27.08.2001 - Source: Minorities at Risk

Minorities at risk: Background information ("Background information on the Karachay in Russia") [ID 11391]

"The Karachay are a Sunni Muslim Turkic people (BELIEF = 3) who live primarily in the autonomous Russian republic Karachay-Cherkessia (GROUPCON = 2), which is just north of Abkhazia in Georgia. The Karachay are mountain people, closely related to the Balkars and Abkhaz, and less closely to the Nogai and Kumyk of Dagestan. They have lived in their native land for centuries (TRADITN = 1), and, like many of the Muslim groups of the region, suffered tremendously under the tsars and the communists. Their group identity and cohesion, although low compared to other groups in the region (COSHESX9 = 1) due to strong tribal (rather than communal) identification, may be in the process of solidifying due to recent events in their republic. They have the highest death and unemployment rates among Caucasian peoples, which may be a symptom of their inability to adjust to post-communist realities.
In the middle of the 19th century, imperial Russia spent nearly three decades trying to conquer the peoples of this region, and thousands fled to Turkey to escape the rule of the czar. Further displacement occurred in 1943, when the Karachay were accused of collaborating with the Nazis and deported by Stalin to Siberia and Central Asia. Somewhere between one quarter and one half of their population survived to return during Kruschev's reign. Here as elsewhere in the Caucasus, those returning from exile were not allowed to return to all of their traditional land, creating tensions and disputes that carry on to the present.
As part of the "divide and rule" strategy of the communist rulers, two ethnically divided republics - Karachay-Cherkessia and Kabardino-Balkaria - were created in the 1920s. The Cherkess and Kabardins are closely related Circassian peoples living in the north of these republics, and the Karachay and Balkars are Turkic people living in the south. It would have been possible to create ethnically homogenous republics, but Stalin thought it better to create two divided republics that would be easier to rule from Moscow. By doing so, he laid the foundations for ethnic strife that only began to assert itself with the first presidential elections in Karachay-Cherkessia in 1999.
Partly due to simmering ethnic tensions, Karachay-Cherkessia was the last Russian republic to hold local elections. In 1999, Vladimir Semenov, an ethnic Karachay, won a run-off against Stanislav Derev, a Cherkess. Accusations of electoral fraud led to demonstrations and scattered acts of violence, as the Cherkess and another Circassian minority, the Abazins, began to agitate for independence from Karachay-Cherkessia. Intervention by Moscow, both through mediation and review of the election by Russian courts, has calmed the situation down to some degree.
Semenov is still holding on to power, although the tide of events seems to be turning against him. The Karachay make up approximately 30% of Karachay-Cherkessia's 400,000 people; the Cherkess are perhaps 10%, the Abazins, 7%. The rest of the republic is comprised mainly of Slavs, both ethnic Russians and Cossacks, who have been the deciding factor in the politics of the republics. Semenov has alienated the Slavs, as well as some of his own people, since his election, and his party was beaten badly in parliamentary elections in early 2001. Among other things, Semenov appointed only ethnic Karachay to positions of power in his government – a decision that was perhaps not his alone, however, for Cherkess and Abazins have thus far refused to serve in the government until the results of the presidential election of 1999 are overturned, or until
Karachay-Cherkessia is divided."

Document(s): Background information on the Karachay in Russia

27.08.2001 - Source: Minorities at Risk

Risk assessment - Karachay in Russia ("Risk assessment - Karachay in Russia") [ID 11394]

"Unfortunately, ethnic tensions in Karachay-Cherkessia are higher now than at any time in recent memory. This and the other poorly-drawn republics bequeathed by the Soviet Union have disputes that seem designed to erupt into violence. As is often observed, there are weapons in every house in the Caucasus Mountains.
The risks of ethnic strife in Karachay-Cherkessia come from two sources: Turkic-Circassian tensions, which have been especially troublesome in the last two years; and between both groups and the Cossacks, who are universally seen as a tool of repression from Moscow. The latter potential source of conflict has been overshadowed by the rift between the Karachay and the Cherkess since the election of Semenov. The attitude of the ethic Slavs in the region toward the dispute will have a large impact upon its ultimate outcome.
Although it is possible for all-out conflict to break out between the Turkic and Circassian people of Karachay-Cherkessia and even Kabardino-Balkaria, as of today chances of that occurring seem rather low. Moscow has shown a willingness to mediate, demonstrating a pro-active attitude rather than the reactive one it has demonstrated elsewhere in the Caucausus. There has not been a recent history of conflict greater than low-level acts of violence. Semenov has not disputed the results of the 2001 parliamentary elections, suggesting that perhaps democracy in the republic has a chance to take root. And, perhaps most importantly, no one in the region is eager to replicate the fate of the Chechens. The various referenda that have been held in both republics consistently show that the overwhelming majority of all four peoples desire the preservation of the status quo. That alone may be enough to keep the peace.
One last complicating factor is the presence of one of the most powerful Russian oligarchs, Boris Berezovsky, in the politics of the region. Berezovsky's money aided his election to the Russian Duma as a representative of Karachay-Cherkessia, which many observers suspect was motivated by his desire to obtain the immunity from prosecution that comes with membership in the Duma rather than any concern for the affairs of the region. Berezovsky has consistently sided with the Cherkess and Abazin minorities in their disputes with Semenov, which has only served to further agitate ethnic tensions in the region. Even though Berezovsky has recently relinquished his seat in the Duma, he continues to be a divisive force in Karachay-Cherkessia."

Document(s): Risk assessment - Karachay in Russia

1989 - Source: NUPI - Centre for Russian Studies

History of the Karachays ("Ethnic groups: Karachay") [ID 11395]

"The Karachay are closely related to the Balkars, and also to Nogay and Kumyk.

Descendants of local Caucasian tribes settled since the Bronze Age and in-migrated tribes (the Alans, Bulgarians, Kypchaks), traditionally transhumant people.
After the Mongolian invasion Karachay ancestors were driven to canyons in the North Caucasus. In the 16-18th c., they resisted Crimean khans and had contacts with Dagestan, Transcaucasia, Greater Kabardia, and Russia.
The Karachay came under Russia's control in 1828 and many left for Turkey after the land reform of the 1870s which gave the Karachay land to tsarist officials. The Soviet administrative policy separated culturally and linguistically related peoples to prevent any resistance in the North Caucasus. Administrative units after the Revolution: Karachayevo Okrug (1920), Karachayevo-Cherkessiya AO (1922); Karachayevo Oblast (1926) had 55,000 Karachais and was liquidated in 1943 in connection with Stalin's deportations of the Karachay to Central Asia and Kazakhstan (tens of thousands died).
After the return of Karachay to their historical homeland in 1957, the Karachayevo-Cherkessiya AO was re-established. In 1991, the Karachay were completely rehabilitated and the AO assumed the status of autonomous republic. Karachay identify themselves according to the clan/canyon where they live (four clan groups) rather than with the whole ethnic group. Strong anti-Russian and anti-Soviet sentiment.
Karachay have perceived themselves as victims of prejudicial treatment, particularly with respect to entrance to universities and employment. They have been unable to assume socially or politically sensitive positions. The directors of many Karachay schools have been Russians. The Karachay have announced their desire to secure their separate autonomy and to secure "complete rehabilitation". The Karachay-Cherkess Supreme Soviet supported the Karachay demands and potentially conflicting territorial claims appear to have been resolved peacefully."

Document(s): Ethnic groups: Karachay