,253 districts. Some 52,929 muhtars (local administrators), 3,122 city general assembly members and 34,075 municipality assembly members were elected on March 28. There are 12 new municipalities in these elections… According to the election results, out of 81 cities, the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) won 57 mayoral races, including those in Turkey’s largest city, Istanbul and the capital Ankara. The main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) won nine mayoral races, while the Nationalist Action Party (MHP) got four, and the True Path Party (DYP) one. The Social Democratic People’s Party (SHP) won five mayoral races and the Democratic Left Party (DSP) won three.” [36i]

Party Percentage of votes cast (national breakdown
AKP 41.8
CHP 18.1
MHP 10.4
DYP 10.1
SHP 4.9
SP (Felicity Party) 4.01
ANAP (Motherland Party 2.46
[36i]

5.31
As noted in the European Commission 2005 report:

“The Law on Municipalities was first adopted in 2004 and then vetoed by the President. Subsequently it entered into force in July 2005 with minor amendments. The Law on Special Provincial Administrations was first adopted in 2004 and then vetoed by the President. It subsequently entered into force in March 2005 with some minor amendments. However, the President applied to the Constitutional Court on the basis of possible conflicts with constitutional provisions related to the unitary character of the State.” [71e] (p11-12)

5.32
The EC 2005 report continued:

“The Law on Association of Local Governments was adopted in June 2005. Thus, together with the Law on Metropolitan Municipalities which was adopted in 2004, four basic local government reform laws are now in force. The Law on Municipalities and the Law on Special Provincial Administrations aim at strengthening the capacity of local government to deal with the challenges of rapid urbanization and mass immigration from rural areas. To this end these laws introduce modern public management concepts in order to create efficient, result oriented and transparent local government.” [71e] (p12)"

Document(s): Open document

02.06.2005 - Source:

Administration; Executive, legislative and judicial branch ("World Factbook 2005: Turkey - Government") [ID 13245]

"Government type:
republican parliamentary democracy

Capital: Ankara

Administrative divisions:
81 provinces (iller, singular - il);
Adana, Adiyaman, Afyonkarahisar, Agri, Aksaray, Amasya, Ankara, Antalya, Ardahan, Artvin, Aydin, Balikesir, Bartin, Batman, Bayburt, Bilecik, Bingol, Bitlis, Bolu, Burdur, Bursa, Canakkale, Cankiri, Corum, Denizli, Diyarbakir, Duzce, Edirne, Elazig, Erzincan, Erzurum, Eskisehir, Gaziantep, Giresun, Gumushane, Hakkari, Hatay, Igdir, Isparta, Istanbul, Izmir, Kahramanmaras, Karabuk, Karaman, Kars, Kastamonu, Kayseri, Kilis, Kirikkale, Kirklareli, Kirsehir, Kocaeli, Konya, Kutahya, Malatya, Manisa, Mardin, Mersin, Mugla, Mus, Nevsehir, Nigde, Ordu, Osmaniye, Rize, Sakarya, Samsun, Sanliurfa, Siirt, Sinop, Sirnak, Sivas, Tekirdag, Tokat, Trabzon, Tunceli, Usak, Van, Yalova, Yozgat, Zonguldak

Independence:
29 October 1923 (successor state to the Ottoman Empire)

National holiday:
Republic Day, 29 October (1923)

Constitution:
7 November 1982

Legal system:
civil law system derived from various European continental legal systems; accepts compulsory ICJ jurisdiction, with reservations; note - member of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), although Turkey claims limited derogations on the ratified European Convention on Human Rights

Suffrage:
18 years of age; universal



Executive branch:

chief of state: President Ahmet Necdet SEZER (since 16 May 2000)
head of government: Prime Minister Recep Tayyip ERDOGAN (14 March 2003)
cabinet: Council of Ministers appointed by the president on the nomination of the prime minister
elections: president elected by the National Assembly for a seven-year term; election last held 5 May 2000 (next to be held May 2007); prime minister appointed by the president from among members of parliament
election results: Ahmed Necdet SEZER elected president on the third ballot; percent of National Assembly vote - 60%
note: president must have a two-thirds majority of the National Assembly on the first two ballots and a simple majority on the third ballot



Legislative branch:

unicameral Grand National Assembly of Turkey or Turkiye Buyuk Millet Meclisi (550 seats; members are elected by popular vote to serve five-year terms)
elections: last held 3 November 2002 (next to be held NA 2007); note - a special rerun of the General Election in the province of Siirt on 9 March 2003 resulted in the election of Recep Tayyip ERDOGAN to a seat in parliament, a prerequisite for becoming prime minister, on 14 March 2003
election results: percent of vote by party - AKP 34.3%, CHP 19.4%, DYP 9.6%, MHP 8.3%, ANAP 5.1%, DSP 1.1%, and others; seats by party - AKP 363, CHP 178, independents 9; note - parties surpassing the 10% threshold are entitled to parliamentary seats; seats by party as of 1 December 2004 - AKP 368, CHP 171, DYP 4, LDP 1, independents 5, vacant 1



Judicial branch:

Constitutional Court; High Court of Appeals (Yargitay); Council of State (Danistay); Court of Accounts (Sayistay); Military High Court of Appeals; Military High Administrative Court"

Document(s): World Factbook 2005: Turkey - Government

03.2004 - Source: Konrad Adenauer Stiftung

Report on the election win of the AKP party at the local elections on the 28.03.2004 ("Wahlsieg der türkischen Regierungspartei AKP bei den Kommunalwahlen am 28.03.2004") [#21818],  [ID 13247]

Document(s): Open document

21.06.2003 - Source: Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe

Ära AKP ("Zur aktuellen Situation - Juni 2003 ") [#14557],  [ID 13248]

"Mit der absoluten Mehrheit, die die AKP an den Frühwahlen vom November 2002 erzielte, stand einer AKP-Regierung nichts im Wege. Die Frage war jedoch, wer mit der Regierungs-bildung betraut würde. Nach den gültigen Bestimmungen wird der Parteivorsitzende derjeni-gen Partei mit der Regierungsbildung vertraut, die die meisten Wählerstimmen auf sich ver-eint. Da jedoch Tayyip Erdogan im Laufe eines gegen ihn wegen islamistischer Propaganda angestrengten Verfahrens zu einer Gefängnisstrafe verurteilt worden war, und er deshalb laut Verfassung bis im Februar 2003 mit einem Politikverbot belegt war, weigerte sich Prä-sident Sezer, ihn mit der Regierungsbildung zu beauftragen. Gegen eine entsprechende Verfassungsänderung, die diese Situation lösen sollte, legte Staatspräsident Sezer sein Veto ein, mit der Begründung, Verfassungsänderungen dürften keinen persönlichen Charak-ter haben, sondern müssten einem allgemeingültigen öffentlichen Interesse entsprechen. So wurde schliesslich der stellvertretende Vorsitzende der AKP und heutige Aussenminister Abdullah Gül mit der Bildung einer Regierung beauftragt.
Abdullah Gül zeigte mit der Reduktion der Ministeranzahl auf 25 (inklusive Premierminister) die Bereitschaft der neuen Regierung, die während der Kampagne versprochenen Spar-massnahmen umzusetzen. Die gesamten Staatstrukturen wurden nicht unwesentlich abge-speckt. Die Regierung beschloss Staatswohnungen sowie staatseigenen Boden zu verkau-fen und StaatsbeamtInnen ihrer Privilegien zu beschneiden. Als erstes wurden die für die ParlamentarierInnen bestimmten Staatswohnungen zum Verkauf angeboten. Auch der Li-mousinenpark der Regierung wurde stark verkleinert.
Nach Ablauf seines Politikverbots musste Tayyip Erdogan bis Anfang März 2003 warten, bis er bei einer Wiederholung der Wahlen in seiner Herkunftsprovinz Siirt als Kandidat der AKP antreten konnte. Die Wahlen vom 3. November 2002 dort sind aufgrund von Unregelmässig-keiten annulliert worden. Nach seiner Wahl trat Abdullah Gül als Premierminister zurück und Tayyip Erdogan wurde mit der Bildung eines neuen Kabinetts betraut. Abdullah Gül wurde als Aussenminister eingesetzt, einige andere Ministerposten wurden bei dieser Gelegenheit ebenfalls umbesetzt. Das heutige Kabinett zählt noch 22 Minister (inklusive Premierminis-ter).
Der klare Sieg der AKP wurde von vielen als Garantie für eine gewisse Stabilität betrachtet, da ihre absolute Mehrheit im Parlament garantierte, dass Gesetzesreformen und Regie-rungsgeschäfte fortan ohne wochenlanges Gerangel um Verwaltungsstellen und andere Zusicherungen an Koalitionsparteien effizient verabschiedet werden können.
Kurz nach seiner Vereidigung entschied das neue Parlament über zahlreiche kleinere Ge-setzesreformen, die für den EU-Beitritt von Wichtigkeit sind. Doch sehr schnell zeigte sich deutlich, dass dem Handlungsspielraum der AKP auch Grenzen gesetzt werden, und zwar nicht von anderen Parteien, wohl aber von der Armee."

Document(s): Open document

21.06.2003 - Source: Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe

Die AKP erreichte mit 34,28 % Stimmenanteil bei den Wahlen im November 2002 die absolute Mehrheit im Parlament, sie ist heute mit 363 von 550 Parlamentariern vertreten ("Zur aktuellen Situation - Juni 2003 ") [#14557],  [ID 13249]

"Wohl aufgrund der Tatsache, dass die AKP (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi – Partei für Gerech-tigkeit und Entwicklung) die einzige Partei war, welche noch nicht durch Misswirtschaft in Erscheinung getreten ist, und sie deshalb der Bevölkerung glaubwürdig erschien, entschied sich das türkische Volk anlässlich der Frühwahlen vom November 2002, der AKP sein Ver-trauen zu schenken. Viele Bürger und Bürgerinnen betrachten die AKP als Vertreterin einer volksnäheren aufrichtigen Parteilinie.
Den traditionelle Parteien gelang der Einzug ins Parlament nicht mehr. Einzige Ausnahme ist die sozialdemokratischen Partei von Deniz Baykal (CHP – Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi – Par-tei der Volksrepublik), die im vorhergehenden Parlament nicht mehr vertreten war. Sämtli-che vorher im Parlament vertretenen Parteien scheiterten an der jahrelang von ihnen selbst gestützten 10 %-Hürde. Ecevits DSP (Demokratik Sol Partisi – Partei der Demokratischen Linke) erzielte die grössten Verluste und fiel von 22,1 % im Jahre 1999 auf 1,22 % Wähler-stimmen. Auch die anderen Regierungsparteien scheiterten am Quorum, die MHP (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi – Partei der Nationalistischen Bewegung) mit 8,36 % und die ANAP (Anava-tan Partisi – Mutterland-Partei) mit 5,13 %. Ebenfalls an der 10 %-Hürde scheiterte die DE-HAP (Demokratik Halk Partisi – Demokratische Volkspartei), eine Wahlkoalition der pro-kurdischen HADEP sowie der linken Arbeiterpartei EMEP (Emegin Partisi – Partei der Ar-beit). Damit ist die kurdische Minderheit einmal mehr nicht im Parlament vertreten, obwohl sie in den kurdischen Provinzen die wichtigsten Stadtverwaltungen besetzt und aus den Frühwahlen in 13 Provinzen als erste und in drei Provinzen als zweite Partei aus den Wah-len hervorging.
Die AKP erreichte mit 34,28 % Stimmenanteil die absolute Mehrheit im Parlament, sie ist heute mit 363 von 550 Parlamentariern vertreten. Nur knapp verpasste sie die Zwei-Drittel-Mehrheit (367 Abgeordnete), die ihr sogar Verfassungsänderungen im Alleingang ermöglicht hätte. Neben der AKP gelang einzig der CHP der Einmarsch ins Parlament. Diese erhielt 19,39 % aller Stimmen, was ihr zu 178 Abgeordneten verhalf. Viele Abgeordnete der AKP stehen der Bevölkerung äusserst nahe und stammen aus Mittelstandsfamilien. Sie kennen die Probleme der Bevölkerung aus eigener Erfahrung und ihr Versprechen, gegen Korrupti-on und für Brot und Arbeit einzustehen, sprach der Bevölkerung aus dem Herzen.
Trotz ihres religiösen Hintergrunds stand die AKP während der Wahlkampagne für eine Be-schleunigung des Europa-Beitritts der Türkei ein und sieht den EU-Beitritt als eines ihrer politischen Hauptziele. Kurz nach dem Wahlsieg stattete der Parteivorsitzende Erdogan verschiedenen europäischen Regierungen einen Besuch ab, wohl um ein klares Zeichen zu setzen und Bedenken über den künftigen Kurs der Türkei entgegenzuwirken."

Document(s): Open document

21.06.2003 - Source: Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe

Staatspräsident Sezer spielt weiterhin eine äusserst wichtige Rolle ("Zur aktuellen Situation - Juni 2003 ") [#14557],  [ID 13250]

"Er versteht sich vor allem als Hüter der Rechtsstaatlichkeit der verabschiedeten Gesetze, legt sein Veto gegen Gesetze ein, welche das Gleichheitsprinzip und andere rechtsstaatliche Prinzipien verlet-zen, sieht sich aber auch wie die Armee als Hüter des laizistischen Charakters des Staates. Er besteht immer wieder auf der Notwendigkeit einer breit angelegten Demokratisierung und den Respekt der Menschenrechte.
Als dezidierter Verfechter des Laizismus war das Einvernehmen zwischen ihm und der AKP-Regierung von Anfang an getrübt. Wie bereits erwähnt, stellte er sich kurz nach den Wahlen gegen eine Verfassungsrevision, welche vom Parlament mit einer Mehrheit von 414 gegen 18 Stimmen angenommen worden war. Mit der Revision sollte das Betätigungsverbot für Politiker aufgehoben werden, die wegen "ideologischer oder anarchistischer Aktivitäten" vorbestraft sind. Er vertrat damals die Meinung, die Aufhebung dieses Artikels entspräche einem rein persönlichen Interesse des Parteivorsitzenden der AKP und keinem allgemeinen Interesse.
Seine Haltung gegenüber dem islamischen Kopftuch ist unnachgiebig. Er stützt sich dabei auf einen Entscheid des Verfassungsgerichts, der das Tragen von Kopftüchern im öffentli-chen Dienst und in öffentlichen Räumen verbietet. Er weigerte sich zudem, an der Seite von Frau Erdogan an den Feierlichkeiten zum Kinderfest vom 23. April teilzunehmen, weil sie ein Kopftuch trägt. Dies führte zu heftigen Reaktionen der AKP-ParlamentarierInnen.
Als Folge dieser Spannungen wurde in AKP-Kreisen auch schon diskutiert, ob der Präsident durch einen Entscheid des Parlaments nicht abgewählt werden könne. Aufgrund des oben erwähnten starken Drucks der Armee wird sich das Parlament wohl aber nicht aufs Glatteis begeben.
Im seit 1999 im Brennpunkt der türkischen Innenpolitik stehenden Dossiers der hungerstrei-kenden Gefangenen hat er die Situation weitgehend entschärft, indem er sämtliche Gesu-che von Gefangenen auf Hafterlass aus gesundheitlichen Gründen positiv entschieden hat.
Auch bezüglich der nichtmuslimischen Glaubensgemeinschaften hat Staatspräsident Sezer als erster Präsident eine neue Haltung eingenommen. Im Dezember 2000 richtete er eine Weihnachtsbotschaft an die Christen und setzte sich für eine Erweiterung ihrer Rechte ein."

Document(s): Open document