19.03.2008 - Source: Institute for War and Peace Reporting

Russia strengthens its ties with Abkhazia but does not officially recognise it ("Moscow Not Ready to Recognise Abkhazia") [ID 22677]

Document(s): Open document

06.2007 - Source: Freedom House

Annual survey of political rights and civil liberties 2006 ("Freedom in the World 2007") [ID 20544]

Document(s): Open document

18.01.2007 - Source: International Crisis Group

Report about the negotiation process, status, security developments, refugees and IDPs, economic cooperation in the region ("Abkhazia: Ways Forward; Europe Report N°179 – 18 January 2007") [ID 18545]

Document(s): Open document

18.01.2007 - Source: International Crisis Group

Georgian-Abkhas conflict: Fighting ended in 1993; half of the mainly Georgian pre-war population displaced; territory recognised internationally as part of Georgia; Abkhaz claim a right to statehood based on national self-determination ("Abkhazia: Ways Forward; Europe Report N°179 – 18 January 2007") [ID 18831]

"The Georgian-Abkhaz conflict has festered since fighting ended in 1993, and over half of the mainly Georgian pre-war population remains displaced. The territory is internationally recognised as part of Georgia but the Abkhaz claim a right to statehood based on national self-determination. Over the past decade they have begun developing their own state institutions, rehabilitating the local economy, providing social services and establishing rule of law. In the process they have become highly dependent on Russia for military and economic security. Tbilisi is intent on reincorporating the entity and ensuring that internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees can return to their homes.  

Since the signature of the 1994 ceasefire and separation of forces agreement (Moscow Agreement), peace negotiations led by the UN and Russia have failed to forge a comprehensive peace settlement. Many issues in today’s discussions are the same as those raised in the mid-1990s. The conflict zone, however, has remained relatively quiet. Security deteriorated in 1998 in the Gali region, and in 2001 and 2006 in the Kodori valley but there are not the regular ceasefire violations and mounting casualties experienced in nearby Nagorno-Karabakh.[…]  

Georgia has repeatedly stated that it will resolve the territorial dispute peacefully.14 However, officials have also suggested that without an early change in the status quo, the situation may deteriorate rapidly. At the UN General Assembly in 2006, President Saakashvili warned: “If we fail to unite in support of new mechanisms to advance peace…we risk plunging the country into darkness and conflict”.15 Other Georgian officials have made stronger statements about military options.16 The Kodori valley, scene of a July 2006 Georgian military operation, is especiallynsusceptible to an increase in tensions after the winter snows melt, as is Gali in the security zone."

Document(s): Open document

18.01.2007 - Source: International Crisis Group

Irreconcilable positions concerning status issue; Georgia refuses compromise on territorial integrity; Abkhaz demand independence ("Abkhazia: Ways Forward; Europe Report N°179 – 18 January 2007") [ID 18832]

"Status is the most difficult question. The two sides appear to have irreconcilable positions. Georgia refuses any compromise on territorial integrity; the Abkhaz demand independence as the only credible guarantee of their national survival. President Saakashvili is offering the “greatest possible autonomy”, without the right of secession, based on a “new, joint-state model of ethnic and civil cooperation” but the Abkhaz are adamant on full independence. Both consider compromise on status a red line not to be crossed.  

A variety of options have been discussed, including common state, confederation and federation. Western governments have tended to advocate federal models in which Abkhazia would have a degree of control over its own affairs consistent with Georgia’s territorial integrity, as regularly reaffirmed by the Security Council56 and, in a display of unity in the second half of 2006, by the EU, NATO, OSCE and the U.S.  

However, the reality is that while Abkhazia is de jure part of Georgia, it functions as a separate entity. Little still ties it to Georgia, and Tbilisi exercises virtually no control on Abkhaz territory outside the upper Kodori valley. The Abkhaz feel that Georgia cannot guarantee their security; they are not (and do not want to be) represented in any Georgian government structures and they are not beneficiaries of any Georgian budget allocations. Their economy is turned towards Russia; there is no freedom of movement with Georgia, and while fewer young Georgians speak Russian, fewer Abkhaz know Georgian. The de facto authorities have started to build capabilities to maintain a functioning government, provide social services and develop a local economy.  

For several years, Georgia has pushed for status resolution, which the Abkhaz often refuse to discuss since they are aware of the international position. However, the situation shifted in 2006 after Montenegro’s successful independence referendum and the beginning of the decisive phase of Kosovo status determination, when Russia began to express willingness to break from that consensus and consider Abkhazia’s independence. While the Kosovo and Montenegrin cases have increased Abkhaz optimism, they have caused apprehension in Tbilisi."

Document(s): Open document

18.01.2007 - Source: International Crisis Group

Progress in the area of return to Gali; Violence in May 1998 forced 30,000 to 40,000 to flee a second time; today the district has an estimated population of 45,000 ethnic Georgians ("Abkhazia: Ways Forward; Europe Report N°179 – 18 January 2007") [ID 18837]

"Return to Gali is the one conflict resolution area where there has been progress over the years. The sides agreed early on that IDP return would be implemented there first. While return began in 1994, new violence in May 1998 forced 30,000 to 40,000 to flee a second time. At the end of 1998 then de facto President Ardzinba announced he would unilaterally implement return to the region. Families soon came back, initially many commuting daily across the ceasefire line or migrating seasonally to tend fields. Today the district has an estimated population of 45,000 ethnic Georgians."

Document(s): Open document

10.01.2007 - Source: Minorities at Risk

Chronology of events concerning Abkhazians in Georgia (523 - June 1999) ("Chronology for Abkhazians in Georgia") [#37948],  [ID 5423]

Document(s): Open document

15.09.2006 - Source: International Crisis Group

Analysis of the conflict in Abkhazia: Causes of the conflict; living conditions; fighting between Georgian army and guerrilla groups ("Abkhazia Today; Europe Report N°176") [ID 17234]

While Georgians claim that country`s territorial integrity has to be protected, the Abkhaz assert their right to self-determination; Georgia accuses Russia of trying to acquire the Abkhaz territory; the opinion of the Abkhaz as regards Russian help is divided

"A. POLITICAL AND LEGAL The Georgians and Abkhaz use opposing principles of international law to legitimise their claims, either sanctity of international borders and state sovereignty or selfdetermination, respectively. The UN Security Council has repeatedly recognised Georgia’s territorial integrity.The international community has promoted solutions that would maintain Georgia’s pre-war borders but guarantee the rights of Abkhaz to self-government inside the country.As noted above, however, Russia is moving away from this consensus.The Abkhaz claim the right to self-determination as a people. They maintain they are indigenous to Abkhazia and have been the victims of mass displacement and colonialisation for 150 years. In 1989 ethnic Abkhaz were only 17.8 per cent of the population of Abkhazia, ethnic Georgians 45.7 per cent.They consider this minority status was a deliberate result of Georgian policies. Control of their own state, they say, is all the more necessary to insure their ethnic survival. Georgians retort that a small group within the Abkhaz minority hijacked the entity at the start of the war but never represented the interest of the population at large – only that of a few clans. The war was a struggle for power between different interest groups, not peoples or nations. Georgians argue the de facto authorities who won the armed struggle have no democratic legitimacy to make political claims in the name of Abkhazia’s populace. The government in exile, which represents close to half of the pre-war population, is, therefore, more legitimate than the Sukhumi authorities. Today the Abkhaz assert a right to statehood on the basis of political reality. They profess a proven ability to maintain a functioning government with a democratically elected president; a system based on the rule of law that protects the rights of minorities; an army that can defend its territory; and a growing economy that will assure the entity’s sustainability. Sukhumi has begun to take steps to show that it can meet possible future commitments to the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the Council of Europe. The de facto president has stated: “We understand that if we want to be recognised according to international law, we must uphold international law”. The Abkhaz believe they are earning the right to sovereignty. The Georgians consider the institutions in Sukhumi illegal and that the principle of uti possidetis – inviolability of borders – must be respected. They reason that the Abkhaz have no right to unilateral secession (or “external selfdetermination”), only to “internal self-determination” (some form of autonomy within the Georgian state) and minority rights. [...]   B. HISTORICAL INTERPRETATIONS Beyond the debate on political and legal principles, the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict is further driven by conflicting perceptions of history and justice. The Abkhaz argue that they never chose to be part of Georgia but were forced into the country when Soviet-era borders were defined. They accuse Georgians of discriminating against them in Soviet times, restricting their political, economic, social and cultural development.Tbilisi denies this; Abkhazia was the wealthiest part of Georgia, ethnic Abkhaz always had access to high-level positions, and they had certain privileges that the Georgian population of Abkhazia did not.[...] Georgia believes that the conflict is primarily about Russia’s ambitions to acquire territory and retain hegemony in its “near abroad“. [...] Georgian policy makers generally see the conflict as a consequence of a deliberate “divide and rule” policy designed in Moscow.In addition to President Putin’s statements about the definition of a universal principle on self-determination aspirations, Russia has taken other measures against Georgia, not all directly linked to Abkhazia, including water and wine import bans, closure of the main road linking the two countries and regular statements by government and media sources critical of Georgia’s domestic policies. Georgia accuses Russia of providing essential support to Abkhazia, giving it political and economic encouragement for its state building project. [...] Russia claims it is playing a humanitarian and pacifying role – if it was not present, the Abkhaz would be doomed. [...]In July 2006, the Duma passed a resolution authorising Russian troops to serve anywhere in defence of Russian citizens – presumably including those who reside permanently in Abkhazia or South Ossetia. [...] Abkhazia does not deny it is aided by Russia but public opinion is divided on how far this should go. Some say, “Russia is the one and only country that helped us in time of need. Our future development is dependent on Russia’s goodwill. Especially since Putin came to office he has shown the courage and foresight to assist us”. But others fear that Russia’s commitment is superficial, that Abkhazia is a pawn in a broader political game with Georgia and the U.S., and that if Georgia and Russia became allies, Moscow might “sell out” Abkhazia. Meanwhile Abkhaz and Russian observers charge that the U.S., Turkey, and several European countries are arming and training Georgia for an offensive. They consider that Georgia is acting primarily in U.S. interests and that its rapprochement with NATO and potential membership are excuses for U.S. bases in Georgia."

Document(s): Open document

18.07.2006 - Source: BBC News

Text of the resolution of the Georgian parliament on peacekeeping forces stationed in the conflict zones ("Full Text: Resolution on Peacekeepers") [ID 15722]

Resolution of Georgian parliament to suspend the peacekeeping forces of Russian Federation and to deploy international forces

Document(s): Open document

10.2005 - Source: UK Home Office

Abkhazia: Brief overview of the Abkhaz-Georgian conflict ("Operation Guidance Note: Georgia") [#39388],  [ID 5420]

"2.4 The latest phase in the long-standing tension between Abkhazia and Georgia began in July 1992 when the Abkhaz parliament, with a built-in Abkhaz majority, reinstated the Abkhaz constitution of 1925 which gave Abkhazia equal status with Georgia. Georgian troops invaded. Volunteers, particularly from the (Russian) North Caucasus, arrived to help the Abkhaz. After prolonged fighting, the Georgian government lost control of the entire territory of the Autonomous Republic of Abkhazia in September 1993, and a de facto 'border' between Georgia and Abkhazia was established along the Inguri River.
2.5 The situation on the ground continued to deteriorate until the parties agreed to a cease-fire in May 1994. A separation of forces agreement was brokered by the Russian Federation and the CIS were called upon to send peacekeeping forces to the area. The Russian Federation began deploying troops in a security zone along the Inguri River in June 1994 and the peace-keeping operation monitored by the UN officially began on 26 June 1994. The UN peace process is supported by the Friends of the Secretary-General (FOSG), and consists of Russia, US, UK, France, and Germany. There has been little progress on agreeing the outlines of a comprehensive political settlement based on a possible division of constitutional competences between Georgia and Abkhazia. Progress on the return of refugees and improving the security environment has also been slow. [...]
3.6.4 The internal conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia remain unresolved and although ceasefires were in effect in both areas, sporadic incidents of violence occurred in Abkhazia, the neighbouring region of Samegrelo, and South Ossetia."

Document(s): Open document

19.08.2005 - Source: ReliefWeb

Description of the headquarters of the UN Observer Mission in Georgia in Zugdidi (role, mission and police) ("The Zugdidi UNOMIG HQ"), Autor: United Nations Observer Mission in Georgia [ID 15427]

"The whole UNOMIG AOR is divided into two parts by the Cease Fire Line (CFL), while the CFL follows the INGURI River for almost two-thirds of the line, the former border of the ABK Autonomous Republic marks the remaining one-third portion on the eastern side leading to the North. [...]

The role of the Zugdidi UN Military Observers (UNMOs) is to monitor the area of responsibility in accordance with the Moscow Agreement of 1994. This agreement stipulates the number of security and military personnel and the size and caliber of weapons permitted within the Restricted Weapons Zone (RWZ) and the Zone of Separation (ZOS). The ultimate goal of UNOMIG is to prevent the resumption of hostilities and to facilitate the safe and dignified return of IDPs to their former homes in Abkhazia.

There are 35 UNMOs from 21 different nations serving in the Zugdidi sector with a normal length of service from six to twelve months. [...]

UNOMIG POLICE

UNOMIG Police, established by the UN Security Council, within UN Security Council Resolution 1494, commenced its work in November 2003. The Senior Police Advisor and his command staff are located in Sukhumi with 8 UNOMIG Police Advisors stationed at UNOMIG HQ Zugdidi Sector. The Zugdidi UN Police team consists of officers from varying police backgrounds from Germany, India, Poland, Russia, and Switzerland, all with array of unique specializations. Their overall aim is to strengthen the capacity of UNOMIG, primarily to contribute to the creation of conditions conducive to the safe and dignified return of IDPs and refugees.

In addition to advising UNOMIG civilian and military leadership on law enforcement issues, their secondary tasks are to monitor, advise, coordinate, and facilitate assistance in training, provide on the job training, and assisting in the equipping the Georgian Law Enforcement Agencies (LEAs). Their mandate allows them to provide the same to the Abkhaz side; however, due to the political situation, this is currently not feasible. It is hoped that the situation in Abkhazia will improve, making it possible for UNOMIG Police to also work in the GALI Sector.

A small team of 15 dedicated international and 64 national civilian staff who, in most cases, have worked with UNOMIG for many years, support both the Military Observers and the UNOMIG Police contingent. "

Document(s): Open document

08.2005 - Source: Freedom House

General information on history of breakaway republic of Abkhazia ("Freedom in the World 2005") [#41618],  [ID 5421]

"Annexed by Russia in 1864, Abkhazia became an autonomous republic of Soviet Georgia in 1930. The year after the 1991 collapse of the Soviet Union, Abkhazia declared its independence from Georgia, igniting a war that lasted nearly 14 months. In September 1993, Abkhaz forces, with covert assistance from Russia, seized control of the city of Sukhumi, ultimately defeating the Georgian army and winning de facto independence for the territory. As a result of the conflict, more than 200,000 residents, mostly ethnic Georgians, fled Abkhazia, while casualty figures were estimated in the thousands. An internationally brokered ceasefire was signed in Moscow in 1994, although a final decision on the territory’s status remains unresolved. In the October 1999 elections for president of Abkhazia, Vladislav Ardzinba, the incumbent and the only candidate running for office, was reelected. The OSCE, the United Nations, and other international organizations refused to recognize the vote as legitimate. In a concurrent referendum on independence, the results of which were not accepted by any state, a reported 98 percent of voters supported independence for Abkhazia. Georgia denounced the polls as illegal and as an attempt to sabotage peace talks. Tensions in the Kodori Gorge, an area controlled partly by Georgia and partly by Abkhazia, underscored the precariousness of the region’s fragile peace. In October 2001, a group reportedly consisting of Chechen rebels and Georgian partisans clashed with Abkhaz troops following a deadly raid on a village in the gorge. The downing of a UN helicopter and the bombing of several Abkhaz villages by aircraft
that Georgian authorities alleged had come from Russia intensified the conflict. Tbilisi responded by sending troops to the upper part of the gorge in what it said was an operation to protect ethnic Georgians living there from separatist attacks. Abkhaz officials insisted that despite a UN-brokered protocol calling for the withdrawal of Georgian forces, which was signed by Russia and Georgia in 2002, Georgia had not pulled all its troops out of the Kodori Gorge. Georgian authorities countered that the protocol did not require the withdrawal of other military detachments, including border guards.
Deputies loyal to Ardzinba won a landslide victory in the March 2002 parliamentary elections when the opposition Revival and People’s Party withdrew most of its candidates in protest over the conduct of the campaign. Officially backed candidates, who won all 35 seats in the legislature, ran unopposed for 13 of them. Among the problems cited during the elections were that ethnic Georgians displaced by the war were not able to vote, official radio and television promoted pro-government candidates, and the head of the Central Election Commission had disqualified a number of candidates supported by the opposition. As it had for previous elections in Abkhazia, the international community declared the elections to be illegitimate."

Document(s): Open document

29.07.2005 - Source: ReliefWeb

UN Security Council adopts resolution on the situation in Abkhazia and possible resolution of the conflict ("Resolution 1615 (2005) adopted by the Security Council at its 5242nd meeting, on 29 July 2005"), Autor: UN Security Council [ID 15429]

Document(s): Open document

28.07.2005 - Source: ReliefWeb

Background information on the Abkhazia conflict ("The U.S. and the Abkhazia conflict fact sheet"), Autor: US DOS [ID 15433]

"Abkhazia is a region of northwestern Georgia on the Black Sea coast. During the Soviet era, Abkhazia was an independent Soviet Socialist Republic until February 1931, when it became an autonomous republic of the Georgian S.S.R. As the Soviet Union began to unravel, tension developed between Georgia and Abkhazia as the Abkhaz began demanding the restoration of the region’s pre-1931 status and the Georgian independence movement became increasingly nationalistic. Following Georgia’s declaration of independence, armed conflict began in August 1992 when Georgian troops were deployed to Abkhazia. Large-scale hostilities ended after the Abkhaz side broke the ceasefire agreement of July 27, 1993 and captured the Abkhaz capital city of Sukhumi on September 27. Most of the Georgian population of Abkhazia fled or was forcibly expelled as a result of the conflict. On April 4, 1994 in Moscow, the sides signed a Declaration on Measures for a Political Settlement of the Georgian/Abkhaz Conflict. In this agreement, the parties committed themselves to the strict observance of a cease-fire and to cooperate to ensure the safe, secure and dignified return of people who had fled the area of the conflict. On May 14, 1994 an Agreement on a Cease-Fire and Separation of Forces was signed, also in Moscow. Under this agreement, a demilitarized security zone was created on either side of the Inguri River. A peacekeeping force of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) was deployed to this zone to monitor compliance with the ceasefire agreement. The United National Observer Mission in Georgia was established to monitor compliance with the ceasefire. In May 1998, fighting broke out between Georgians and Abkhaz in Gali district of Abkhazia, when Georgian partisans attempted to take back part of that district By 1998, several tens of thousands of Georgian internally displaced persons (IDPs) had returned to their former homes in Abkhazia’s Gali district. After days of escalating hostilities culminated in a large-scale Abkhaz sweep operation, upwards of 40,000 Georgians were expelled and some 1,500 houses burned. Since that time, the security situation has remained precarious. During the conflict, Russia played a leading role as mediator. Since December 1993, the UN has chaired negotiations toward a settlement. The UN mediator is the Special Representative of the Secretary General (SRSG), currently Ambassador Heidi Tagliavini of Switzerland. A "Group of Friends" of the UN Secretary General (consisting of the United States, France, Germany, Russian Federation, United Kingdom,) supports the UN-led peace process. Russia continues to play a special role as facilitator. Under the auspices of the UN, the two sides met in Geneva in November 1997, where they agreed to establish a Coordination Council to resolve practical issues between them. Within the framework of the Council, three working groups were established to deal with security issues, refugees and IDPs, and economic and social problems. In early 2000, then-UN Special Representative of the Secretary General Dieter Boden and the Group of Friends drafted and informally presented a document to the parties outlining a possible distribution of competencies between the Abkhaz and Georgian representatives, based on a core respect for Georgian territorial integrity. The Abkhaz side, however, has never accepted the paper as a basis for negotiations. In 2003, a meeting of the Group of Friends in Geneva began what would become a series of talks with the purpose of defining principles for the political settlement of the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict. In early 2004, these UN-sponsored talks between Abkhaz authorities and the Georgian government broke off amid growing tensions between the sides. The standstill continued through the end of the year as the Abkhaz carried out protracted elections for a de facto president. In April 2005, meetings between the parties, represented by the new Georgian government of Mikheil Saakashvili and the new Abkhaz leadership, resumed in Geneva with the Group of Friends."

Document(s): Open document

12.01.2005 - Source: Civil Georgia

Timeline of Abkhaz crisis (from October 2004 - December 2004) ("Timeline of Abkhaz Crisis") [#43448],  [ID 5422]

Document(s): Open document

12.2002 - Source:

Central Asia and the Caucasus, Journal for Social and Political Studies: The Economic Situation in Blockaded Abkhazia (No 6 (18) 2002) ("Central Asia and the Caucasus, Journal for Social and Political Studies") [ID 5424]

Area and population of Abkhazia

"Abkhazia covers an area of 8.7 thousand sq km, or 12.5% of Georgia’s total area. According to the 1989 census, the autonomous republic had a population of 525 thousand, or 9.7% of the Georgian total. Its ethnic composition at the time was as follows: Georgians (239.9 thou, or 45.7% of the population), Abkhazians (93.3 thou, or 17.8%), Armenians (76.5 thou, or 14.6%), Russians (74.9 thou, or 14.3%), Greeks (14.7 thou, or 2.8%), Ukrainians (11.6 thou, or 2.2%), and people of other nationalities (14.1 thou, or 2.6%).

As a result of military action in 1992-1993, the demographic structure has changed dramatically. Data for 1998 show that a significant proportion of Abkhazia’s Russians, Greeks, Armenians and Abkhazians proper had left the republic along with the Georgians.

According to the estimates of the U.N. mission that operated in the region in March 1998, Abkhazia at that time had a population of around 200 thousand, or 38% of the prewar figure. Today there are no precise data on the size of the various ethnic groups, but one can assume that roughly 40% of the population are Abkhazians, 25% Armenians, 15% Georgians (mostly living in the Gali District and the Kodori Gorge), 15% Russians, and 5%, people of other nationalities."

Document(s): Central Asia and the Caucasus, Journal for Social and Political Studies

14.08.2002 - Source:

IWPR: War Veterans’ Peacetime Struggle ("14/08/2002 - IWPR: War Veterans’ Peacetime Struggle") [ID 5426]

Document(s): 14/08/2002 - IWPR: War Veterans’ Peacetime Struggle

17.07.2002 - Source: Minority Rights Group International

Minority Rights Group International: Drastic demographic changes ("The South Caucasus: Nationalism, Conflict and Minorities") [#14648],  [ID 5425]

"The Abkhaz language belongs to the north-western Caucasian family, closely related to Circassian and Abaza. Demographic changes in Abkhazia have been drastic: the population fell from 140,000 in the 1860s to 58,000 in 1886, and then rose to 103,000 (1989 census). A unified Abkhaz alphabet was introduced in 1928, based on Latin script, but was replaced by a Georgian-based script in 1938. In 1944–54 the Georgian language replaced Abkhaz for use in the public
domain as part of an effort to Georgianize the Abkhaz. The present Cyrillic-based alphabet was introduced in 1954 and many of the assimilatory moves were reversed. Throughout history, Abkhazia has belonged to different empires. It existed as a separate political and cultural entity following the fall of Byzantinium, then was incorporated into the Georgian Empire. The Ottoman conquest brought Islam to Abkhazia in the fifteenth century. Georgians and
Abkhaz made some joint efforts to overthrow Ottoman rule in the eighteenth century. In 1810 Abkhazia became a Russian protectorate."

Document(s): Open document

10.2001 - Source:

10.2001 - UCI School of Sciences: Abkhazia Homepage ("10.2001 - UCI School of Sciences: Abkhazia Homepage") [ID 5427]

Document(s): 10.2001 - UCI School of Sciences: Abkhazia Homepage

08.1998 - Source:

: Vrije Universiteit Brussel: Vrije Universiteit Brussel: Georgians and Abkhazians. The Search for a Peace Settlement ("Abkhazia, Georgia and the Caucasus Confederation") [ID 5428]

Document(s): Abkhazia, Georgia and the Caucasus Confederation

08.1998 - Source:

: Vrije Universiteit Brussel: Vrije Universiteit Brussel: Georgians and Abkhazians. The Search for a Peace Settlement ("Geographical Background to a Settlement of the Conflict in Abkhazia") [ID 5428]

Document(s): Geographical Background to a Settlement of the Conflict in Abkhazia

08.1998 - Source:

: Vrije Universiteit Brussel: Vrije Universiteit Brussel: Georgians and Abkhazians. The Search for a Peace Settlement ("Georgia and Abkhazia: The Hard Road to Agreement") [ID 5428]

Document(s): Georgia and Abkhazia: The Hard Road to Agreement

08.1998 - Source:

: Vrije Universiteit Brussel: Vrije Universiteit Brussel: Georgians and Abkhazians. The Search for a Peace Settlement ("National Projects and Political Circumstances") [ID 5428]

Document(s): National Projects and Political Circumstances

08.1998 - Source:

: Vrije Universiteit Brussel: Vrije Universiteit Brussel: Georgians and Abkhazians. The Search for a Peace Settlement ("Shades of Grey. Intentions, Motives and Moral Responsibility in the Georgian-Abkhaz Conflict") [ID 5428]

Document(s): Shades of Grey. Intentions, Motives and Moral Responsibility in the Georgian-Abkhaz Conflict

08.1998 - Source:

: Vrije Universiteit Brussel: Vrije Universiteit Brussel: Georgians and Abkhazians. The Search for a Peace Settlement ("The Georgian-Abkhazian Conflict in a Regional Context") [ID 5428]

Document(s): The Georgian-Abkhazian Conflict in a Regional Context

08.1998 - Source:

: Vrije Universiteit Brussel: Vrije Universiteit Brussel: Georgians and Abkhazians. The Search for a Peace Settlement ("The Georgian-Abkhazian Conflict: In Search of Ways out") [ID 5428]

Document(s): The Georgian-Abkhazian Conflict: In Search of Ways out

08.1998 - Source:

: Vrije Universiteit Brussel: Vrije Universiteit Brussel: Georgians and Abkhazians. The Search for a Peace Settlement ("Theory and Experiences of Ethnonational Conflict Regulation: Their Relevance to the Georgian-Abkhazian Conflict") [ID 5428]

Document(s): Theory and Experiences of Ethnonational Conflict Regulation: Their Relevance to the Georgian-Abkhazian Conflict