24.10.2007 - Source: Amnesty International

In Kondopoga in August 2006, hundreds of ethnic Chechens and others of Caucasian origin had to flee town after fight in restaurant prompted riot; series of fights involving 300-400 ethnic Russians and Chechens occured in Stavropol in May and June 2007 ("Update Briefing: What progress has been made since May 2006 to tackle violent racism? [EUR 46/047/2007]") [ID 21370]

"It is important to highlight that while attacks against foreign nationals from the “far abroad” (Africa, Asia, the Middle East, the Americas) represent a serious problem, there has been an alarming rise in attacks against those of non-Slav origin, or those who do not look “typically” Russian, from countries like Armenia, Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Georgia, and from constituent parts of the Russian Federation – such as the republics of Chechnya, Ingushetia, Tatarstan and Dagestan. (...)
Occasionally, tensions have risen between local ethnic Russian and non-Russian residents following disturbances marked by racist and xenophobic undertones, as exemplified in Kondopoga in August 2006, when hundreds of ethnic Chechens and others of Caucasian origin had to flee the town after a fight in an Azeri restaurant prompted a riot; in Stavropol in May to early June 2007, when a series of fights involving 300-400 ethnic Russian and Chechens left one Chechen and two Russians dead; and in Moscow in June 2007, when, according to reports, an anti-immigrant group attacked people of Caucasian origin in central Moscow, resulting in the stabbing of an ethnic Armenian."

Document(s): Open document

13.08.2007 - Source: Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (formerly Global IDP Project)

Chechens living in Moscow region are subjected to informal police surveillance and discrimination; according to Memorial secret directive exists that restricts registration of Chechens in many regions ("Government efforts help only some IDPs rebuild their lives; A profile of the internal displacement situation") [ID 21210]

"Regardless of their level of integration, Chechens living in the Moscow region are subjected to informal police surveillance and to discrimination (IDMC / Memorial, 10 October 2006; OSI, 2006). According to the Russian human rights NGO Memorial, NGO workers and Chechens have heard from local interior ministry officials on numerous occasions that a secret directive exists that restricts the registration of Chechens in many regions of Russia. Indeed, displaced people from Chechnya have faced difficulties securing residence registration from local authorities outside Chechnya, limiting their access to medical care, education and social allowances (IDMC / Memorial, 10 October 2006). The Moscow region, Krasnodar territory and Kabardino-Balkaria are reputed to have the toughest regimes. The treatment of Chechens outside Chechnya worsened in 2006, when a brawl in Kondopoga in northern Russia between ethnic Russians and migrants from the Caucasus left two Russians dead. Migrants subsequently fled the area, but have since largely returned (www.newsru.com, 2 November 2006). Since then additional clashes between Russians and Chechens have in at least one instance led to fatalities (Prague Watchdog, 7 June 2007 and 29 October 2006; RFE / RL, 7 June 2007)."

Document(s): Open document

06.03.2007 - Source: US Department of State

Popular attitudes toward traditionally Muslim ethnic groups remained negative in many regions; anti-Chechen and anti-“Wahhabist” sentiment increased after each terrorist attack; government officials, journalists, and public were quick to label Muslim organizations "Wahhabi," a term that has become associated with extremism ("Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2006") [ID 19310]

For more detailed information please see the report

"Popular attitudes toward traditionally Muslim ethnic groups remained negative in many regions, and there were manifestations of anti-Semitism as well as societal hostility toward Roman Catholics and adherents of newer, non-Orthodox, religions. Racially or ethnically motivated attacks increased significantly in recent years, although it has often been difficult to determine whether xenophobia, religion, or ethnic prejudices were the primary motivation. Ethnic tensions ran high in the predominantly Muslim Northern Caucasus, and there were problems in some cities outside that region. Anti-Chechen and anti-"Wahhabist" sentiment increased after each terrorist attack tied to Chechen rebels and spiked in some regions after the 2004 seizure of a school in Beslan, North Ossetia, in which hundreds of persons, including many children, died at the hands of terrorists. Government officials, journalists, and the public were quick to label Muslim organizations "Wahhabi," a term that has become associated with extremism. Such sentiment led to a formal ban on Wahhabism in Dagestan and Kabardino-Balkariya. (…) Muslim cemeteries and buildings were vandalized in Moscow and other regions."

Document(s): Open document

01.2007 - Source: Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe

Unrest in Karelian city of Kondopoga in August 2006 was a culmination of the ethnic conflict between Russians and people of Caucasian origin; violent incident was followed by mass demonstration demanding eviction of all Chechens from the city ("Nordkaukasus; Entwicklungen in Tschetschenien sowie in Dagestan, Kabardino-Balkarien, Inguschetien und Nordossetien") [ID 18718]

"Nicht nur im Nordkaukasus sondern in der gesamten Russischen Föderation nehmen die gewaltsamen Auseinandersetzungen zwischen Russen und Menschen kaukasischer Abstammung zu. Den bisherigen traurigen Höhepunkt dieser ethnischen Konflikte bildeten die tagelangen Unruhen in der karelischen Kleinstadt Kondopoga Anfang August des vergangenen Jahres: Bei einer Schlägerei zwischen dem tschetschenischen Personal eines tschetschenischen Restaurants und russischen Gästen waren zwei Russen ums Leben gekommen. Auf der folgenden Massendemonstration forderte die Menge die Behörden auf, alle TschetschenInnen aus der 30’000-Einwohner-Stadt auszuweisen. Bei der Organisation der Proteste mischten auch nationale Parlamentarier mit. Der stellvertretende Parlamentsvorsitzende Wladimir Schirinovski forderte umgehend die Einschränkung der Rechte der kaukasischen Immigranten. Dabei stehen die Rechte der Immigranten aus dem Kaukasus, die eigentlich russische Staatsbürger sind, in der Praxis bereits weit hinter denjenigen der ethnischen Russen zurück."

Document(s): Open document

15.12.2006 - Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

Criminal investigation launched against Aleksandr Belov, leader of Movement Against Illegal Migration, suspected of inciting racial hatred in connection with September violence in town of Kondopoga ("Criminal Probe Launched Against Russian Nationalist") [ID 17966]

Document(s): Open document

05.09.2006 - Source: Guardian

Riots, partly organised by xenophobic groups, broke out in Kondopoga after 2 Russians died in fight in a restaurant; hundreds of Chechens fled city ("Hundreds of Chechens forced to flee Russian town as restaurant brawl erupts into race riot") [ID 16946]

Document(s): Open document

04.09.2006 - Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

Karelia: Analysis of clashes between ethnic Chechens and Russians in Kondopoga ("Russia: Clashes In Karelia Underscore Mounting Ethnic Tensions") [ID 16947]

Document(s): Open document

03.08.2006 - Source: Memorial Human Rights Center

Various forms of harassing Chechens widely used by law-enforcement agencies ("On the Situation of Residents of Chechnya in the Russian Federation (July 2005-July 2006)") [ID 17769]

For information on specific incidents please see the report

"Various forms of harassing Chechens – illegal detentions, frame-ups, etc. – are widely used by law-enforcement agencies as “prevention” means in combating terrorism. It should be noted that pressure on employers on the part of police agencies and security services is exerted on a regular basis – they are discouraged or directly prohibited from employing Chechens. In November 2005, in Moscow, 16 drivers were sacked simultaneously from Taxi Company No.20. They were Chechen drivers, to whom the management frankly said that such was a demand by FSB. Subsequently, FSB officials denied their involvement in that dismissal; however, no one of the Chechens, including permanent residents of Moscow, has been reinstated in his job. Any Chechen becomes the first suspect when any violation of public order occurs. Reprisals against Chechens by law-enforcement agencies are often taking place just because there are many officers in their ranks who have been hardened in their assignments in Chechnya. An illustrative incident was described by SOVA Information and Analysis Center."

Document(s): Russian-language report
English-language report

03.08.2006 - Source: Memorial Human Rights Center

Anti-Chechen sentiments among local residents ("On the Situation of Residents of Chechnya in the Russian Federation (July 2005-July 2006)") [ID 17770]

Für detaillierte Informationen konsultieren Sie bitte den Bericht

"Various forms of harassing Chechens – illegal detentions, frame-ups, etc. – are widely used by law-enforcement agencies as “prevention” means in combating terrorism. (...) In Nalchik, the capital of Kabardino-Balkaria, mass fights between local and Chechen uni-versity students are taking place on a regular basis."

Document(s): Russian-language report
English-language report

04.05.2006 - Source: Amnesty International

Following large scale abuses attributed to Chechen armed opposition groups, there have been violent backlashes against Chechens, individuals from other North Caucasian ethnic groups and practising Muslims ("Violent racism out of control [EUR 46/022/2006]") [ID 20129]

"Attacks on ethnic minority Russian nationals are just as prevalent as attacks on foreign nationals. Following large scale abuses attributed to Chechen armed opposition groups, there have been violent backlashes against Chechens, individuals from other North Caucasian ethnic groups and practising Muslims. For example, following the hostage-taking of men, women and children by an armed group in a school in Beslan, North Ossetia, in September 2004, there were reports of increased attacks across Russia on Chechens and individuals from other North Caucasian ethnic groups by so-called "skinheads" and other members of extremist groups. There have been repeated attacks by "skinheads" on Caucasian-looking people on the Moscow metro. Caucasian shops have been burned down in Moscow and Yekaterinburg; one of the shop’s owners was killed. A woman wearing a veil was attacked in Vladivostok by someone shouting, "this is for Beslan". Roma citizens are also frequently victims of racist attacks; most recently on 13 April 2006 a group of 20 youths armed with metal bars and spades attacked a Roma family and a visiting ethnic Russian woman as the group were sitting round a fire talking, in the Volgograd region of Russia. A Romani man and the ethnic Russian woman were killed; others were seriously injured.(2) [...]"

Document(s): Open document

07.11.2005 - Source: Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe

Russia so far acknowledged 13,000 ethnic Russians, Armenians and Jews from Chechnya as "forced migrants", ethnic Chechens are denied this status ("Tschetschenien: Update: Entwicklungen in Tschetschenien, Inguschetien, Dagestan und anderen Teilen der Russischen Föderation") [#38928],  [ID 16742]

"Die Lage der TschetschenInnen in der übrigen Russischen Föderation hat sich seit der letzten Berichtsperiode nicht verbessert. Die Russische Regierung benützt nach wie vor ihre eigene Definition der «Zwangsmigranten» anstelle des UNO-Begriffs IDP. Ersterer muss von einer Region der Föderation in eine andere migriert sein, womit alle innerhalb von Tschetschenien Vertriebenen ausgeschlossen sind. Ausserdem gehören Opfer von Menschenrechts-Verletzungen, von Übergriffen durch Sicherheitskräfte, etc. nicht zu den «Zwangsmigranten».73 Russland hat bisher 13'000 ethnische Russen, Armenier und Juden aus Tschetschenien als «Zwangsmigranten» anerkannt. Ethnischen TschetschenInnen wird dieser Status jedoch systematisch verweigert. Nur «Zwangsmigranten» können jedoch legal arbeiten oder Grundstücke erwerben und nur sie haben Zugang zu Gesundheitsund Bildungswesen sowie zu Altersrenten.74"

Document(s): Open document

07.11.2005 - Source: Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe

Anti-Chechen sentiments still high in Russia, Chechens are discriminated and mistreated ("Tschetschenien: Update: Entwicklungen in Tschetschenien, Inguschetien, Dagestan und anderen Teilen der Russischen Föderation") [#38928],  [ID 16743]

"Nach wie vor herrscht in der Russischen Föderation eine stark anti-tschetschenische Stimmung. Diskriminierungen und Misshandlungen gegen TschetschenInnen sowohl durch Privatpersonen als auch durch Beamte in Uniform sind weit verbreitet. TschetschenInnen müssen willkürliche Verhaftungen, konstruierte Anklagen, illegale Identitätskontrollen aber auch Angriffe durch Gruppen von Privatpersonen über sich ergehen lassen.75 Laut dem russischen Innenministerium sind in der ersten Hälfte des Jahres 2004 1058 Gesetzeshüter vor Gericht gezogen worden wegen Misshandlungen. Die Zahl solcher Fälle ist somit um 30 Prozent gestiegen im Vergleich zur Vorjahresperiode. Trotzdem herrscht nach wie vor ein Klima der Straflosigkeit. Oft schauen die Justizbehörden weg und wenn sie eine Strafe aussprechen, dann ist diese meist zu mild.76 Der Konflikt in Tschetschenien trägt direkt zur Brutalisierung der Gesetzeshüter bei, da Polizisten aus ganz Russland gemäss einem Rotationssystem für sechs Monate nach Tschetschenien geschickt werden. Dort «lernen» sie willkürliche und gewalttätige Methoden, die sie anschliessend in ihren Heimatstädten zur Anwendung bringen.77 Insbesondere in der Folge von Terroranschlägen hat die Polizei jeweils «Revancheaktionen» durchgeführt gegen ethnische Tschetschenenund andere Menschen kaukasischer Herkunft. Ähnlich wie in Tschetschenien selbst ist es dabei zu willkürlichen Verhaftungen, Misshandlungen und Folter gekommen.78 Das aus Sowjetzeiten stammende so genannte «Propiska»-System – nach dem an jedem neuen Wohnort ein Registrierungsgesuch eingereicht werden musste – ist zwar offiziell abgeschafft worden, faktisch wird es jedoch weiterhin angewendet. Grundsätzlich betrifft dies zwar alle Einwohner, TschetschenInnen sind jedoch überproportional stark diskriminiert, in dem ihnen oft die Niederlassung verweigert wird.79 Svetlana Gannuškina, die Leiterin der Organisation «Migration und Recht» und Mitglied von «Memorial» kommt deshalb in ihrem jüngsten Bericht wiederholt zum Schluss: «In der Tschetschenischen Republik gibt es keinen minimalen Schutz für die Bewohner. Für aus Tschetschenien stammende Menschen gibt es in Russland keine inländische Fluchtalternative. […] Ich bin davon überzeugt, dass jeder aus Russland kommende Tschetschene die Voraussetzung zur Gewährung des Flüchtlingsstatus nach Artikel 1 der Konvention der UNO von 1951 hat, da er in Russland nicht vor Diskriminierung und Willkür geschützt wird.»80"

Document(s): Open document

10.2005 - Source: UK Home Office

Discrimination against Chechens commonplace throughout Russia 2004; subjected to arbitrary document checks and searches ("Operation Guidance Note: Russian Federation") [#39393],  [ID 16745]

"Discrimination against Chechens remained commonplace throughout the Russian Federation in 2004. Chechens were subjected to arbitrary document checks and searches by the authorities. Following the Moscow metro bombing in February 2004, and the hostage-taking in Beslan in September 2004, human rights groups reported an increase in the number and severity of attacks on Chechens and others from the Caucasus living in Moscow and other cities. Moscow police, particularly special OMON units, conducted frequent document checks, particularly of persons who were dark skinned or appeared to be from the Caucasus. There were many reports that police imposed fines on unregistered persons in excess of legal requirements and did not provide proper receipts or documentation ofthe fine. According to Human Rights Watch (HRW) and church ministries tracking interethnic violence, it was not unusual for darker skinned persons to be stopped at random and for officers to demand bribes from those without residence permits."

Document(s): Open document

08.2005 - Source: Memorial Human Rights Center

Worsening of situation of Chechen IDPs in other regions of Russia due to increasing xenophobia and islamophobia; deterioration of situation for Chechens in Ingushetia ("On the situation of residents of Chechnya in the Russian Federation, June 2004 - June 2005") [#36479],  [ID 16746]

Document(s): Open document
Open document

03.06.2005 - Source: Council of Europe - Parliamentary Assembly

Increased attacks on Chechens and other North Caucasians after the Beslan events; the racist attitudes deeply entrenched throughout the country ("Honouring of obligations and commitments by the Russian Federation [Doc. 10568]") [#32710],  [ID 11338]

"426. Following the events in Beslan, there have also been reports of increased attacks on Chechens and other North Caucasians by "skinheads" and members of other extremist groups. There have been repeated attacks by "skinheads" against people originating from the Caucasus on the Moscow subway. Caucasian owned cafés have been burned down in Moscow and Yekaterinburg; one of the café's owners was killed. A woman wearing a veil was attacked in Vladivostok by someone shouting, "this is for Beslan". On 26 October 2004, in Moscow a group of youngsters attacked (robbed, stabbed, and beat) two people of Caucasus origin who were hospitalised. On 14 October 2004, during 24 hours Russia (in Moscow region, Chita, St.Petersburg) witnessed a series of attacks on foreigners with three persons (Uzbeki, Chinese, Vietnamese) being killed and one wounded. The Head of Chief Criminal Investigation Department Vladimir Gordienko said that Russian citizens are more often becoming victims of foreigners and that ethnic origin doesn't matter for those who attack non-Russians. Most of theses attacks are not properly investigated by law enforcement bodies.

427. Unfortunately, the label "person of Caucasian nationality" referring to a range of people such as Chechens, Ingushetians, Ossetians, Dagestanis, Georgians, Azeris, etc. is still applied. Apart from "persons of Caucasian nationality" and "Gypsies", Jews, Tajiks and some other people of Central Asian origin are also the target of racist attitudes and actions. While most areas in the Russian Federation have a local pattern of negative stereotyping targeting one group or another and these patterns change over time, the above-listed groups have been disadvantaged throughout the country, and racist attitudes towards them are lasting and deeply entrenched. This worrying phenomenon is also reported by the CE Human Rights Commissioner in his recent report on Russia who refers to a "sense of suspicion, if not outright hatred or contempt, for people originating from the Caucasus"."

Document(s): Open document

19.05.2005 - Source: International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights

Harassment of People with “Caucasian” Appearance ("Human Rights in the OSCE Region: Europe, Central Asia and North America, Report 2005 (Events 2004)") [#32117],  [ID 16749]

"“In the wake of various terrorist attacks during the year (see below), police in Moscow and many other Russian cities carried out “reprisal actions” against ethnic Chechens and members of other groups from the North Caucasus region. In a pattern of violations similar to that perpetrated by law enforcement officials and troops inside of Chechnya, these actions included arbitrary detention, ill-treatment and torture and extortion.”"

Document(s): Open document

28.02.2005 - Source: US Department of State

Security forces continued regularly to single out persons from the Caucasus for document checks, detention, and the extortion of bribes ("Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2004") [#29515],  [ID 11339]

"There were credible reports that security forces continued regularly to single out persons from the Caucasus for document checks, detention, and the extortion of bribes. Human rights observers reported that, as part of a broader MVD operation called Hurricane 4, MVD officers in Moscow were instructed in February to investigate residents of the Caucasus, including verifying their proper registration, inquiring of neighbors about their activities, and ascertaining the presence of relatives in the Northern Caucasus. According to NGOs, federal forces commonly detained groups of Chechen men at checkpoints along the borders between Chechnya and Ingushetiya, in targeted operations known as "night raids," or during "mopping up" operations following military hostilities, and severely beat and tortured them."

Document(s): Open document

07.2004 - Source: Memorial Human Rights Center

Situation of Chechen IDPs in Ingushetia, Moscow and other regions of the Russian Federation; xenophobia and discrimination of ethnic minorities; critical comments on assessment by a migration department of a European country on internal flight alternative for Chechens (German translation) ("Bewohner Tschetscheniens in der Russischen Föderation, Juni 2003 - Mai 2004, dt. Übersetzung") [#25176],  [ID 16754]

Document(s): Open document
Open document

24.05.2004 - Source: Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe

Discrimination in daily life and by the corruptive judicial system ("Tschetschenien und die tschetschenische Bevölkerung in der Russischen Föderation ") [#23046],  [ID 16757]

"Fremdenfeindlichkeit und Rassismus haben in Russland in den vergangenen Jahren in erschreckendem Masse zugenommen. Immer wieder kommt es zu Übergriffen rechtsextremer Gruppierungen gegen Angehörige nicht-russischer Ethnien. Die Sicherheitskräfte greifen selten ein. Viele ihrer Mitglieder sympathisieren mit rechtsextremen Ideen oder sind gar Mitglieder derartiger Organisationen. In dieser zunehmend xenophoben Stimmung hat sich in den letzten Jahren eine spezifisch gegen TschetschenInnen gerichtete Abneigung breit gemacht. TschetschenInnen bekommen diese Haltung tagtäglich zu spüren. Verschiedene öffentliche Dienstleistungen werden an TschetschenInnen nicht erbracht, allein auf Grund ihrer Herkunft. Die Diskriminierungen reichen von Mobbing gegen tschetschenische MitarbeiterInnen über das Vorenthalten von Mahlzeiten an tschetschenische SchülerInnen bis zu ungerechtfertigt höheren Mieten für Tschetscheninnen.115 Viele versuchen deshalb ihre Herkunft so gut wie möglich zu verschleiern. Für TschetschenInnen sind die einfachsten administrativen Vorgänge komplizierter als für die übrige Bevölkerung. Geschäfte könnten die wenigsten TschetschenInnen tätigen. Auch im kulturellen Bereich spürt die tschetschenische Bevölkerung die Diskriminierung. Lisa Achmatowa, eine früher landesweit auftretende tschetschenische Popsängerin beklagt sich darüber, dass ihr in der Region Moskau keine Konzertlokale mehr zur Verfügung gestellt würden.116 Niemand, auch nicht die rund 100 bis 150 in Russland lebenden TschetschenInnen in höheren Kaderpositionen seien vor Übergriffen oder Unterschiebungen gefeit, meint Deni Teps.117 Aslan G. beispielsweise beklagt sich, dass er wegen seiner Herkunft speziell kontrolliert und an gewissen Gerichten nicht zugelassen werde, obwohl er in Moskau studiert hat und dort als Anwalt zugelassen ist. Es gibt in ganz Moskau und Umgebung keinen einzigen Richter tschetschenischer Herkunft.118 Gesetzliche Grundlagen gibt es für diese antitschetschenische Haltung keine. Bislang ist ein einziges offizielles Dokument mit klar anti-tschetschenischem Inhalt bekannt geworden, die Anweisung (Prikas) 541 vom Herbst 1999 des Innenministeriums, welche die Verfolgung der TschetschenInnen detailliert vorschreibt. Seit dem Jahr 2000 sei dieser Befehl ungültig. Sowohl Aslan G. als auch Deni Teps gehen aber davon aus, dass immer wieder geheime, gegen die tschetschenische Bevölkerung gerichtete Anordnungen erfolgen. Offensichtlichstes Beispiel sind die nach einheitlichem Muster abgelaufenen Verhaftungen und Anklagen von TschetschenInnen in und um Moskau nach dem Anschlag auf das Musical-Theater Nordost. Eine andere geheime Weisung soll dahin lauten, dass bei Verbrechen, die unter Art. 222 des Strafgesetzbuches – Unrechtmässiger Erwerb und Besitz von Waffen, Waffenteilen oder explosiven Stoffen119 – für Tschetschenen immer die Höchststrafe von fünf Jah- ren unbedingter Haft verhängt werden. Gaitaew sagt, er habe diesem Gerücht anfangs misstraut, doch Nachfragen bei Kollegen hätten ergeben, dass kein einziger Fall von milderer Bestrafung gegen Tschetschenen bekannt sei. Insbesondere vor der beschriebenen völligen Straffreiheit für Angehörige der Sicherheitskräfte wirken diese Strafen drakonisch. Allgemein hat das Unterschieben krimineller Handlungen in der gesamten Russischen Föderation System und droht jedem Tschetschenen.120 Ein absurdes Beispiel dieser Politik war die Verhaftung zweier tschetschenischer Brüder ausserhalb Moskaus im März. Die beiden wurden auf einer Ausfallstrasse angehalten und verhaftet, ohne dass bei ihnen verdächtiges Material gefunden worden wäre. Erst bei einer zweiten Untersuchung Tage später wurden bei ihnen Granaten gefunden. Nach massiven Protesten aus Menschenrechtskreisen wurde die Anklage schliesslich fallen gelassen, was eine grosse Ausnahme darstellt. Aslan G. erklärt sich diesen und andere Fälle u.a. dadurch, dass in allen Einheiten der Sicherheitskräfte Tschetschenien-Veteranen arbeiten und dass sich deshalb die dort gängigen Praktiken je länger desto stärker auch im restlichen Russland breit machen. Dazu kommt, dass in diesem Klima der verstärkten Kontrolle immer weniger Menschen den Mut aufbringen, wegen Vergehen Anzeige zu erstatten. Swetlana Gannuschkina erwähnt den Fall eines tschetschenischen Mädchens, das im Herbst 2003 in der Nähe von St. Petersburg misshandelt und getötet wurde. Weder der herbeigerufene Arzt – aus Angst um seine Stelle – noch die Eltern – aus Sorge um ihre andern Kinder – wagten es, die Behörden zu kontaktieren.121 Die Justiz gilt allgemein nicht als unabhängige dritte Gewalt, sondern vielmehr sehen sich auch die Richter selbst als Verteidiger des Staates und in den AnwältInnen ihre Feinde. Nach wie vor unterstützen rund 80 Prozent der russischen Bevölkerung den Krieg in der Kaukasusrepublik Tschetschenien und diese Haltung dürfte auch unter Richtern verbreitet sein."

Document(s): Open document

26.02.2004 - Source: Institute for War and Peace Reporting

Dagestan: Chechens who serve in the army reportedly discriminated against and abused because of their nationality ("Chechens shun Dagestan Draft Drive") [#19804],  [ID 11340]

Document(s): Open document

13.02.2004 - Source: Institute for War and Peace Reporting

Caucasus-phobia reported in Moscow after the attack on the Moscow metro ("Caucasians Targeted in Wake of Moscow Blast") [#19364],  [ID 11341]

"The deadliest act of terror yet perpetrated in Moscow appears to have toughened the Kremlin’s policy on Chechnya – even though no one has yet claimed responsibility for the slaughter.
[...]
The bomb, which exploded on February 6 on a train between Avtozavodskaya and Paveletskaya stations, killed at least 39 people and wounded more than a hundred. The death toll is expected to rise, with Moscow’s mayor Yury Luzhkov saying it is expected to reach around 50.

Since the blast, Caucasus-phobia has gained strength in the capital. Demands to forbid people from the region to enter the capital now fill the airwaves and newspapers. This is the case even though most Caucasians in Moscow are Russian citizens and protected by the constitution – and indeed three of the passengers killed were from Armenia and Georgia

This did not stop prominent Communist politician Nikolai Kharitonov declaring it was time to “clear up” Moscow, as happened before the 1980 Olympic Games, while the well-known nationalist journalist and parliamentary deputy Alexander Nevzorov posed a straightforward question live on the NTV channel, “Where have you ever seen ordinary Chechens?”

Although he did not directly call the people of Chechnya bandits - as Liberal Democratic Party leader Vladimir Zhirinovsky occasionally does - the thrust of Nevzorov’s comment was clear to all.

President Vladimir Putin himself was quick to blame Chechen pro-independence leader Aslan Maskhadov for the attack. “We don’t need any indirect proof, we know for sure that Maskhadov and his bandits are linked to this terror,” Putin said angrily.
[...]
As a result of the bombing, Moscow mayor Yury Luzhkov has called for a series of changes in the city’s security provisions.

He said it was necessary to tighten registration regulations – even though it is well known that these can be easily bought – and instructed the Moscow police to step up its patrols of the metro. A more senseless order is hard to imagine, given that any criminal suspect can avoid an unpleasant trip to the police station by giving the guards from as little as 50 rubles - a significant contribution to the modest wage of a policeman."

Document(s): Open document

07.11.2003 - Source: International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights

Chechens and Caucasians generally prevail among the victims of unlawful police actions ("Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment") [#17377],  [ID 11342]

"In addition, the ongoing conflict in Chechnya powerfully fosters ethnically motivated police brutality:
Chechens and Caucasians generally prevail among the victims of unlawful police actions."

Document(s): Open document

07.11.2003 - Source: International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights

Worsening of situation of Chechen IDPs in other regions of Russia due to increasing xenophobia and islamophobia; deterioration of situation for Chechens in Ingushetia ("Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment") [#17377],  [ID 16758]

“In addition, the ongoing conflict in Chechnya powerfully fosters ethnically motivated police brutality: Chechens and Caucasians generally prevail among the victims of unlawful police actions.”

Document(s): Open document

04.03.2003 - Source: Council of Europe - Commissioner for Human Rights

Council of Europe/Commissioner for Human Rights: Alarming information concerning the discriminatory treatment suffered by Chechens outside Chechnya and particularly in Moscow ("Report by the Commissioner for Human Rights, Mr. Alvaro Gil-Robles, on his visit to Russian Federation (Chechnya and Ingushetia), 10-16 February 2003 [CommDH(2003) 5]") [#11347],  [ID 11343]

"4. It would be wrong to end on this subject without a few words on the repercussions of the Chechen conflict on the whole of Russian society: since the tragic events which took place in the Moscow theatre, I have been continually in receipt of alarming information concerning the discriminatory treatment suffered by Chechens outside Chechnya and particularly in Moscow, where people of Caucasian origin have allegedly been checked or stopped and questioned on several occasions without any apparent reason other than their origin. I raised this matter during my discussions with the Prokuratura general, when I was assured that measures were in the process of being taken to deal with this. However, soldiers of Chechen origin in the federal army took advantage of my presence in their barracks to complain that their families were often stopped and questioned by the police in Moscow, suspected, without any plausible reason, of supporting or preparing terrorist acts, while they themselves were “fighting for Russia”. I fear that the authorities’ attitude reflects a deeper and more serious social problem and that the continuation of the armed conflict will fuel a more wide-spread anti-Chechen feeling which could give rise to problems of another type and undermine in the long term the efforts to restore normality. The fact is that a transparent democratic process, founded on the freedom of expression, the freedom of the press and the freedom of association – including the freedom to form political parties – for all persuasions, is the best guarantee against this risk. It is for the Russian authorities to ensure that their action matches the expectations of the Chechen population and is of benefit to the whole of Russian society."

Document(s): Open document

04.03.2003 - Source: Council of Europe - Commissioner for Human Rights

Council of Europe/Commissioner for Human Rights: Alarming information concerning the discriminatory treatment suffered by Chechens outside Chechnya and particularly in Moscow ("Report by the Commissioner for Human Rights, Mr. Alvaro Gil-Robles, on his visit to Russian Federation (Chechnya and Ingushetia), 10-16 February 2003 [CommDH(2003) 5]") [#11347],  [ID 16762]

"“4. It would be wrong to end on this subject without a few words on the repercussions of the Chechen conflict on the whole of Russian society: since the tragic events which took place in the Moscow theatre, I have been continually in receipt of alarming information concerning the discriminatory treatment suffered by Chechens outside Chechnya and particularly in Moscow, where people of Caucasian origin have allegedly been checked or stopped and questioned on several occasions without any apparent reason other than their origin. I raised this matter during my discussions with the Prokuratura general, when I was assured that measures were in the process of being taken to deal with this. However, soldiers of Chechen origin in the federal army took advantage of my presence in their barracks to complain that their families were often stopped and questioned by the police in Moscow, suspected, without any plausible reason, of supporting or preparing terrorist acts, while they themselves were “fighting for Russia”. I fear that the authorities’ attitude reflects a deeper and more serious social problem and that the continuation of the armed conflict will fuel a more wide-spread anti-Chechen feeling which could give rise to problems of another type and undermine in the long term the efforts to restore normality. The fact is that a transparent democratic process, founded on the freedom of expression, the freedom of the press and the freedom of association – including the freedom to form political parties – for all persuasions, is the best guarantee against this risk. It is for the Russian authorities to ensure that their action matches the expectations of the Chechen population and is of benefit to the whole of Russian society.”"

Document(s): Open document

11.2002 - Source: Norwegian Helsinki Committee

The attack on the Dubrovka-theatre in late October 2002 lead to renewed pressure on the Chechen population in Moscow ("The ethnic war: Persecution of Chechens in the Russian Federation") [#12280],  [ID 11344]

"The attack on the Dubrovka-theatre in late October 2002 lead to renewed pressure on the Chechen population in Moscow (estimated at between 50 000 and 100 000 by the Civic Assistance Committee). For some of the Chechen IDPs in Moscow, the combination of administrative pressure and the fear of xenophobic attacks resulted in their departure from the city. The NHC met some Chechen IDPs who left Moscow after the attack, and returned to the spontaneous settlements in Ingushetiya. They cited police persecution, problems with registration and fear of xenophobic attacks as the reasons for leaving.
[...]
The Civic Assistance Committee reported that they had received a number of complaints from Chechens after the hostage-taking in the Dubrovka-theatre. In many instances Chechens had been detained without warrants, after which they had been interrogated, photographed and registered at police precincts. Some had had their documents destroyed by police. Some had been charged with crimes based on forged evidence. There were reports about maltreatment, including beatings at the police stations. ID checks on the streets and house searches had intensified and often resulted in the police demanding bribes from ethnic Chechens. Chechens
without registration had been evicted from their homes and their children had in some cases been thrown out of the schools. The police demanded written statements from employers of Chechens, a measure which resulted in several Chechens losing their jobs without explanation in the days following the attack on the theater."

Document(s): Open document

28.10.2002 - Source: International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights

Crackdown on ethnic Chechens after hostage-taking crisis in Moscow ("Memorandum to the OSCE Backlash feared against ethnic Chechens and other minorities following the hostage-taking of 23 October - 26 October 2002") [#9328],  [ID 11345]

"The Moscow Helsinki Group (MHG) and the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights (IHF) are gravely concerned at the prospect of an imminent backlash against ethnic Chechens and other minorities following the recent hostage-taking crisis in a Moscow theatre.

Over the past two years, the MHG has conducted a country-wide monitoring program on racism and xenophobia in Russia. During this time, the organisation has revealed the extent to which racism is prevalent among official bodies. The organisation found that on the streets of Moscow and other major cities of the Russian Federation, police, along with other law enforcement agencies adopt blatantly racist attitudes towards Chechens, ethnic groups from the Caucasus and other minorities. Resorting to racial profiling, police stop dark-featured people, including Chechens and other ethnic minorities on the street on the pretext of identity checks. In some cases, the detained persons have reported being forced by police to pay a bribe for some perceived irregularity in their identity or registration papers. In numerous other reported cases, Chechens and other Caucasus nationalities have complained that police planted drugs or weapons on their person and then demanded a bribe to secure their release. In detention, detainees also complain of being subjected to torture and ill-treatment with the reported aim of extracting a confession.

Following the hostage-taking crisis in Moscow, it is feared that these attitudes and human rights violations will significantly worsen. For example, on 25 October, the Moscow region governor reportedly stated that all persons without registration would be removed from the area. Obtaining registration in Moscow the notorious propiska system is extremely difficult for ethnic minorities, including ethnic Chechens."

Document(s): Open document

10.2002 - Source: UK Home Office

UK Home Office: Mayor has been quoted in the past as calling for the expulsion from Moscow of Chechens and other people from the Caucasus ("Country Assessment - October 2002") [#9606],  [ID 16764]

"6.33. The city of Moscow is frequently cited for violating the rights of non-residents and ethnic minorities, as well as the rights of those legitimately seeking asylum. Moscow Mayor Yurii Luzhkov has been quoted in the past as calling for the expulsion from Moscow of Chechens and other people from the Caucasus, while Moscow police conduct frequent document checks, particularly of those who are dark-skinned or appear to be from the Caucasus. There are credible reports that police have fined persons without registration documents in excess of legal requirements and have not provided proper documentation of the fine."

Document(s): Open document

25.01.2002 - Source: Amnesty International

Amnesty International: Disappereance of Chechen woman in detention ("Russian Federation: Women and girls victims of human rights abuses (selected case studies)") [#5403],  [ID 11350]

"Zara Isaeva, an ethnic Chechen woman, was visiting Moscow for medical treatment. On 14 September 1999 she was detained at the home of her brother along with one of his friends, Musa Vagaev, and taken to the police station at Zhulebino. Later, her brother, Zavlady Isaev, was also brought to the police station. Zara Isaeva stated that during interrogation, police officers threatened to hand her over to ''homeless vagrants'' to be raped and to send her to a women's prison. She stated the police officers also ordered her to strip naked for an examination; she was released the following day. She later learned that her brother and his friend had been beaten and forced to sign a confession relating to the possession of drugs. The police threatened that if they refused to sign, the police would arrange for Zara Isaeva to be raped by ''criminals'' held at the police station."

Document(s): Open document

2002 - Source: Moscow Helsinki Group

Report on nationalism, xenophobia and intolerance (legislation, particularly vulnerable groups) ("Nationalism, Xenophobia and Intolerance in Contemporary Russia") [#15156],  [ID 11346]

Document(s): Open document

13.11.2001 - Source: Council of Europe - European Commission against Racism and Intolerance

ECRI: Human rights violations and discriminatory actions against Chechens living outside Chechnya ("Second report on the Russian Federation: Adopted on 16 March 2001 and made public on 13 November 2001 [CRI(2001) 41]") [#4815],  [ID 11347]

"The 1996 agreements on political settlement of the Chechen conflict did not lead to a peaceful conclusion of the crisis in Chechnya. In September 1999, armed conflict in Chechnya was resumed. Widespread and grave human rights violations and abuses and breaches of international humanitarian law are reported to have been committed within Chechnya. ECRI expresses the strong hope that the Russian authorities will investigate and take proper action against allegations of such violations and abuses and make all possible efforts to restore normal living conditions in the region as rapidly as possible in close cooperation with international organisations. In this connection, ECRI welcomes the resolutions 1227 (2000), 1221 (2000) and 1201 (1999) and recommendations 1456 (2000) and 1444 (2000) of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, which it endorses. ECRI also attaches importance to the report by the Commissioner for Human Rights on his visit to the Russian Federation and Chechnya. The military operations in Chechnya were accompanied, notably during 1999, by reports of human rights violations and discriminatory actions against Chechens (and partly against Ingush) living outside Chechnya (and Ingushetia), including: arbitrary passport and identity checks, searches of premises, detention and ill-treatment; violation of the right to freedom of movement and choice of place of residence; and refusal to issue personal documents. There have also been reports of deportation of Chechen families from the Stavropol Krai to Chechnya. Of particular concern to ECRI are hundreds of allegations of fabrication of criminal cases against Chechens (and partly against Ingush), brought on the basis of article 222 (illegal acquisition, transfer, marketing, storage, transportation or carrying of arms and explosives) and 228 (illegal manufacturing, acquisition, storage, transportation and marketing of drugs) of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation. ECRI urges the Russian authorities thoroughly to investigate all complaints of fabrication of evidence and to bring to justice any members of the law enforcement staff found responsible for such acts. (…) Especially following the period of warfare in Daghestan in August 1999 and the bombings in Moscow in September 1999, immigrants from the Caucasus region in Moscow were disproportionately subject to passport and identity checks, searches of private homes and detention in police stations. Furthermore, all newcomers (i.e. those who had not registered their permanent residence in Moscow) were required to re-register; there are reports suggesting that most of those refused registration were Chechens, Azeris, Armenians and Georgians and that thousands of those so refused were served with orders to leave the city."

Document(s): Open document

13.11.2001 - Source: Council of Europe - European Commission against Racism and Intolerance

ECRI: Criminal cases fabricated ("Second report on the Russian Federation: Adopted on 16 March 2001 and made public on 13 November 2001 [CRI(2001) 41]") [#4815],  [ID 11348]

"70. Of particular concern to ECRI are hundreds of allegations of fabrication of
criminal cases against Chechens (and partly against Ingush), brought on the
basis of article 222 (illegal acquisition, transfer, marketing, storage,
transportation or carrying of arms and explosives) and 228 (illegal
manufacturing, acquisition, storage, transportation and marketing of drugs) of
the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation. ECRI urges the Russian
authorities thoroughly to investigate all complaints of fabrication of evidence
and to bring to justice any members of the law enforcement staff found
responsible for such acts."

Document(s): Open document

26.08.2001 - Source:

Minorities at Risk: Chechens in Russia - risk assessment ("26.08.2001 - Minorities at Risk: Chechens in Russia - risk assessment") [ID 11352]

"Before the first invasion of Chechnya, then Russian Defense Minister Pavel Grachev warned that an operation in Chechnya would take "10 minutes to plan, 10 hours to execute, and 10 years to finish." Events may prove him wrong on all three counts, for no end is in sight for the cycle of rebellion and repression that has descended on Chechnya in the 1990s. The majority of Chechens are concentrated in one region, and their military units are quite well organized and led. Whereas popular pressure from the Russian people on the democratic government in Moscow (such that it is) helped bring the last war to an end, this round of violence has met with much greater levels of popular support. In addition, this round of warfare has received less attention from the international community, which has not put the same pressure on Moscow to settle the conflict peacefully as it did in 1996. Since there are no signs that either side is tiring of the fighting and the atrocities, Chechnya is likely to be a festering wound in the belly of the Caucasus for the foreseeable future.
The Russians are not likely to repeat the ignominious retreat of 1996. The Putin government has invested a great deal of political capital in its "pacification" campaign, and still reaps benefits in polls due to its conduct of the war. The Russian people do not seem to want to accept peace if it means another national humiliation. In addition, the issues that compelled the first invasion are still there: the Russian people have legitimate concerns about the lawlessness of the Chechen leadership, which was turning its republic into a virtual criminal state; many other would-be break-away Russian regions were and are watching how Moscow handles such secessionist movements, so surrender in Chechnya might have a domino effect in places like Tatarstan, Dagestan, and elsewhere; and finally, Chechnya continues to lie on strategic territory, straddling the areas upon which Moscow would like to build pipelines to transport Caspian oil to market. How such pipelines could realistically be expected to function in territory that is fiercely hostile to Moscow rather unclear.
The Chechen militants are equally unlikely to surrender. The war has only served to harden their desire to be independent. They may have lost Grozny, but they still have de facto control over the mountainous regions to the south and have enough of a presence in the north to be a constant source of harassment to the occupying Russian interior ministry troops. The Chechens have been joined by many warriors from abroad, for their struggle has become something of a jihad du jour for Islamic extremists across the region. With military and financial support from Islamic communities abroad, and geography that is conducive to guerrilla operations, the rebels will be very hard to defeat decisively. They are even less likely to lay down their arms in the absence of defeat.
With no international pressure to end the conflict, and no lasting military solution possible, the war is likely to linger on, at perhaps lower levels, for quite a long time. A potential solution could theoretically be some kind of twist on be the "neither war nor peace" calm that is holding in the break-away regions of Georgia. But realistically even that seems to be wishful thinking, given the level of hostility on both sides. Unfortunately for all sides, the most likely future scenario seems to be a protracted guerrilla war, not unlike the ones waged by the Caucasian mountain peoples against the czarist army in the middle of the last century."

Document(s): 26.08.2001 - Minorities at Risk: Chechens in Russia - risk assessment