18.08.2008 - Source: Reporters Sans Frontières

3 journalists killed since start of fighting, dozens injured and arrested ("Three journalists killed since start of fighting, dozens injured and arrested") [ID 24467]

Document(s): Open document

23.05.2008 - Source: Reporters Sans Frontières

Several attacks on journalists during parliamentary elections ("Several attacks on journalists during parliamentary elections") [ID 23299]

Document(s): Open document

27.02.2008 - Source: Civil Georgia

Abkhazia: Along with Georgian journalist Basilaia his cameraman Tsotsoria and Tsotsoria's mother Danelia were also arrested; both of them are IDPs from Abkhazia; they specify the purpose of their visit to Abkhazia as visiting a sick relative ("Two Others Arrested Along with Journalist in Abkhazia") [ID 22448]

Document(s): Open document

27.02.2008 - Source: Civil Georgia

Abkhaz leader Bagapsh told visiting High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour that Georgian journalist Basilaia will be charged according to Abkhaz law for illegally crossing the border ("Bagapsh Refuses to Release Georgian Journalist") [ID 22451]

Document(s): Open document

26.02.2008 - Source: Civil Georgia

Abkhazia: Mze TV reported that the chief of its bureau in Zugdidi and journalist Malkhaz Basilaia was arrested at the Enguri bridge on 26 February 2008; unclear who arrested him; he worked on a story about the voting of Russians in the region for the Russian presidential elections ("Reports: Journalist Detained in Abkhaz Conflict Zone") [ID 22443]

Document(s): Open document

18.11.2007 - Source: Civil Georgia

President Saakashvili defends practice of phone tapping; phone-lines of criminal suspects, but also of politicians and journalists have been tapped recently ("Saakashvili Defends Phone Tapping") [ID 21705]

Document(s): Open document

28.08.2007 - Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

President of breakaway region meets with group of independent journalists who issued statement in July deploring what they termed official harassment and restrictions on media freedom ("Abkhazia: Journalists Outline Grievances To President") [ID 20971]

Document(s): Open document

06.03.2007 - Source: US Department of State

Scattered reported incidents of physical abuse of journalists by government officials; among other problems, NGOs reported indirect and covert pressure on journalists ("Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2006") [ID 19326]

"The constitution and law provide for freedom of speech and of the press. However, there were accusations by NGOs, independent analysts, and journalists that high-ranking government officials exercised some influence over editorial and programming decisions through their personal connections with news directors and media executives. There were scattered reported incidents of actual or incited physical abuse of journalists by government officials. NGOs, media analysts and individual journalists cited the following problems: limited access to public information, nontransparent tenders offered to media outlets, ignoring or boycotting selective media organizations by government officials, unequal treatment of media outlets, absence of contracts or very short term contracts with journalists, indirect and covert pressure on journalists, and lack of financial resources. Most journalists viewed the Law on Freedom of Speech and Expression as very liberal but not always enforced. The Law on Broadcasters provided for the National Commission on Communications to adopt a Code of Ethics for Broadcasters by year's end. The draft code triggered sharp criticism from most journalists and was decried as an attempt by the government to control broadcast media. The National Commission on Communications postponed adoption of the code to allow for public comment."

Document(s): Open document

02.2007 - Source: Committee to Protect Journalists

Authorities obstructed the work of journalists; reporters outside the capital complained of particularly repressive restrictions ("Attacks on the Press in 2006: Georgia") [ID 18732]

"While reporters worked safely in the capital, those in the outlying regions reported getting threats after covering sensitive topics such as corruption and border smuggling of cigarettes, agricultural products, and oil. Journalists in Shida Kartli, a region close to the self-proclaimed republic of South Ossetia, complained of particularly repressive restrictions, according to Nino Gvedashvili of the Tbilisi-based Georgian Human Rights Information and Documentation Center. The journalists accused the Shida Kartli administration of obstructing access to public information and forbidding the publication of local officials’ photographs."

Document(s): Open document

02.2007 - Source: Human Rights Centre

According to statistics, rights of independent journalists are violated; law enforcement bodies did not bother to investigate incidents in 2006 ("The Velvet Downfall; Human Rights Situation in Georgia in 2006") [ID 20415]

For documentation of individual cases please refer to the original document

Document(s): Open document

07.2006 - Source: Freedom House

Several cases of journalists harassed; in September 2005 Russian journalists were assaulted; in 2005 Georgian Media Council was created to define professional standards for media ("Nations in Transit 2006") [ID 15639]

"Cases of journalists being harassed were rarer than in previous years, but there were several instances in 2005, especially outside Tbilisi. In September 2005, several Russian journalists from NTV were physically assaulted in the village of Napareuli. However, in his November 20 speech, President Saakashvili justified this attack as showing a “sense of national pride.” The Russian journalists were trying to interview Georgian villagers for their opinions on the Russian pornographic movie Julia, which parodies Georgian president Mikheil Saakashvili and former Ukrainian prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko. There are several journalist and media associations in Georgia, but none plays an important role or defines professional and ethical standards recognized by the media community. In summer 2005, the Georgian Media Council was created with that aim."

Document(s): Open document

15.06.2006 - Source: Civil Georgia

Local journalists and human rights activists, rallying in support of local-self governance in the Signagi district of Kakheti region, attacked and dispersed; local officials believed to be among the attackers ("Journalist Protest Rally Attacked in Eastern Georgia") [ID 15554]

Document(s): Open document

06.2006 - Source: Human Rights Centre

NGOs and media that covered protest of local NGO Lawyers Developing Center raided and injured by members of Nationalists Party of President Saakashvili ("Dispersal of demonstration in Kakheti, Georgia") [ID 15558]

"On June 15th, a protest arranged by the ‘Lawyers Development Center’ that should have been started in Anaga and ended in front of the Nationalists Office in Signagi, aimed at protesting terror upon the local self-government from the side of  Nugzar Abulashvili, the Head of the Nationalists Party in the Signagi region. [...] The participants of the protest should have gathered in front of the Abulashvili’s Office, where we planned to say our last word to the self-government that died as a result of terror… Intimidation upon the participants launched a few days before the protest. The people were threatened to be arrested. “Abulashvili said that all those who appear at the protest would be punished. He assured to have a green light from the president, thus, he threatened to arrest everybody”. It should be mentioned that Abulashvili often manipulates with the name of the president. [...] According to Roman Kevkhishvili, the journalist with ‘Tanamgzavri’ broadcasting company, the Signagi police officers in uniforms stopped him while entering the town. The journalist Gela Mtivlishvili, the coordinator at the Human Rights Information and Documentation Center neared him as well. “The conversation with the police officers - Besik Pkhovelishvili and Iago Kochlamazashvili lasted for 10 minutes. Gela demanded from the police officers an explanation why we were stopped; however, they failed to do it. Soon, we saw a bus and some cars overcrowded with people shouting: “You can do nothing with Abulashvili, we are Kiziks without Master” who directly attacked us. I cannot describe what happened there. We were abused verbally and beaten severely. The crowd assaulted us trying to take our equipments away. Then, they assailed Gela and broke his camera. We could not realize who was beating. We attempted to explain that we only wanted to cover the protest and if they and Abulashvili had something to say we were ready to write about their positions. However, they threatened us-”You will be punished if you say something bad about Abulashvili”, states Roman Kevkhishvili, who was badly injured in his chest and stomach. He also has beating prints on his face. Beating of the journalists continued for 40 minutes. The police officers were standing nearby looking at it. The journalists asked them for help, however, in vain. We addressed Temur Anjaparidze, the chief of the Police Department for several times as well, but unsuccessfully. It was too late when the police officers decided to assist us. The only help they provided us was to take the violators Ioseb Nanobashvili, the acting head of the Vakiri Administration who damaged our equipment and the resident of the same village Jemal Demetrashvili to the Nationalists Office instead of the Police Department to bring them under responsibility for their acts. The journalists being abused both physically and morally moved to the Signagi Police Department where we gave an investigator our testimony evidences and were announced to be victims of violation. Later, the Presidential Representative in the Kakheti Region -Petre Tsiskarishvili, Teimur Anjaparidze, the Chief of the Police Department, Tamaz  Tsabutashvili , the District Prosecutor, and the representatives the Prosecutors’ General Office, the Ombudsman, the Young Lawyers Association, the Human Right Information and Documentation Center and Nugzar Abulashvili appeared at the police department. MP Abulashvili denied his links with the raid, though; he could not prove his statement. Some of the citizens standing in front of the police department alleged that they were discouraged from joining the protest supporting the self-government by the name of Abulashvili. The law enforcers left their statements without any responses."

Document(s): Open document

31.03.2006 - Source: Reporters Sans Frontières

Validity of charges in Chalva Ramishvili blackmailing case against 2 journalists doubtable; they were sentenced to 4 and 3 years in prison ("Reporters without borders casts doubt on validity of charges in Chalva Ramishvili case") [#48217],  [ID 5313]

Document(s): Open document

29.03.2006 - Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

Owner and former main anchorman of private TV-channel "202" sentenced to 4 years in prison; convicted of attempting to extort money from pro-government lawmaker ("Georgia: TV Executives Receive Jail Sentences For Extortion") [#47813],  [ID 5314]

Document(s): Open document

29.03.2006 - Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

Owner and former main anchorman of private TV-channel "202" sentenced to 4 years in prison; convicted of attempting to extort money from pro-government lawmaker ("Georgia: TV Executives Receive Jail Sentences For Extortion") [#47813],  [ID 5315]

Document(s): Open document

08.03.2006 - Source: US Department of State

In contrast to the previous year, there were a number of physical attacks on media representatives, journalists, or their property ("Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2005") [#46144],  [ID 5316]

"In contrast to the previous year's absence of physical attacks, there were a number of physical attacks on media representatives, journalists, or their property.
In April a journalist from the newspaper Imedi in Kakheti alleged that Mikhail Kakalishvili, a member of the National Movement, assaulted her and forcefully destroyed a cassette. The journalist had earlier published stories critical of Member of Parliament (MP) Guram Kakalashvili, the brother of the alleged assailant. An investigation into the incident was pending at year's end.
In April journalist Saba Tsitsikashvili accused Mikheil Kareli, governor of the Shida Kartli region, of verbally and physically abusing him as he attempted to enter the village of Uplistsike to take photos of flood damage. On December 30, Tsitsikashvili filed suit against Kareli alleging illegal interference with the professional activities of a journalist. In a separate incident on September 6, Tsitsikashvili was attacked in Gori; he claimed the attack was retaliation for critical articles he wrote about the mayor of Gori. Police subsequently arrested the assailant, whom Tsitsikashvili identified in a line-up as a relative of one of the mayor's bodyguards."

Document(s): Open document

23.02.2006 - Source: EurasiaNet

6 months after President Mikhail Saakashvili pledged to protect freedom of the press, media owners aiming at good relations with the government still put pressure on journalists ("Pressure to Report: Georgian Media Struggles for an Independent Voice") [#45265],  [ID 5317]

Document(s): Open document

13.01.2006 - Source: Civil Georgia

Trial against journalists Shalva Ramishvili and Davit Kokhreidze over suspected extortion of MP about to start; defense lawyer claimes suspects to be illegally detained ("Controversial Journalist on Trial") [#42146],  [ID 5318]

Document(s): Open document

13.01.2006 - Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

Petition to release 2 journalists from pre-trial custody rejected; according to court, if released they would attempt to obstruct legal proceedings against them ("Georgian Court Refuses To Release Journalists") [#41837],  [ID 5319]

Document(s): Open document

23.11.2005 - Source: Reporters Sans Frontières

Granade attack at home of editor of weekly Imedi injuring his relatives; he was already attacked and threatened with death by unknown assailant in June in Gurjaani ("New attempt to intimidate an editor") [#39680],  [ID 5320]

Document(s): Open document

15.09.2005 - Source: Civil Georgia

Kakheti: Attack against journalists from Russian television station NTV, reported ("Moscow Condemns Attack on Russian Journalists in Georgia") [#42513],  [ID 5321]

Document(s): Open document

11.09.2005 - Source: Civil Georgia

Gori: Correspondent for Tbilisi-based Akhali Versia newspaper in Shida Kartli region attacked by unknown men and beaten ("Journalist Attacked in Gori") [#42514],  [ID 5322]

Document(s): Open document

09.09.2005 - Source: Reporters Sans Frontières

Investigative journalist beaten up by 5 assailants in Gori; motive for attack seem to be articles that were critical of local authorities and in particular governor of Shida Kartli region ("Journalist beaten up after revealing corruption") [#36590],  [ID 5323]

Document(s): Open document

08.09.2005 - Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

Journalist working for private TV channel beaten up by unidentified attackers; colleagues and opposition leaders claim that authorities are behind this and a similar incident involving an independent reporter ("Georgia: Government Under Fire Over Journalists’ Beatings") [#36388],  [ID 5324]

Document(s): Open document

07.09.2005 - Source: Civil Georgia

Writer and occasional anchor for 202 television station's political talk-show “Debates,” attacked and beaten up by unknown assailants ("202 TV Occasional Anchor Beaten") [#42515],  [ID 5325]

Document(s): Open document

02.09.2005 - Source: EurasiaNet

Two television executives arrested, under suspicion that they accepted bribe from member of parliament; events stir debate, whether corruption or increasing pressure on media by government stands behind arrests ("Television executive arrests stir media rights debate") [#36255],  [ID 5326]

Document(s): Open document

02.09.2005 - Source: Civil Georgia

Tbilisi: Co-founder of 202 television and his partner remanded to 3-month pre-trial custody ("Ramishvili Remanded in Custody") [#42512],  [ID 5327]

Document(s): Open document

25.08.2005 - Source: Institute for War and Peace Reporting

Several attacks on free media reported; popular television show Archevanis Zgvarze, which long criticised government policy, cancelled ("Georgian Journalists Protest Government Meddling") [#35952],  [ID 5328]

Document(s): Open document

15.07.2005 - Source: Civil Georgia

Gurjaani district of Kakheti: Hand grenade exploded in yard of house of editor of local newspaper Imedi (Hope) causing no injuries ("Journalist Attacked Again in Kakheti") [#42695],  [ID 5329]

Document(s): Open document

29.06.2005 - Source: Reporters Sans Frontières

Gurjaani: Editor of weekly Imedi beaten up by unidentified asailant ("Journalist brutally beaten") [#33541],  [ID 5330]

Document(s): Open document

19.05.2005 - Source: International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights

State of media independence worsened in 2004; not pro-government automatically labeled as supporters of the previous government and faced reprisals ("Human Rights in the OSCE Region: Europe, Central Asia and North America, Report 2005 (Events of 2004)") [#32106],  [ID 5331]

"In 2004, the diversity of the media narrowed alarmingly as most formerly critical media outlets became closely linked to the new government and were loyal to it. Political debate in the media was particularly affected after three television stations simultaneously took off the air their popular evening talk shows that discussed political issues. While political pressure was rumored, the central reasons appeared to be financial.
[...]
The report of the Directorate of Strategic Planning (DSP) of the Council of Europe, published on 28 June, stated that according to public and civil society, the state of media independence had recently worsened. The DSP, too, cited strong links between political forces and media owners and noted their influence on the editorial policy of the media outlets. It stated also that the post-revolution regime was less tolerant towards criticism than the previous one.

Journalists and outlets that were not pro-government were automatically labeled as supporters of the previous government and faced reprisals soon after the Rose Revolution. Pressure on them and independent media was exercised, for example, by threatening owners with tax and other financial controls and in some cases following through with such threats. These superfluous controls appeared to be based on the political loyalty of the outlet.
[...]
In June, the parliament adopted new legislation on freedom of speech, under which the journalist responsible for the offending statement in a libel suit is subject to legal action, but not the owner of the media outlet that published or broadcast it. The new law also absolved journalists from responsibility for publishing information designated as a state secret.

Later in the year, on 23 December, a new law on broadcasting went into force intending to provide the legal framework for the transformation of the first channel of state television into a public broadcaster. It appeared that television stations in general received a preferential treatment from the government in comparison to the print media. For example, only television stations, but not journalists from the print media, were invited to cover President Saakashvili's special press briefing on 23 November, the first anniversary of Shevardnadze's ouster."

Document(s): Open document

19.05.2005 - Source: International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights

Situation of TV channels, other media outlets and journalists in 2004: cases documented ("Human Rights in the OSCE Region: Europe, Central Asia and North America, Report 2005 (Events of 2004)") [#32106],  [ID 5332]

"On 4 February, three popular talk shows broadcast by the independent TV stations Rustavi2 and Mze unexpectedly cancelled their political talk shows “Night Courier” and “Night Mzera.” The Rustavi2 is close to the Sakaashvili government. The fact that they were cancelled on the same day was explained as a simple coincidence. Mze assured that “Night Mzera” would be back on the air after some technical changes, but this had not happened by the end of the year. The “Night Courier” was replaced with another program in which debate is no longer part of the format. Many of the stations’ problems were reportedly linked to financial difficulties, and it was reported in June that President Saakashvili had agreed to help Rustavi2 to find a way to pay off its depts. In addition, on 5 April, the TV company Channel Nine ceased operations.

The independent TV company Omega Group went off the air due to financial reasons that were linked to allegations of smuggling and tax evasion by its owner.
[...]
On 10 May, three assailants attacked Zurab Kachlishvili, editor-in-chef of the local newspaper Objective, which had been writing about mismanagement in the local administration. Unidentified men beat him in his apartment in Kakheti, ordering him to leave the city.

In July, the English-language Georgian Times was harassed by state auditors after publishing an article that criticized Tbilisi City Prosecutor Valerii Grigalashvili.

Also in July, Revaz Okruashvili, editor of the Gori local newspaper Sakhalkho gazeti was arrested after police apparently planted drugs on him during a search. He had written articles criticizing local authorities. Okruashvili was sentenced to three months’ detention but subsequently released after agreeing to pay a fine."

Document(s): Open document

14.03.2005 - Source: Committee to Protect Journalists

Attacks on the press in 2004: analysis of press conditions ("Attacks on the press in 2004") [#30142],  [ID 5333]

Document(s): Open document

28.02.2005 - Source: US Department of State

Journalists were able to publish wide-ranging and extremely critical views of officials and their conduct; however, criticism of the Government in the media decreased during the year due to increased self-censorship ("Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2004") [#29503],  [ID 5334]

"The Constitution provides for freedom of speech and of the press; however, there were some incidents of government obstruction. Journalists were able to publish wide-ranging and extremely critical views of officials and their conduct; however, criticism of the Government in the media decreased during the year due to increased self-censorship. A law on broadcasting was passed in December converting the State television channel, Channel 1, into a public television channel. The law allows the new channel state funding for one more year, as well as commercial funding. Competitors complained that their lack of analogous state funding during this period would put them at a disadvantage.

There were approximately 200 independent newspapers in circulation. After the November 2003 "Rose Revolution," the Government privatized the previously state-owned news agency Sakinfo. The press frequently criticized senior government officials; however, few editorially independent newspapers were commercially viable. Typically, newspapers were subsidized by and subject to the influence of patrons in politics and business. Several newspapers were reputable sources of information, although lack of financial resources limited their circulation.

Following privatizations during the year, there were seven independent television stations in Tbilisi, three with national coverage--Channel 1, Rustavi-2, and Imedi. An international NGO estimated that there were more than 45 regional television stations outside of Tbilisi, 17 of which offered daily news. While these stations ostensibly were independent, a lack of advertising revenue often forced them to depend on local government officials for support; however, some regions, such as Samtskhe-Javakheti and Kutaisi, had relatively independent media. After the resignation of Aslan Abashidze, former President of the autonomous region of Ajara, the region ceased jamming the national television stations. There were two independent newspapers in Ajara, and Ajara also received the national independent newspaper 24 hours.

While there were no physical attacks on media representatives during year, state tax authorities occasionally harassed independent newspapers and television stations. Journalists stated that they were vulnerable to pressure from authorities, as well as from business and societal elements. Media outlets complained that commercial firms refused to advertise on certain channels critical of the Government for fear of losing the Government's favor.

Compared to 2003, physical harassment of the media decreased, although self-censorship increased, likely due to a desire to please the new government. There were some reports of legal harassment of media outlets by the financial police.

Although most journalists had regular access to government officials and agencies, a few government officials denied journalists access to public briefings. For example, the Minister of Interior temporarily blocked the television station Kavkasia access to the Ministry and to his public briefings. The mayor of Poti prohibited television cameras from public briefings and effectively blocked interviews of local government officials. In December, the mayor of Poti was arrested on unrelated charges. The Government also used financial pressures to influence media outlets and sometimes sent financial tax investigators to investigate critical journals.

In February, on the eve of parliamentary discussions of constitutional amendments proposed by the President (see section 1.e.), three of the most popular nightly political talk shows were temporarily canceled, reportedly due to "reformatting." Commentators reported government officials exerted pressure on the channels to cancel programming.

Early in the year, Iberia TV ceased news operations following a high-profile raid on the station by the General Prosecutor’s office, which raided all subsidiary media and nonmedia businesses owned by the parent company, Omega Group. The Prosecutor’s office cited financial fraud as grounds for the raid. Omega Group’s owner, then Member of Parliament Zaza Okuashvili, who allegedly had close ties to Aslan Abashidze, fled the country. Omega Group’s other media operations, Media News Agency, the newspaper Akhali Epoka, Omega magazine, and a printing house went out of business.

During the March parliamentary elections, in Ajara, the regional government under Aslan Abashidze did not allow opposition candidates media access or television time. Opposition gatherings were also violently suppressed or attacked, and opposition offices were ransacked. On March 5, unidentified men in masks beat reporter Vakhtang Komakhidze at a border checkpoint and confiscated his tapes, camera and notes. Komakhidze was later hospitalized for several weeks (see Section 3).

On July 15, the Government passed a new law on defamation, which states comments made in Parliament, court cases, and during political debates can no longer be considered libel. The law also moves the burden of proof to the accuser, and places entire companies, rather than individual reporters, as defendants in a court case. In practice, the Government did not use libel laws to inhibit journalism during the year.

In July 2003, head of the Georgian Railway Akaki Chkhaidze won a libel suit against independent television station Rustavi-2 for information broadcast on a program linking him to bribery scandals. The station was ordered to pay $480,000 (1 million GEL) in moral damages. The station appealed the decision to the Supreme Court and the fine was reduced to $50,000 (104,166 GEL).

Stations desiring benefits and better working relations with authorities practiced increased self-censorship. In November, a dispute broke out between the Georgian Orthodox Church (GOC) Patriarchate and reformist seminary students and priests. Media coverage was initially intense. In October, in a press conference, President Saakashvili called on the media to be more responsible in their coverage of this dispute. Immediately, all reporting on this dispute disappeared. However, no direct government harassment was reported.

The Government did not restrict access to the Internet. The Government did not restrict academic freedom.

Media in the separatist regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia remained tightly restricted by their respective de facto governments."

Document(s): Open document

04.08.2004 - Source: Institute for War and Peace Reporting

Editor of the local Khalkhis Gazeti (People’s Newspaper) arrested on drugs and weapons charges in the town of Gori/ activists fear high-level media harassment ("Ilham Tightens His Grip") [#24513],  [ID 5335]

Document(s): Open document

23.04.2004 - Source: International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights

Saakashvili government suggested introducing lengthier sentences for defamation of public officials; Georgian defamation laws not up to par with international standards ("Human Rights in the OSCE Region: Europe, Central Asia and North America, Report 2004 (Events of 2003)") [#21453],  [ID 5336]

"Defamation legislation was frequently abused to shield those in power from media scrutiny. Both civil and criminal defamation laws provided for harsh sentences of those found guilty. Soon after coming into power, the Saakashvili government suggested introducing lengthier sentences for defamation of public officials.

According to NGO “Article 19,”Georgian defamation laws were not up to par with international standards. In addition to providing for criminal defamation, which is not acceptable under international standards, the Civil Code contained a dangerously broad definition of people who could be sued for defamation. The provisions were not developed in sufficient detail to provide the safeguards necessary to protect freedom of expression. “Article 19” recommended that defamation be decriminalized; that public bodies, including bodies forming part of the legislative, executive or judicial branches of government, be barred from suing for defamation; that statements of opinion as opposed to factual accusations not be actionable in defamation; that Internet service providers and others performing similar functions be shielded from liability; that there be a defense of reasonable publication; that damages awarded always be proportionate to the harm suffered; and that a fixed ceiling be established for non-material harm."

Document(s): Open document
Open document

05.03.2004 - Source: Committee to Protect Journalists

Ajaria: reporter for the well-respected "60 Minutes" investigative journalism program on independent television station Rustavi-2, attacked ("Georgia: Journalist attacked") [#20070],  [ID 5337]

Document(s): Open document

10.2003 - Source: Human Rights Centre

Crew of Television Channel Rustavi 2 attacked in Zugdidi ("Monthly Bulletin 10 (56), October 2003") [#17235],  [ID 5338]

"Early on the morning of 12 October the crew of the television channel Rustavi 2 was attacked in the western Georgian town of Zugdidi whilst shooting footage of anti-government Kmara youth activists trying to spell “Kmara” in the streets.

Rustavi 2 reported that several armed men, supporters of “For New Georgia,” beat the sta-tion’s cameraman."

Document(s): Open document

10.2003 - Source: Human Rights Centre

Activists protest against attacks on media in Western Georgia ("Monthly Bulletin 10 (56), October 2003") [#17235],  [ID 5339]

"Representatives of Georgian Civil Society Organisations and local television held a demonstration in the western Georgian town of Poti.
The participants protested against frequent cases of attacks on the representatives of mass media by law-enforcement agencies in Poti.
The office of a local Poti newspaper was also raided recently, causing the newspaper to stop publishing."

Document(s): Open document

04.08.2003 - Source: Freedom House

Defamation cases ("Nations in transit 2003") [#15273],  [ID 5340]

"Although most public officials choose to ignore negative media reporting even if it contains allegations of criminal activities, many favor antidefamation over libel as a legal tool to counter criticism in the media. In cases of libel, the burden of proof lies on the plaintiff, while in cases of defamation, the media company must prove the accuracy of its information. The efficacy of pressing charges is mixed. In many cases, plaintiffs indeed lose. And when they win, courts often impose symbolic sanctions on the media outlets and journalists involved rather than the substantial fines plaintiffs seek.
The most publicized defamation case of 2002 was that between Vano Chkhartishvili, a banker and former minister of economy, and Levan Berdzenishvili, a prominent NGO figure who publicly called Mr. Chkhartishvili a “thief.” Mr. Berdzenishvili’s lawyers insisted that his statement constituted an opinion that did not require specific proof. Lower-level courts denied Mr. Chkhartishvili’s suit, and while the Supreme Court directed Mr. Berdzenishvili to apologize, it refused to award over 1 million Georgian lari (about US$450,000) in damages. Members of the political elite, including high-level government and ruling party figures and occasionally the president himself, sometimes make statements that are hostile to the independent media, consider independent media “antistate,” and advocate more restrictive legislation. Calls to put limits on media freedom also originate from within the Revival Party faction. Although legal measures to safeguard the dignity of public officials have been introduced in the past, such attempts have failed. However, they have created a sense of insecurity within the journalistic and NGO communities. Rustavi-2, the most influential independent TV station and a frequent object of government wrath, survived an attempt to close it down in 1997. In 2001, a raid by the Ministry of Security on the offices of Rustavi-2 (based on alleged tax evasion) led to a large public demonstration and sparked a political crisis that was defused only after the firing of the cabinet and the resignation of the Speaker of Parliament."

Document(s): Open document

22.07.2003 - Source: Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation

Statements of interview partners with regard to the situation of journalists ("Reisebericht Georgien 18. - 25. Mai 2003") [#14436],  [ID 5341]

"Laut den Gesprächspartnern des Obersten Gerichtshofs gestalte sich die Situation von JournalistInnen in Georgien weit besser als in den meisten europäischen Staaten. Es gebe keine Einschränkungen bei der Berichterstattung und auch das Schreiben über Korruptionsfälle sei ungefährlich. Es sei ihnen kein Fall einer Verletzung des Rechts auf freie Meinungsäußerung bekannt. Im Gegenteil, das Recht auf freie Meinungsäußerung sei sogar das am besten geschützte Grundrecht in Georgien.
Nach Angaben der „Ehemaligen politischen Gefangenen für Menschenrechte“ könnten JournalistInnen in Georgien zwar über alles, einschließlich Korruptionsfälle, schreiben, aufgrund der geringen Auflagen der Printmedien – kaum eine Zeitung überschreite mehrere tausend Exemplare - würden ihre Artikel allerdings kaum Öffentlichkeitswirkung erzielen. Selbst im Wahlkampf sei nach Ansicht der UNAG nicht von staatlichen Einschränkungen der Meinungsäußerungsfreiheit berichtet worden. Mit Schwierigkeiten müssten allerdings Personen rechnen, die in politisch sensiblen Fällen brisantes Beweismaterial vorlegen würden. Grundsätzlich biete der Journalistenstatus allerdings einen gewissen staatlichen Schutz."

Document(s): Open document

25.06.2003 - Source: Prima News

Tengiz Pachkoriya, Russian news agency ITAR-TASS correspondent, and Besik Pipiya, a Saint-Petersburg correspondent of Nyezavisimaya Gazeta attacked in Vakiiskiy District of Tbilisi ("Journalists Attacked in Georgia") [#15864],  [ID 5342]

Document(s): Open document

31.03.2003 - Source: US Department of State

Several instances of intimidation of journalists ("Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2002") [#11848],  [ID 5343]

"The Constitution and the law provide for freedom of speech and of the press; however, although the independent press was generally free, there were several instances of intimidation of journalists. According to journalists and NGOs, security and other authorities on occasion attempted to intimidate the press through public comments, private admonitions, and violence. Nevertheless, during the year journalists were able to publish wide-ranging and extremely critical views of officials and their conduct; however, some journalists practiced self-censorship.

The Administrative Code contains a freedom of information section that provides for public access to government meetings and documents; however, few journalists employed it. The adoption of a freedom of information act and judicial enforcement of this law made agencies more willing to provide information. However, the Government often failed to register freedom of information act requests, as required by the administrative code. Although the law states that a public agency shall release public information immediately, or no later than 10 days, the release of requested information could be delayed indefinitely. A requesting party had no grounds for appeal."

Document(s): Open document

31.03.2003 - Source: Committee to Protect Journalists

Report documenting attacks on the press in 2002 ("Attacks on the press in 2002") [#11744],  [ID 5344]

"While corruption and crime continued to overrun Georgia in 2002, some officials blamed the country’s woes on excessive press freedom, even accusing the media of contributing to the February suicide of Security Council chief Nugzar Sadzhaya. Public figures readily chastised the press for exposing inadequacies in President Eduard Shevardnadze’s government. Shevardnadze himself publicly lamented past attacks on journalists, but the perpetrators of these crimes, which included violent assaults and assassinations, were not brought to justice."

Document(s): Open document

02.10.2002 - Source: Reporters Sans Frontières

Reporters Sans Frontieres: Odishi TV station attacked by police; journalist beaten and threatend to kill ("Police smash up TV station and threaten to kill journalist and family") [#8877],  [ID 5345]

"Reporters Without Borders called today for punishment of police who made deaths threats and went on a rampage at a TV station in the west Georgian town of Zugdidi last week hours after it had broadcast criticism of them.

About 30 police broke into the offices of the Odishi TV station, beat journalists and technicians and destroyed video and computer equipment. Later they physically attacked the mother and young son of journalist Ema Gogokhia, regional correspondent for the independent station Rustavi 2 (whose news programmes Odishi rebroadcasts), and threatened to kill the whole family. Gogokhia had helped make two programmes that denounced police violence and a corrupt local police chief. [...]
An hour after the attack on the station, four policemen went to Gogokhia's home, but she was not there. They beat her mother and 10-year-old son, who they tried to kidnap. Neighbours stopped the child being taken away and heard police warn the mother that she would soon be receiving the severed head of her daughter.

Gogokhia said they threatened to kill her family if the second report was broadcast. They said that, unlike star Rustavi 2 presenter Georgiy Sanaya, who was murdered on 26 July last year, her body would never be found. The second report went out on 29 September and implicated Ponia in a petrol smuggling racket."

Document(s): Open document

05.03.2002 - Source: Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe

SFH: Violence and threats against journalists ("Lageanalyse Februar 2002") [#8057],  [ID 5346]

"In Georgien zählte man im Jahre 2000 etwa 200 unabhängige Zeitungen. Von der populärsten
Tageszeitung "Alia" waren landesweit ca. 20 Prozent mehr Exemplare im Umlauf als
vom "Offiziellen Blatt", das von der Regierung finanziert und kontrolliert und in drei Sprachen
(Russisch, Azeri und Armenisch) herausgegeben wird.
Mit Drohungen gegen und Überfällen auf JournalistInnen wird die unabhängige Presse in
Angst gehalten und das Entstehen bzw. Erscheinen von regimekritischen Artikeln verhindert.
Viele JournalistInnen üben sich im Selbstzensur. Drohende Verleumdungsklagen
hemmen Recherchen der JournalistInnen. Die Ermordung von Giorgi Sanaia im Juli 2001
löste in Tiflis eine Serie von Protesten aus. Er war einer der populärsten JournalistInnen
beim unabhängigen Fernsehkanal "Rustawi-2", der immer wieder über staatliche Korruption
und Machtmissbrauch berichtet hatte. Den ersten Erklärungsversuchen der Behörden und
der Regierung (Selbstmord, Provokation zu Unruhe stiften, Keil schlagen zwischen Volk und
Staat) schenkte die Bevölkerung keinen Glauben. Die Tat wurde von Medienleuten als Vorbote
weiterer Angriffe auf die Rede- und Pressefreiheit betrachtet. Auch der Präsident des
georgischen Parlamentes, Zurab Schwania betrachtete den Mord als eine Aktion gegen die
Medienfreiheit. Parallelen zum Fall des getöteten ukrainischen JournalistInnen Heorhiy
Gongadze wurden gezogen. Um jeden Verdacht abzuweisen, ersuchte Präsident Schewardnadse
das US-amerikanische FBI sich an den Ermittlungen zu beteiligen."

Document(s): Open document

04.03.2002 - Source: US Department of State

US State Department: Investigative journalism inhibited by libel laws ("Annual report 2001") [#5795],  [ID 5347]

"The Constitution and the law provide for freedom of the press; however, although the independent press was generally free, there were several instances of intimidation of journalists. According to journalists and NGO's, security and other authorities on occasion attempted to intimidate the press through public comments, private admonitions, and violence. Nevertheless during the year, journalists were able to publish wide ranging and extremely critical views of officials and their conduct; however, some journalists practiced self-censorship. [...]
The Administrative Code contains a freedom of information section that provides for public access to government meetings and documents; however, few journalists have employed it. The adoption of a freedom of information act and judicial enforcement of this law have made agencies more willing to provide information. However, the Government often failed to register freedom of information act requests, as required by the administrative code. Although the law states that a public agency shall release public information immediately, or no later than 10 days, the release of requested information may be delayed indefinitely. A requesting party has no grounds for appeal.

Libel laws inhibit investigative journalism. The Civil Code and other legislation make it a crime to insult the honor and dignity of an individual and place the burden of proof on the accused."

Document(s): Open document

27.07.2001 - Source: Committee to Protect Journalists

Committee to Protect Journalists: Journalist found dead/ it is believed that the murder resulted from his professional work ("Georgian journalist found dead") [#3159],  [ID 5348]

Document(s): 01646geo.htm
Open document