06.2007 - Source: Freedom House

The Autonomous Republic of Achara has a special status defined by the Constitution; competences of the republic are in the areas of education, culture, local infrastructure, and so forth; at the same time the Georgian president holds extensive rights ("Nations in Transit 2007") [ID 20549]

For detailed information please refer to the original document

"The Autonomous Republic of Achara has a special status defined by the Constitution and 2004 constitutional Law on the Status of the Autonomous Republic of Achara. It defines the competences of the republic in the areas of education, culture, local infrastructure, and so forth, but at the same time it gives the Georgian president extensive rights. The president appoints the prime minister of Achara.

The president can also dismiss Achara’s Supreme Council if its activities endanger the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Georgia or if it twice consecutively fails to approve the candidacy of the Achara government’s chairman. This law was criticized by some observers as excessively restricting Achara’s autonomy but did not cause any protests locally."

Document(s): Open document

10.01.2007 - Source: Minorities at Risk

Chronology of events concerning Adzhars in Georgia (901 - May 2000) ("Chronology for Adzhars in Georgia") [#37949],  [ID 5667]

Document(s): Open document

07.2006 - Source: Freedom House

Report on democratisation (electoral process, civil society, independent media, governance) and rule of law (corruption) ("Nations in Transit 2006") [ID 15711]

Autonomous Republic of Achara has special status; distribution of powers between Georgia and Achara was not defined until Law on Status of Autonomous Republic of Achara was enacted on July 1, 2004; the law restricted Achara`s autonomy giving extensive rights to Georgian president

"The Autonomous Republic of Achara has a special status, which until 2004 had not been defined by the Constitution. A clause mentioning Achara’s autonomous status was added to the Constitution in 2000, but the actual distribution of powers was never defined owing to strained relations between the central government and the province. On June 20, 2004, snap elections to the Supreme Council of Achara following the forced resignation of its leadership in May brought a strong victory of 72.1 percent to the UNM, with only the Republican Party able to overcome the 7 percent threshold. The Council of Europe gave the voting a mostly positive assessment but stated that “the electoral process fell short of international standards in some regards,” including accuracy of voter lists, secrecy of the ballot, and low competency of election commission staff. On July 1, 2004, the Georgian Parliament enacted a constitutional Law on the Status of the Autonomous Republic of Achara that severely restricted Achara’s autonomy. It defined the competences of the republic in the areas of education, culture, local infrastructure, and so forth, but at the same time it gave the Georgian president extensive rights. The president appoints the prime minister of Achara. The president can also dismiss Achara’s Supreme Council if its activities endanger the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Georgia or if it twice consecutively fails to approve the candidacy of the Achara government's chairman."

Document(s): Open document

15.06.2005 - Source: Freedom House

In May 2004 Abashidze was forced to flee Achara, which is likely to have solved Achara separatism ("Nations in Transit 2005") [#32929],  [ID 5666]

"The government of the Autonomous Republic of Achara did not formally secede and, even in the period before May 2004, continued to take part in Georgia’s political life. Yet it openly defied constitutional order and turned the region into the personal fiefdom of Aslan Abashidze, the local strongman. Like other regions with uncertain political control, Achara became the breeding ground for an illicit economy and smuggling. In May 2004, after mass protests in Achara in what can be called Georgia’s second Rose Revolution, Abashidze was forced to flee. This outcome has most likely solved the problem of Achara’s implicit separatism."

Document(s): Open document

17.07.2002 - Source: Minority Rights Group International

Minority Rights Group International: Since the break-up of the USSR, Adhzaria (Ajara) has enjoyed almost complete independence, although being nominally loyal to Tbilisi ("The South Caucasus: Nationalism, Conflict and Minorities") [#14648],  [ID 5669]

"Ajara, on the Black Sea coast, was, like Abkhazia, an autonomous republic within the Union Republic of Georgia. Since the break-up of the USSR, it has enjoyed almost complete independence, although being nominally loyal to Tbilisi. Batumi, the capital of Ajara, offers an alternative political centre to Tbilisi. Its leader, Aslan Abashidze rules the republic as his own fiefdom, and members of his family occupy key political and economic positions. However, Ajara enjoys relative stability and some development. Having learnt bitter lessons in the conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, Shevardnadze sticks to a ‘non-interference into internal affairs’ approach to Ajara. The laws governing
the Ajara legislature, judiciary and security forces are of local making, with lip-service only paid to the territorial integrity of Georgia. Most importantly, the central authorities cannot persuade Batumi to part with a share of the considerable income from customs the port of Batumi levies on transit. Georgian border troops on Ajara territory are controlled
by the Abashidze leadership which practices local recruitment. The Russian military base at Batumi, another bone of contention between Russia and Georgia, also employs largely local personnel. Tbilisi would like the Russian troops to leave as soon as possible, while the Russian side seeks to secure basing rights till 2015. Whether Russian withdrawal would bring Ajara back under Tbilisi’s control, however, is doubtful. In a decade of de facto self-rule, Ajarian separate identity has been reinforced, while respect for the Tbilisi
authorities has diminished. The improved economic situation is another reason why changes to the status quo would be unwelcome. Abashidze is also suspected of cherishing nation-wide political ambitions. His Revival Union Party takes part in Georgian elections, which serves to familiarize the electorate with the Ajara leader, especially in the minority areas such as Javakheti, where dissatisfaction with the central authorities is widespread."

Document(s): Open document

05.03.2002 - Source: Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe

SFH: Autonomous Republic of Adzharia ("Lageanalyse Februar 2002") [#8057],  [ID 5668]

"Fläche 3’000 km²
Bevölkerung 386’400 (1993), 380'000 (2001)
EinwohnerInnen 392’432 (1989); 84 Prozent GeorgierInnen davon 54 Prozent
Adscharen, 7,7 Prozent Russen 4,0 Prozent Armenier, ausserdem
Griechen, Ukrainer,
Religion Sunnitische Muslime (Adscharen), georgisch-orthodoxe, armenische
Gregorianer
Hauptstadt Batumi, 137’500 Einwohner (1991)
Parlament Eigene Verfassung, Eigenes Parlament
Parlamentspräsident Aslan Abaschidse
Parteien Wahlen am 22.9.1996"

Document(s): Open document

13.09.2001 - Source: Council of Europe - Parliamentary Assembly

Council of Europe: Status of Adzharia ("Honouring of obligations and commitments by Georgia [Doc. 9191]") [#10653],  [ID 5670]

"27. There has been significant progress recently regarding Adjaria, which was granted autonomous status through amendments to Articles 67 and 102 of the Georgian Constitution in April 2000. The details of this status, separation of powers and competencies between the central government in Tbilisi and the autonomous authorities in Batumi are to be regulated in future by means of a constitutional law. A special joint state committee, including representatives of Adjaria, has been set up to draft this law.

28. In our view, finalising the constitutional law on Adjaria’s status would not only solve this problem definitely, but could also serve as a precedent for finding a solution to the more difficult problems that represent South Ossetia and Abkhazia."

Document(s): Open document

07.2001 - Source: Caucasus Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development

CIPDD: Unlike Abkhazia and South Ossetia, tensions between Ajaria and Georgia have been political and never ethnical ("Georgia's Membership in the Council of Europe, Achievements and Failures") [#10549],  [ID 5671]

"Ajaria has never expressed any separatist claims and have not been an area of violent
conflict. However, its autonomous status had not been provided by the 1995 constitution as the latter had
postponed definition of the territorial arrangement of the county until the settlement of conflicts in Abkhazia and
Tskhinvali region/South Ossetia. This did not mean, though, that its autonomous status was questioned: other
Georgian legislation was based on the assumption of such autonomous status for Ajaria, though specific terms
of this autonomy were not spelled out.
However, relations between Tbilisi and the autonomous region have been marked by significant
tensions. The Ajarian leadership led by Aslan Abashidze, the chairman of the Supreme Council of Ajaria, has on
numerous occasions defied authorities of the central government as defined by Georgian legislation. Since 1998,
the Ajarian leader has become the head of the major national opposition coalition against Eduard
Shevardnadze’s rule – though this opposition has not been consistent, as in April, 2000 Abashidze unexpectedly
withdrew his candidacy for Georgia’s president in favor of Shevardnadze. Unlike Abkhazia and South Ossetia,
these tensions have been political and never acquired any distinct ethnic or confessional character (Ajarians are
ethnically Georgian but Muslim by their religion).
On April 30, 2000, amendments were made to the Georgian constitution (articles 67 and 102) that
specified the status of Ajaria as an autonomous republic. An organic law shall regulate specific distribution of
authorities and competencies between the centre and the region. At present a respective bill is under
development with Ajarian representatives participating in the process. However, tense relations between the
CUG and the Ajarian representatives who constitute the core of the political opposition complicate this work.
On July 7, 2001 the Supreme Council of the Ajaria amended the Ajarian constitution. The Supreme
Council of Ajaria (legislative body) was renamed into parliament and reorganised into a two-chamber structure.
The two-chamber parliament will be made up of 10 senators and 35 MPs elected by proportional ballot. Local
elections and elections of the autonomy’s leader are scheduled for this autumn. The Ajarian leadership proposed
that the central election commission of Ajaria should be independent of the central election commission of
Georgia. While opinions vary on the constitutionality of this decision, it clearly constitutes an act of defiance
against the central authorities."

Document(s): cipdd-geo.pdf