28.05.2008 - Source: Amnesty International

Torture is widespread in police custody ("Annual Report 2008") [ID 24173]

"The culture of impunity for torture and ill-treatment by the police continued. The UN Special Rapporteur on torture concluded in March that torture and ill-treatment were widespread in police custody, and particularly systemic in criminal investigation departments."

Document(s): Open document

11.03.2008 - Source: US Department of State

Police Officers not held accountable for excessive force or deaths of persons in custody ("Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2007") [ID 22715]

"Police officers were not held accountable for excessive or deadly force or for the deaths of persons in custody. Police generally operated with impunity in the apprehension, illegal detention, and sometimes execution of criminal suspects. Abuses against civilians by poorly trained, poorly equipped, poorly supervised, and underpaid police were common, and the police were rarely held accountable."

Document(s): Open document

11.03.2008 - Source: US Department of State

No developments in cases of police killings ("Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2007") [ID 22718]

"There were no developments in the January 2006 case in which police officers killed two suspected thieves in the Rivers State city of Port Harcourt; the February 2006 case in which four persons were killed when military and police officers stormed the Ariaria market in Aba, Abia State, on the pretext of preventing vigilantes from operating there; the June 2006 case in which the media reported that brothers Juth and Romanus Akpowbo were arrested in Kano State after having been accused of armed robbery of the staff quarters of Bayero University; or the August 2006 case in which police in Umuahia North Local Government Area killed 12 suspected robbers."

Document(s): Open document

31.01.2008 - Source: Human Rights Watch

Politically powerful individuals and members of security forces are seldom held to account for their crimes ("World Report 2008") [ID 22216]

"Politically powerful individuals and members of Nigeria’s security forces who stand accused of serious human rights abuses and other crimes are seldom held to account. Numerous powerful ruling party politicians have been implicated in mobilizing armed gangs responsible for election-related violence and also in orchestrating the open rigging of the 2007 elections, but no investigation has been undertaken. Nor have federal authorities taken any action to ensure accountability for past atrocities such as the Nigerian military’s complete destruction of the Bayelsa 2 state town of Odi in 1999 or its massacre of several hundred civilians in Benue state in 2001."

Document(s): Open document

23.05.2007 - Source: Amnesty International

Members of the security forces suspected of being responsible for grave human rights violations in Odioma in February 2005 were not brought to justice ("Annual Report 2007") [ID 20160]

"No action was known to have been taken to bring to justice members of the security forces suspected of being responsible for grave human rights violations in Odioma in February 2005, when a raid by members of the Joint Task Force resulted in at least 17 people being killed and acts of torture, including rape of women. The report of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry established in the aftermath of the Odioma incident was not made public. Members of the security forces reportedly remained in Odioma and further human rights violations were reported in February. No subsequent reports of violations were received."

Document(s): Open document

23.05.2007 - Source: Amnesty International

Culture of impunity against the police and security forces committing violence against women is prevalent ("Annual Report 2007") [ID 20167]

"Violence against women, including domestic violence and sexual violence by state officials and private individuals, remained pervasive. Underlying factors included the entrenched culture of impunity for human rights violations committed by the police and security forces, and the authorities' consistent failure to exercise due diligence in preventing and addressing sexual violence by both state and non-state actors."

Document(s): Open document

12.03.2007 - Source: UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights

It is common knowledge that police abuse is unlawful, but it seems to be standard practice in Nigerian law enforcement ("Special Rapporteur on Torture Concludes Visit to Nigeria [HR/07/35]") [ID 20791]

"Despite knowing that police abuse is wrong, victims feel powerless and are resigned to accept that impunity is the natural order of things when it comes to Nigerian law enforcement. Moreover, attempts to register complaints may be met with intimidation; or investigations lack independence as they may be conducted by the police themselves, or are dealt with internally. Forensic medical examinations which could sustain complaints are non-existent even in cases of death in police custody. No information was provided by the Government on evidence of successful criminal prosecutions of perpetrators for torture, or payment of compensation to victims."

Document(s): Open document

06.03.2007 - Source: US Department of State

In most cases police officers were not held accountable for excessive force or for the deaths of persons in custody ("Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2006") [ID 19451]

"In most cases police officers were not held accountable for excessive or deadly force or for the deaths of persons in custody. Police generally operated with impunity in the apprehension, illegal detention, and sometimes execution of criminal suspects"

Document(s): Open document

06.03.2007 - Source: US Department of State

Aba: On February 13, military and police officers stormed the Ariaria market, killing 4 persons; no investigation was opened ("Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2006") [ID 19454]

"On February 13, military and police officers stormed the Ariaria market in Aba, Abia State on the pretext of preventing vigilantes from operating there. A firefight ensued, and four persons were reportedly killed. No investigation had been opened by year's end."

Document(s): Open document

06.03.2007 - Source: US Department of State

Kano state: In June 2 brothers were severely beaten in custody; one of them died; no investigation was opened ("Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2006") [ID 19455]

"In June the media reported that brothers Juth and Romanus Akpowbo were arrested in Kano State after having been accused of armed robbery of the staff quarters of Bayero University. Two weeks later, Juth Akpowbo died in the hospital without having been released from custody. Romanus Akpowbo was also in the hospital and said the two brothers had been severely beaten by police. The government did not open an investigation into the allegations by year's end."

Document(s): Open document

06.03.2007 - Source: US Department of State

Umuahia: In August police killed 12 suspected robbers; no charges were filed ("Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2006") [ID 19457]

"In August police in Umuahia North Local Government Area killed 12 suspected robbers and left their bodies at a local mortuary. No charges were filed in the case."

Document(s): Open document

06.03.2007 - Source: US Department of State

In December police officers killed a driver who refused to pay a bribe; a retaliatory mob killed an officer; no arrests were made ("Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2006") [ID 19460]

"On December 25, police officers in the Federal Capital Territory outside Abuja shot and killed a driver who refused to pay a $0.16 (20 naira) bribe. A retaliatory mob formed and killed an assistant superintendent of police who was driving past the area but had not taken part in the attack. The mob chased police officers away from the checkpoint and attempted to burn down the local police station before being dispersed. The government had made no arrests by year's end."

Document(s): Open document

01.2007 - Source: Human Rights Watch

Impunity biggest obstacle to ending torture, ill-treatment, extrajudicial killings and arbitrary arrests ("World Report 2007") [ID 18977]

"Impunity from [torture, ill-treatment, extrajudicial killing, arbitrary arrest] remains the biggest single obstacle to ending abuses such as these. President Olusegun Obasanjo’s public acknowledgement in August 2005 that Nigerian police officers have committed murder and torture did not translate during 2006 into any significant effort to hold members of the security forces accountable for past or ongoing crimes, in which their involvement is alleged."

Document(s): Open document

23.05.2006 - Source: Amnesty International

6 extrajudicial executions by police promted investigations; few human rights abusers were held to account ("Annual Report 2006") [ID 17510]

"Outrage over six extrajudicial executions by the police in Abuja, the capital, prompted investigation and the prosecution of suspect officers. However, few human rights abuses were investigated or their perpetrators held to account. The findings of a judicial commission of inquiry into human rights violations between 1966 and 1999 were finally made public, but the government did not announce plans to implement its recommendations"

Document(s): Open document

23.05.2006 - Source: Amnesty International

Police killed 5 Igbo traders without being prosecuted ("Annual Report 2006") [ID 17603]

"Protests at police killings of five Igbo traders and one female companion, allegedly suspected of being armed robbers, on 8 June in Abuja prompted an investigation and the prosecution of eight officers on murder charges. However, in most cases, the security forces continued to commit human rights violations with impunity. Where abuses were the subject of commissions of inquiry, the findings were generally not made public. The report of investigations into human rights violations between 1966 and 1999 by the Human Rights Violations Investigation Commission, known as the Oputa Panel, was published by civil society organizations before it was made available to members of the National Political Reform Conference."

Document(s): Open document

08.03.2006 - Source: US Department of State

Police is rarely held accountable for human rights violations ("Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2005") [#46036],  [ID 15666]

"Abuses by poorly-trained, poorly-equipped, and poorly-managed police against civilians were common human rights violation, and the police were rarely held accountable. During the year police, military, and anticrime personnel continued to use lethal force against suspected criminals."

Document(s): Open document

08.03.2006 - Source: US Department of State

Police secretly buried 12 bodies in a mass grave; no action had been taken by year's end ("Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2005") [#46036],  [ID 15671]

"In March an investigative panel released its report on the October 2004 incident in which police had secretly buried 12 bodies in a mass grave in Kaduna. The panel found that the victims had attempted a jailbreak, but that the police had acted improperly in killing them and attempting to hide the bodies. The panel forwarded its recommendations to the federal government, which had taken no action by year's end."

Document(s): Open document

08.03.2006 - Source: US Department of State

No action taken against security forces who killed or injured persons while forcibly dispersing rallies ("Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2005") [#46036],  [ID 17105]

"No action was taken against security forces who killed or injured persons while forcibly dispersing protesters in 2004 or 2003."

Document(s): Open document

04.2005 - Source: UK Home Office

Officers allegedly planned a coup against the government ("Country Report - April 2005") [#31982],  [ID 15285]

"4.9 A United Nations IRIN report dated 2 April 2004 stated that Nigerian security agencies were investigating several military officers and civilians on suspicion of serious security breaches, following media reports of a coup against the Nigerian Government. According to a Vanguard (Nigeria) newspaper report, at least 28 military officers had been taken in for questioning by the authorities, on suspicion of recruiting soldiers for an insurrection. The Vanguard report stated that the military officers had sought the support of soldiers who felt disaffected with the present government over unpaid salaries, general insecurity, corruption and malpractice in the 2003 elections [21b]."

Document(s): Open document

08.2004 - Source: Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation

Military ("Nigeria - Länderbericht") [#28135],  [ID 15286]

"Das Militär war als staatstragende Macht während der Herrschaft diverser Generäle für zahlreiche Menschenrechtsverletzungen verantwortlich. Derzeit verfügt Nigeria über 78.500 aktive Soldaten (Reuters, Nigeria o.D.) Noch immer wird vom gewählten Präsidenten Obasanjo auf das Militär zurückgegriffen, wenn sich die nigerianische Polizei (NPF) außerstande sieht, ihre Aufgaben wahrzunehmen (USDOS 2004). Dazu kam es beispielsweise während der Wahlen 2003 (USDOS 2004, 1.a), im Vorfeld der Lokalwahlen 2004 (IRIN 29. März 2004) oder bei gewalttätigen Ausschreitungen in Kano im Januar 20048 (IRIN 25. Januar 2004). Bei den Unruhen im Bundesstaat Plateau wurde von Obasanjo der zivile Gouverneur durch einen General a. D. ersetzt (siehe Abschnitt Schauplatz Plateau State, Kapitel 4.5).

Publizität erlangte der Armeeeinsatz in Benue im Jahr 2001, als Zusammenstöße zwischen Tiv und Jukun beenden werden sollten. In einer Racheaktion für 19 getötete Soldaten wurden 200 bis 300 Tiv massakriert. Obasanjo befahl erst nach 3 Tagen den Rückzug der Armee. Selbst als diese sich weigerte, ließ er sie gewähren und erklärte ihr Verhalten als Selbstverteidigung (Economist 31. November 2001).

Im Niger-Delta sind fortwährend Truppen stationiert, um für die ungestörte Ölförderung zu sorgen. Im Rahmen der Operation „ Restore Hope“ (siehe auch Abschnitt über Mobile Police, Kapitel 2.1.5.6), wird gegen Ausschreitungen vorgegangen und werden Installationen von Ölförderfirmen geschützt. Bis zu 2.000 Mann des Militärs sollen an dieser Operation beteiligt gewesen sein (HRW 17. Dezember 2003, S. 22) Auch diese Operation wird für zahlreiche Menschenrechtsverletzungen und Tötungen verantwortlich gemacht (z.B. IRIN 19. August 2003; IRIN 16. Januar 2004). Human Rights Watch wirft dem im Niger-Delta stationierten Militär Untätigkeit vor. So berichteten Angehörige der Itsekiri und der Urhobo Human Rights Watch, wie Soldaten entweder bei dem ersten Anzeichen eines Problems davongelaufen oder auf geheimnisvolle Weise unmittelbar vor einem Angriff von gegnerischen ethnischen Milizen zurückgezogen worden seien. In beiden Fällen erklärten die Gesprächspartner, die angreifende Truppe – ob Ijaw oder Itsekiri – hätten die Soldaten dafür bezahlt, fortzugehen oder den Aggressoren freie Hand zu lassen. Diese Vorwürfe wurden von der Armee bestritten (HRW 17. Dezember 2003, S. 23).

Insgesamt sind an die 10.000 Militärangehörige im südlichen Delta permanent stationiert (NYT 20. März 2003). Die Ijaw-Volksgruppe behauptete, dass die Ölfirma Chevron der nigerianischen Armee und Marine ihren Escravos-Terminal als Ausgangsbasis für Attacken gegen Ijaw-Dörfer zur Verfügung gestellt habe (AC 23. Juli 2004).

Dazu schreibt IRIN “Nigerian army spokesman Colonel Chukwuemeka Onwuamaegbu, said troops were sent to tackle the militants when it became clear they were "getting a bit too much for the police to handle."“ ÖRK/ACCORD: Länderbericht Nigeria, August 2004 Eine friedliche Demonstration im August 2003 von Frauen der Itsekiri, Ijaw und Urhobo Volksgruppen in der Nähe der Firmensitze von Shell und Chevron in Warri wurde gewaltsam aufgelöst; es gab zahlreiche Verletzte (AI 28. Mai 2003, Nigeria).

Zu einem der schlimmsten Vorfälle soll es im März 2004 gekommen sein. Der Armee wird vorgeworfen, auf unbewaffnete Zivilisten das Feuer eröffnet zu haben, nachdem ein Soldat getötet worden war. Die Federated Niger Delta Ijaw Communities (FNDIC) behaupten, dass 51 Personen durch die Armee ums Leben gekommen seien. Die Armee weist diese Vorwürfe zurück (IRIN 15. März 2004)."

Document(s): Open document

08.2004 - Source: Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation

State Security Service ("Nigeria - Länderbericht") [#28135],  [ID 15296]

"Der SSS wird häufig für politisch motivierte Maßnahmen der Regierung eingesetzt. Im Oktober 2002 werden die Räumlichkeiten der nigerianischen NGO Civil Liberties Organisation ohne Angabe von Gründen durchsucht. Außerdem wurden Vertretern von NGOs die Reisedokumente entzogen, um sie an der Ausreise zu hindern (HRW, 2003 Crackdown S. 20-21). Der Verfasser eines regierungskritischen Buchs wurde von SSS-Personal in Gewahrsam genommen. Alle vorrätigen Stücke seines Buches wurden konfisziert (HRW, 2003 Crackdown S. 26-27). Im Herbst 2003 wurden SSS-Leute dazu beauftragt, drei Zeitungen mitzuteilen, dass sie nicht länger für die Berichterstattung des Regierungssitzes (Aso Rock) akkreditiert würden. Es gab Vermutungen, dass dies auf kritische Berichterstattungen der drei Zeitungen zurückzuführen sei (MISA 06. November 2003). Der SSS soll auch eine Rolle beim Verschwinden von Hussaini Umar, eines islamischen Gelehrten, im April 2003 gespielt haben (HRW 2. Dezember 2003, S. 35- 36). In Sommer 2004 wurden Vertreter der nigerianischen Gewerkschaft, welche vor dem Parlamentsgebäude Informationsmaterial verteilten, von SSS-Leuten verhaftet (AllAfrica.com/Vanguard 02. August 2004)."

Document(s): Open document

08.2004 - Source: Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation

National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) ("Nigeria - Länderbericht") [#28135],  [ID 15297]

"Vorsitzender: Alhaji Bello Lafiaji (AllAfrica.com/Vanguard 26. Juli 2004).
Gründung: Mit Dekret 489 kam es im Jahre 199010 zur Gründung der NDLEA (DEA 2001). [...]

Die NDLEA ist für eine umfassende Prävention, Bekämpfung und Unterbindung aller Straftaten, die mit Drogenhandel in Zusammenhang stehen, verantwortlich. Sie besteht aus einem Vorsitzenden, aus dem Direktor des militärischen Geheimdienstes, aus dem Direktor der Zollbehörde, aus dem Direktor des Staatssicherheitsdienstes, aus dem Generaldirektor des ausländischen Nachrichtendiensts, aus einem hohen Vertreter des Justizministeriums, des Gesundheitsministeriums und des Außenministeriums sowie aus drei weiteren Personen (§ 2).

Dekret 48 sieht für Besitz und Konsum von Drogen eine Haftstrafe von 15 bis 25 Jahren vor. Einfuhr, Ausfuhr, Produktion, Transport, Kauf, Verkauf von Drogen ziehen eine lebenslange Haftstrafe nach sich (§
10). Die NDLEA ist eine prominente Organisation, die durch ihre Verhaftungen und Drogenfunde ständig in den nigerianischen Tageszeitungen präsent ist. Im Jahr 2003 wurden 2.490 Personen verhaftet; 455,5 Hektar Anbaufläche für Marihuana zerstört; 134,7 kg Kokain und 89,5 kg Heroin beschlagnahmt (AllAfrica.com/Daily Trust, 29. April 2004).

Laut dem nigerianischen Legal Defence and Assistance Project (LEDAP), zählt die NDLEA neben dem Staatssicherheitsdienst und der nigerianischen Polizei zu jenen staatlichen Einrichtungen, die sich am häufigsten der Folter bedienen (AllAfrica.com/P.M. News 29. Juli 2004)."

Document(s): Open document

10.2003 - Source: UK Home Office

Army is often deployed to deal with internal unrest and violence; it has been accused of human rights abuses in Odi in 1999 and Benue in 2000 ("Country Report - October 2003") [#17332],  [ID 15287]

"5.24 The Nigerian army has been deployed to deal with internal unrest on numerous occasions. This has often been in response to incidents of extreme violence, and the deployment of the military was often proportionate and necessary to address unrest that was beyond the capacities of the local police. However, the army has been repeatedly criticised for its handling of violence in the Niger Delta, the oil-producing region of Nigeria, which has been the scene of much violence under both the present Government and previous military regimes. There have been two much publicised incidents where the army have been accused of human rights abuses, Odi in 1999 and Benue in 2000, when a group of soldiers killed about 200 unarmed villagers. A presidential enquiry on the latter incident has yet to be published."

Document(s): Open document

10.2003 - Source: UK Home Office

Army was deployed in Lagos and cities in north of the country to restore order or to prevent retaliatory violence ("Country Report - October 2003") [#17332],  [ID 15288]

"5.33 More than 1,000 people died as a result of massive explosions that followed a fire at an army ammunition dump in Lagos on 27 January 2002. Most of those who died were killed as they fled the explosions, some being drowned in an attempt to cross a canal. There were violent clashes in Lagos, in the period of heightened tension following this fire, with Yorubas attacking resident Hausa. Army units were deployed both in Lagos, to restore order, and in cities in the north of the country to prevent retaliatory violence. The army was also deployed during a police strike on 1 February 2002. There have been reports that some elements in the army sympathise with the police's call for an improvement in conditions, and a call for the armed forces to strike was circulated in March 2002."

Document(s): Open document

28.05.2003 - Source: Amnesty International

Final Human Rights Report of the Oputa Panel submitted ("Annual Report 2003") [#13067],  [ID 15279]

"The Human Rights Violations Investigation Commission, known as the Oputa Panel, inaugurated in June 1999 to investigate human rights violations committed between 1966 and the return to civilian rule in May 1999, submitted its final report to President Obasanjo in May. The report was not made public and the government failed to disclose its plans to implement recommendations made by the panel."

Document(s): Open document
Open document

28.05.2003 - Source: Amnesty International

Killings of civil population and opponents of vigilante groups remained unpunished ("Annual Report 2003") [#13067],  [ID 15280]

"Allegations of politically motivated killings and acts of harassment and intimidation spread throughout the country, with allegations of involvement of individual members of state and local governments and political parties. Political violence was particularly acute in Ebonyi and Bayelsa States. Thirteen people were arrested in connection with the assassination in 2001 of Bola Ige, Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Republic. They were charged with murder and complicity in murder in October.
On 1 September Barnabas Igwe, president of the Nigerian Bar Association in Anambra State, and his wife were killed by a group of people armed with machetes. Barnabas Igwe had publicly opposed state-endorsed vigilante groups in Anambra and openly criticized the governor of the state."

Document(s): Open document
Open document

21.03.2003 - Source: Guardian

Ethnic fights affect Shell ("Shell faces violence in Nigeria") [#11545],  [ID 15289]

Document(s): Open document

21.03.2003 - Source: Integrated Regional Information Network

Conflict in Niger Delta region further at least 60 deaths ("At least 60 reported killed as troops battle Delta militants") [#11561],  [ID 15290]

Document(s): Open document

19.12.2002 - Source: Amnesty International

Report on human rights violations by federal police and the armed forces ("Nigeria: Security forces in Nigeria: Serving to protect and respect human rights?") [#10009],  [ID 15291]

Document(s): Open document

28.11.2002 - Source: Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation

Impunity for prevoius human rights violation ("8th European Country of Origin Information Seminar Vienna, 28 - 29 June 2002: Final Report - Nigeria") [#9874],  [ID 15282]

"Many members of the military regime are still in a position of power.
The Oputa human rights panel has recently handed its report to President Obasanjo.
The report is said to cover about 2.000 – 3.000 cases of individual human rights
violations, but no action has so far been taken against any of the perpetrators. It
remains to be seen what the Federal Government intends to do in order to implement
the Oputa Panel’s recommendations. A case filed against former President Babangida for
the killing of the journalist Dele Giwa in 1986; one wonders, however, whether this
charge might not be politically motivated given that Babangida has voiced his intention
to run as a candidate for presidential elections in 2003."

Document(s): Ngr-cois-2002-rep.pdf

11.09.2002 - Source: New York Times

Obasanjo admits he ordered deployment of army in Odi and Benue State which resulted in the killings of hundreds of civilians; notion of "massacre" is misconceived [ID 15283]

"President Olusegun Obasanjo acknowledged today that he ordered military operations in 1999 and 2001 in which hundreds of civilians were killed — but insisted that he had acted to "save lives and property."

Mr. Obasanjo said he had not needed Parliament's approval to deploy the army to quell civil unrest. His statements came in a written response to 17 charges of "gross misconduct" leveled against him by lawmakers from his ruling party who are seeking to impeach him.

It was the first time the Nigerian president has publicly said he ordered the missions.

The People's Democratic Party caucus, which controls the House of Representatives, accused him of ordering massacres in the southern Niger Delta town of Odi in November 1999 and in central Benue State in October 2001 after security agents were killed in both areas. The army killed an estimated 1,000 civilians in Odi and hundreds in Benue.

Mr. Obasanjo said that as commander in chief, he did not need permission for military missions. "This allegation is, with due respect, totally misconceived and the use of the term `massacre' is particularly offensive and inciting," he wrote.

Farouk Lawan, chairman of the House Information Committee, accused Mr. Obasanjo of misreading the Constitution, saying it states that the president cannot use the military without the Senate's permission.

"The word `massacre' is quite appropriate given the loss of life," Mr. Lawan said."

Document(s): Open document

25.07.2002 - Source: Integrated Regional Information Network

IRIN: Hundreds of people fled the Yelwa and Shendam districts in central Plateau State following the expiry of an army ultimatum for communities in the area to return weapons taken from a soldier and a policeman killed while on a peace mission ("Nigeria: Villagers flee as army ultimatum expires") [#7961],  [ID 15292]

Document(s): Open document

28.05.2002 - Source: Amnesty International

AI: Extrajudicial killings continued with impunity ("Annual report 2002") [#7180],  [ID 15284]

"Nigerian security forces continued to act with impunity and were responsible for at least one extrajudicial execution in the Niger Delta area and large-scale killings in Benue State. No independent investigations were carried out into allegations of excessive use of force or extrajudicial executions made in connection with these incidents, or into other killings by the security forces since the return to civilian rule in May 1999, including in Odi in 1999.
In June, Friday Nwiido, aged 29, was shot by the paramilitary Mobile Police in Baen, Rivers State, in the Niger Delta area and died during transport to health facilities. He had been in dispute about pay with his former employer, the Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria (SPDC), and the police were looking for him after he was accused of using a company vehicle without permission. He was reportedly unarmed and did not constitute a threat when he was shot as he responded to a request to report to the police.
On 22 October army officers went to the area around the town of Zaki Biam in Benue State, close to the Taraba State border in central Nigeria, where 19 soldiers had been killed two weeks earlier. They were seeking those responsible and to recover stolen weapons. Soldiers had been based in the area to quell intercommunal violence between the Tiv and Jukun ethnic communities. Over the next few days, more than 130 civilians - women and children among them - were deliberately shot dead or killed as a result of indiscriminate shelling, apparently in reprisal for the killing of the soldiers. Men in several villages in the area were reportedly assembled before being summarily shot. Contradicting early army denials of involvement, officials in Benue and Taraba States, senior police officers, members of the National Assembly, and Nigerian and international human rights organizations, all denounced the killings as extrajudicial executions. The National Assembly set up an inquiry into the killings, but no results had been made public by the end of 2001."

Document(s): Open document

04.2002 - Source:

On October 22 to 24, 2001, several hundred soldiers of the Nigerian army killed more than two hundred unarmed civilians ("04/2002 - HRW: Nigeria: Military Revenge in Benue: A Population Under Attack") [ID 15293]

"On October 22 to 24, 2001, several hundred soldiers of the Nigerian army killed more than two hundred unarmed civilians and destroyed homes, shops, public buildings and other property in more than seven towns and villages in Benue State, in central-eastern Nigeria. (…) The killings in Benue State constitute clear cases of extrajudicial executions by the Nigerian military, contravening Nigeria's obligations under international human rights law. Yet the Nigerian government has so far failed to take action against the soldiers responsible or against those who ordered the operation, or even to issue a strong condemnation of these killings."

Document(s): 04/2002 - HRW: Nigeria: Military Revenge in Benue: A Population Under Attack

19.01.2002 - Source: BBC News

Katsina State: Hundreds of people fled the town of Danja following clashes ("Ten killed in Nigeria clashes") [#5366],  [ID 15295]

Document(s): Open document

25.10.2001 - Source: Washington Post

At least 130 civilians killed during raids in Benue State ("Nigeria Army Masscre Evidence Shown") [#4390],  [ID 15294]

Document(s): Open document