13.05.2008 - Source: EurasiaNet

Article on the role of the media in the parliamentary election campaign; according to media experts, there is "still visibility of political influence on the main TV networks" ("Media part of the debate in Georgian election") [ID 23185]

Document(s): Open document

30.04.2008 - Source: Civil Georgia

Media freedom declined in context of political crisis that led to crackdowns on media in November 2007, Freedom House survey says ("Media Freedom Declines – Survey") [ID 23103]

Document(s): Open document

14.04.2008 - Source: Civil Georgia

Tbilisi-based Maestro TV station protests against refused licence for airing political programmes; a recent attempt to air formats dealing with politics resulted in warnings by authorities ("TV Station Protests over Refusal on Political Programming") [ID 23020]

Document(s): Open document

11.03.2008 - Source: US Department of State

NGOs, media analysts and individual journalists cited improvement in access to public information, less indirect and covert pressure on journalists, and better financial resources ("Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2007") [ID 22575]

"

Prior to the fall political crisis, NGOs, media analysts and individual journalists cited improvement in access to public information, less indirect and covert pressure on journalists, and better financial resources. While the law provides for the National Commission on Communications to adopt a code of ethics for broadcasters, the commission postponed issuing a code in 2006 to allow for public comment after journalists criticized the draft version, originally proposed by the European Commission, as an attempt to control broadcast media. At year's end the commission had not adopted such a code of ethics."

Document(s): Open document

11.02.2008 - Source: Civil Georgia

The Liberty Institute, an influential Georgian NGO, has accused both the opposition and the authorities, in particular Parliament and the parliamentary speaker, Nino Burjanadze, of “crude violations” of the law on public broadcasting ("Liberty Institute Defends Public TV") [ID 22343]

Document(s): Open document

04.02.2008 - Source: Committee to Protect Journalists

Annual report on press freedom in 2007 ("Attacks on the Press in 2007") [ID 22288]

Document(s): Open document

12.12.2007 - Source: Civil Georgia

43 days after being blocked from broadcast by police units and governmental decrees, Imedi TV resumed operations ("Imedi TV Resumes Broadcasts") [ID 21857]

Document(s): Open document

06.12.2007 - Source: Civil Georgia

Lagodekhi in Kakheti: Independent radio station Hereti speaks of pressure exerted by state authorities in order to end critical reports on government ("Radio Station Alleges Official Intimidation") [ID 21805]

Document(s): Open document

04.12.2007 - Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

Independent broadcaster Imedi TV is the last private broadcasting station to go back on air after blackout of previous weeks ("Imedi Opposition TV To Return To Airwaves") [ID 21802]

Document(s): Open document

30.11.2007 - Source: Civil Georgia

Tbilisi: Independent TV station Maestro resumed broadcasting on 29 November after having been off air for a day; according to state-officials, black-out occurred due to technical reasons; Maestro's director argues, that a planned programme to raise awareness of democratic values and journalistic work was reason behind the measure ("Small TV Station Back on Air") [ID 21780]

Document(s): Open document

09.11.2007 - Source: EurasiaNet

According to a spokesperson of pro-opposition Imedi TV, station will remain out of action until after special elections in January; TV station unable to operate due to the destruction of their equipment by government forces during a raid on 7 November ("Pro-opposition television channel likely out of action for special election") [ID 21626]

Document(s): Open document

08.11.2007 - Source: EurasiaNet

15 day state of emergency leaves Georgians with state TV as only source of information on ongoing protests; all private TV and radio programmes ordered off air ("Georgia grapples with restricted news coverage") [ID 21559]

Document(s): Open document

08.11.2007 - Source: Committee to Protect Journalists

Government shuts two TV stations, blocks others from news-gathering ("Georgia shuts two TV stations, blocks others from news-gathering") [ID 21561]

Document(s): Open document

08.11.2007 - Source: Civil Georgia

In the state of emergency TV and radio stations are not allowed to broadcast news coverage; this does not apply to newspapers and online media sources ("Emergency Rule in Georgia, News Coverage Curtailed") [ID 21571]

Document(s): Open document

07.11.2007 - Source: EurasiaNet

Tbilisi: Government uses force to end protests on 7 November; over 200 injured; pro-opposition TV station taken off air by government forces; president Mikheil Saakashvili names Moscow-driven plot against him as reason for counter-measures ("Government uses force to restore order, pulls plug on TV broadcast") [ID 21551]

Document(s): Open document

21.06.2007 - Source: Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe

Report on access to information by the media (right of access to information, receiving and publishing information, protection of publication in the public interest and protection of sources ("Access to information by the media in the OSCE region: Country Reports") [ID 20318]

Document(s): Open document

06.2007 - Source: Freedom House

Part of the media vulnerable to pressure from the government; major concerns are weak editorial independence and low professional standards; almost no state-subsidized media ("Nations in Transit 2007") [ID 20546]

"However, after  the Rose Revolution part of the media proved vulnerable to behind-the-scenes pressure from the government. Weak editorial independence, using media outlets to promote the political interests of owners, and low professional standards constitute major concerns. Pluralism of the media and their readiness to cover all newsworthy stories and voice views critical of the government are guaranteed by the diversity of the ownership structure. Almost no state-subsidized media remain. Journalists are occasionally abused by authorities outside the capital, but there is an increasing trend in the prosecution of such abuses. There are no strong formal associations of media, but in 2006 the Media Council made the first steps toward enforcing professional standards to which most media have subscribed."

Document(s): Open document

09.05.2007 - Source: Committee to Protect Journalists

Government harassment of the media continues; government successfully pressured or persuaded private media owners to tone down coverage and to replace critical journalists ("Faded Colors: CPJ Special Report") [ID 20025]

For further details please refer to the original document

"Government harassment continues in Georgia, where questionable tax investigations have been launched against critical media outlets. […] It's not surprising, then, that the Georgian government has successfully pressured or persuaded private media owners to tone down coverage and to replace critical journalists. Rustavi-2 is a good example. Its sharply critical news coverage has been dulled after two politically inspired business takeovers. Tabatadze, the station manager whose defiance helped lead to revolution, lost his job in a 2006 shake-up. His replacement: a presidential ally who had no broadcast experience."

Document(s): Open document

02.2007 - Source: Human Rights Center

Georgia still fails in freedom of media; Reporters Without Borders ranks Georgia 89th place in the worldwide press freedom index among 168 countries in 2006 ("The Velvet Downfall; Human Rights Situation in Georgia in 2006") [ID 20414]

"Georgia still fails in freedom of media. Reporters Without Borders ranks Georgia 89th place in the worldwide press freedom index among 168 countries in 2006. On May 19th, 2006 the Ombudsman of Georgia presented the Human Rights and Civil Integration Committee within the Parliament of Georgia with a report on the human rights situation in Georgia. A special chapter concentrates on freedom of expression. It states that journalists are not independent and because of the fear of losing their jobs, journalists have to follow the instructions of the authorities."

Document(s): Open document

10.2006 - Source: International Federation for Human Rights

Several journalists attacked by law enforcement representatives; Government tries to control the media; Minister of Internal Affairs Ivane Merabishvili announced a stricter approach concerning media ("Note: Situation of Human Rights in Georgia") [ID 18498]

For a documentation of individual cases please refer to the original document

"FIDH and HRIDC regret the actions of the Government of Georgia which harass independent and free expression and try to control the media. Arbitrary detentions, beatings, grenade attacks, defamation and pressure against journalists have become an every day business. Besides, several media holdings have been closed down. According to broadcasting company Rustavi 2, on August 27, 2005, the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Georgia, Mr. Ivane Merabishvili, declared on this latter: “It is time to clean up Georgian Media”."

Document(s): Open document

08.09.2006 - Source: Civil Georgia

Journalists of the Tbilisi-based Rustavi 2 television station reportedly quit the station to protest against the dismissal of their General Director Tabatadze ("Leading Journalists Quit Rustavi 2 TV") [ID 17300]

"A group of leading and long-time journalists of the Tbilisi-based Rustavi 2 television station announced on September 8 that they are quitting the station to protest the dismissal of Rustavi 2’s General-Director Nika Tabatadze. [...] Businessmen Kibar Khalvashi, reportedly a close friend of Defense Minister Irakli Okruashvili, owns the TV company, which critics claim is government-controlled. "In the past two weeks we have not heard a single argument justifying the decision to sack Nika Tabatadze,” long-time producer of the Courier news program Dudu Kurdgelia told Rustavi 2 TV on September 8."

Document(s): Open document

28.08.2006 - Source: Civil Georgia

Director General of TV station Rustavi 2 replaced; journalists went on strike on 26 August but resumed news programme the same day ("Rustavi 2 TV Chief Replaced") [ID 17240]

Document(s): Open document

07.07.2006 - Source: Civil Georgia

Leaders of 6 opposition parties announced boycot of Rustavi 2 TV, describing it as branch of the government ("Opposition Boycotts Rustavi 2 TV") [ID 15582]

Document(s): Open document

07.2006 - Source: Freedom House

Report on democratisation (electoral process, civil society, independent media, governance) and rule of law (corruption) ("Nations in Transit 2006") [ID 15638]

"In 2005, investigative features were very rare in the Georgian media. Although news programming is usually comprehensive, journalists and civil society organizations claim that the government is sometimes successful in blocking sensitive information from both news programming and talk shows, especially military and security issues such as the situation in South Ossetia. Government agencies restrict access to public information for those journalists who report on these topics in a critical way and provide privileged access to loyal journalists."

Document(s): Open document

04.04.2006 - Source: EurasiaNet

NGOs and business sector criticise government over alleged pressuring of media outlets ("Another Media Storm Blows across Georgia") [#48358],  [ID 5278]

Document(s): Open document

08.03.2006 - Source: US Department of State

Print media criticized senior government officials; few newspapers were commercially viable and often were subsidized by patrons in politics and business; broadcast media tended to avoid criticism; there were a number of physical attacks on journalists and media representatives ("Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2005") [#46124],  [ID 5280]

"There were approximately 200 independent newspapers in circulation. During the year the print media frequently criticized senior government officials; however, few editorially independent newspapers were commercially viable. Typically newspapers were subsidized by and subject to the influence of patrons in politics and business. In addition lack of financial resources limited their circulation.In August the government unveiled an anticorruption action plan which called for an end of all direct and covert subsidies to the media; by year's end no action was taken on the plan.
Following the 2004 privatizations, there were seven independent television stations in Tbilisi, three with national coverage-- Public TV, Rustavi-2, and Imedi. An international NGO estimated that there were more than 45 regional television stations outside of Tbilisi, 17 of which offered daily news. A lack of advertising revenue often forced regional television to depend on local government officials for support.
Throughout the year newspapers continued to be critical of the government while broadcast media tended to avoid criticism of the government on high profile issues such as judicial reform, in order to protect their business interests. Some NGOs and independent analysts accused the government of pressuring the media to avoid broadcasting material critical of the government, especially regarding controversial or high profile issues.
Economic and political pressure on the media, in part encouraged by the general low profitability of media outlets, particularly of print media, resulted in decreased diversity of opinions and more coverage favorable to the government.[...]
The international media were allowed to operate freely.
Despite new comprehensive laws providing for media freedom and journalist protection, journalists did not avail themselves of these protections and often were uninformed about them. NGOs believed that lack of experience and professionalism explained the media's apparent aversion to asserting their legal rights.
In July Mze TV canceled Archevanis Zgvarze (On the Verge of Choice), a popular television show often critical of government policy. The cancellation occurred shortly after an influential parliamentarian appeared on the show and criticized comments made by the program host. The government denied any connection with the cancellation.
In contrast to the previous year's absence of physical attacks, there were a number of physical attacks on media representatives, journalists, or their property.
In April a journalist from the newspaper Imedi in Kakheti alleged that Mikhail Kakalishvili, a member of the National Movement, assaulted her and forcefully destroyed a cassette. The journalist had earlier published stories critical of Member of Parliament (MP) Guram Kakalashvili, the brother of the alleged assailant. An investigation into the incident was pending at year's end.
In April journalist Saba Tsitsikashvili accused Mikheil Kareli, governor of the Shida Kartli region, of verbally and physically abusing him as he attempted to enter the village of Uplistsike to take photos of flood damage. On December 30, Tsitsikashvili filed suit against Kareli alleging illegal interference with the professional activities of a journalist. In a separate incident on September 6, Tsitsikashvili was attacked in Gori; he claimed the attack was retaliation for critical articles he wrote about the mayor of Gori. Police subsequently arrested the assailant, whom Tsitsikashvili identified in a line-up as a relative of one of the mayor's bodyguards. [...]

Self-censorship was still common as journalists feared losing their jobs.
A few journalists claimed they were denied access to public briefings. Radio Liberty's local bureau reported trouble interacting with the defense ministry. In September Koba Liklikadze, a defense affairs reporter for Radio Liberty, said he was denied an interview with a defense ministry official. According to Likikadze, defense ministry press secretary Nana Intskerveli said he was a "problematic journalist" and was no longer welcome at the defense ministry. Military expert and journalist Irakly Aladashvili also was denied access to the defense ministry. Liklikadze and Aldashvili were also both denied access to defense ministry press events hosted by foreign embassies. Journalists complained that it was difficult to obtain information from the MOIA as well as from state energy distribution companies.
Unlike the previous year, the government did not use financial pressure to influence media and there were no reports of harassment from state tax authorities. There were no government restrictions on the Internet or academic freedom."

Document(s): Open document

02.03.2006 - Source: Civil Georgia

General Director of the Public Broadcaster Kintsurashvili accuses parlamentarians of interfering in television's staff policy; parliamentarians say they have the right to receive information about the situation at the Public Broadcasting station ("Chief of Public TV Calls on MPs to Stop Meddling in Staff Policy") [#45619],  [ID 5281]

Document(s): Open document

23.02.2006 - Source: EurasiaNet

6 months after President Mikhail Saakashvili pledged to protect freedom of the press, media owners aiming at good relations with the government still put pressure on journalists ("Pressure to Report: Georgian Media Struggles for an Independent Voice") [#45265],  [ID 5279]

Document(s): Open document

02.2006 - Source: Committee to Protect Journalists

Close ties of several media owners and political leaders; government targetted channel 202 which aired critical political show; decline of attacks against journalists in 2005 attributed to self-censorship ("Attacks on the Press in 2005") [#44093],  [ID 5282]

"Several media owners have close ties to political leaders, journalists said, enabling authorities to exert behind-the-scenes pressure on front-line reporters and editors. President Mikhail Saakashvili and his cabinet directly targeted one critical news outlet, claiming they were fighting media corruption. Government officials sought to dismiss fears of repression. […]
Indeed, channel 202's late-night political talk show, "Debatebi" (Debates), became a prominent source for opposition views by midyear. But the station then suffered two serious blows in as many months. Two executives were arrested in August on extortion charges, and a prominent station journalist was beaten the following month. Journalists feared the incidents came in retaliation for channel 202's critical coverage.
Shalva Ramishvili, channel 202's co-owner and anchor, and David Kokheridze, the station's general director, were accused of extorting 54,000 laris (US$30,000) from Member of Parliament Koba Bekauri in exchange for scrapping an investigative report on his business dealings. Interior Minister Vano Merabishvili stood by the arrests, saying that they were the start of a crackdown on corruption in the Georgian media. […]
Channel 202 had emerged as a leading venue after political and news programming on other Georgian channels went off the air. The independent station Mze canceled the talk show "Archevanis Zgvarze" (On the Verge of Choice), shortly after commentators criticized authorities for forcibly dispersing a July 1 protest in Tbilisi. Host Irakli Imnaishvili told Eurasianet: "It is a fact that directly after [the street protests] when members of the ruling party announced on air that they were not satisfied with the coverage, I was told that my program would be taken off the air after July 8." The management of Mze, which is owned by two members of the parliament, said the show was not popular enough to retain.
Mze journalists angered authorities earlier in the year by airing speculation that the February 3 death of Prime Minister Zurab Zhvania might not have been accidental. Zhvania was found dead in a Tbilisi apartment from what the government said was carbon monoxide poisoning caused by a malfunctioning heater.
The once-independent Rustavi-2 station, whose reporting fueled the mass protests that brought new leadership to power during the Rose Revolution, became owned largely by Kibar Khalvashi, a powerful businessman with close ties to Defense Minister Irakli Okruashvili, according to the London-based Institute for War & Peace Reporting. The channel, which once devoted much of its airtime to news, broadcast mainly movies and soap operas. Several of its investigative journalists left the channel to form their own freelance production crew, which produced investigative programs for channel 202.
Most Georgians rely on broadcast media for news. But the Independent Association of Georgian Journalists (IAGJ), a monitoring media group, said watered-down broadcast news has led some people to seek out the print media, which still work in relative independence. […]
Assaults against Georgian journalists appeared to decline in 2005, said Zviad Pochkhua, president of IAGJ, but he attributed the trend to greater self-censorship among journalists.
Georgian authorities have not reported progress in their investigation into the attack on Vakhtang Komakhidze, a former Rustavi-2 reporter. Komakhidze was stopped by transit police in the Ajarian city of Batumi in March 2004 and forced out of his car by uniformed men who beat him and stole his camera, tapes, and documents. He had just spent two weeks in Ajaria, an enclave on the Black Sea, investigating alleged corruption involving then-leader Aslan Abashidze."

Document(s): Open document

05.01.2006 - Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

Leading TV-station Rustavi-2, allegedly close to government, bought majority stake in TV-station Mze ("New Media Holding Set Up In Georgia") [#41415],  [ID 5283]

Document(s): Open document

05.01.2006 - Source: Council of Europe - Parliamentary Assembly

Major problems faced by journalists in Georgia are lack of financial stability and self-censorship of the journalists; allegedly many journalists find it incorrect to criticize leaders of Rose revolution; financial difficulties also threaten the newly transformed Public Television praised for its political pluralism ("Implementation of Resolution 1415 (2005) on the honouring of obligations and commitments by Georgia [Doc. 10779]") [#41527],  [ID 5284]

"150. Lack of financial independence and of transparency with regard to ownership appears to be one of the major problems for the media in Georgia. According to most interlocutors, there is hardly any media outlet which can sustain itself financially. In such an environment, the media can become an easy instrument for money laundering. The authorities are aware of the problem and have recently exempted the print media from any taxes, except for social contributions. There are also no limits on advertising.
151. Several broadcast and print media have nevertheless closed down in recent months and this fact has been subject to intensive political speculation. The government has also been criticised for cancelling newspaper subscriptions of state organisations – this however seems to us a fully justifiable measure in the course of a reform which tries to rationalise the use of limited state resources.[…]
153. Another major problem, which we emphasised in our previous report, is self-censorship. Some of it undoubtedly is caused by a sort of "protocol journalism" or a "Bush syndrome": in the same way as most media in the US had considered it anti-patriotic to criticise the US President for taking the country to war in Iraq following the 9-11 events, many journalists in Georgia probably consider it politically incorrect to criticise the leaders of the Rose Revolution. But financial instability, lack of democratic practice and poor professional training are certainly also to blame for this situation. […]
154. […] Following the adoption of the Law on Broadcasting in December 2004, the former state television was transformed and started operating as Public Television in 2005. The 9 members of the Supervisory Board were elected by Parliament in April 2005 from the larger nominal list presented by the President. […]
155. The meeting of the monitoring mission with the senior staff of the Public TV left the impression that the leading team is professional and well aware of the vocation of a public service broadcasting operation. In addition to political pluralism, it is trying to promote ethnic and religious diversity, notably by broadcasting news in the five minority languages once a week. However, the television faces major financial difficulties, leading some critics to predict that it will soon be bankrupt. […]"

Document(s): Open document

05.01.2006 - Source: Council of Europe - Parliamentary Assembly

Pluralism of views is ensured by media laws; since July 2004 libel is no longer criminal act; major problems faced by media are financial dependence, transparency of ownership and self-censorship ("Implementation of Resolution 1415 (2005) on the honouring of obligations and commitments by Georgia [Doc. 10779]") [#41527],  [ID 5285]

"144. Georgia boasts a large variety of print and broadcast media, ensuring pluralism of views and opinions. In recent years the legislative framework with regard to the media has been improved and some of the laws, such as the Law on Freedom of Speech and Expression, adopted in June 2004, are considered as the most democratic and liberal in the region. Several media organisations and associations are active in the protection of journalists' rights and in developing the principles of self-regulation.
145. The OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media, who has launched a broad campaign for decriminalisation of libel throughout the OSCE area, has on several occasions praised Georgia for revoking criminal liability in July 2004. According to a comprehensive database on criminal and civil defamation provisions and court practices in the OSCE region, defamation, libel and insult are civil offences and government officials and public figures do not enjoy higher protection than other individuals. However, there is still no upper limit for fines in cases of civil defamation. The average fine is of 2,000 USD, but the maximum – 25,000 USD – seems disproportionate with regard to the financial means of most media outlets. […]
150. Lack of financial independence and of transparency with regard to ownership appears to be one of the major problems for the media in Georgia. According to most interlocutors, there is hardly any media outlet which can sustain itself financially. In such an environment, the media can become an easy instrument for money laundering. The authorities are aware of the problem and have recently exempted the print media from any taxes, except for social contributions. There are also no limits on advertising."

Document(s): Open document

01.2006 - Source: Human Rights Watch

According to NGOs and international organizations, presidential administration sometimes directly contacts chief editors telling them how to cover issues; afraid of dismissal, journalists are reluctant to speak out about these practices ("World Report 2006") [#42316],  [ID 5286]

"On April 3, 2005, the owner of Imedi television, Badri Patarkatasishvili, ordered the station not to broadcast a story on police corruption on the weekly television program Droeba (Time). The next day, Patarkatasishvili explained why he had refused to allow the program to be broadcast, saying “if I want to tell something to the government, I can tell it personally and directly.” NGOs and representatives of international organizations told Human Rights Watch that the presidential administration sometimes directly contacts chief editors, telling them how to cover certain issues. Journalists, however, are reluctant to speak publicly about government interference with or efforts to influence the content of their work. There are reportedly few protections against unfair dismissal, and journalists are rarely willing to risk their positions by speaking out publicly."

Document(s): Open document

01.2006 - Source: Human Rights Center

Financial persecution, threats and closing down of stations were used to silence media; self-censorship is common, sometimes journalists refrain from publishing compromising facts in return for bribe ("Next Stop – Belarus?; Human Rights Report 2005; Georgia") [#43007],  [ID 5287]

For documentation of individual cases please refer to the original document

"Maybe one of the most obvious spheres in which we can find clear abuse by governmental organs is in that of the media. While a general tendency exists to restrict and bully media sources that are too critical, some individual public officials have embarked upon a genuine crusade against independent journalism. This has lead to some truly astonishing incidents. More ‘humane’ ways to silence critical media are the well-known methods of financial persecution, threats, and the closing down of stations. Since the owners of quite a few media sources have historical ties with the people who now make up the government, self-censorship is not uncommon. Some individual journalists too are responsible for the decreased recalcitrant attitude of the media. After gathering compromising materials against this or that person, they offer to refrain from publishing it for a good amount of money. Such income serves as a good addition to journalists’ meager salaries."

Document(s): Open document

08.2005 - Source: Freedom House

In 2004 wider effort to manage media was undertaken by the authorities, in instances as part of effort to fight corruption ("Freedom in the World 2005") [#41311],  [ID 5288]

"Before the Georgian leadership change, the country’s independent press was able to publish discerning and critical political analyses, although economic difficulties limited the circulation of most newspapers, particularly outside Tbilisi. During 2004, some critics of the new government leveled charges that media outlets unfriendly to Saakashvili were pressured and that a new round of self-censorship had begun. There were also some indications that a wider effort to manage news media was being undertaken by the authorities, in instances as part of an effort to establish financial order and fight corruption. The authorities do not restrict access to the Internet.
In July, the government passed a new law on defamation. It provides that statements made in parliament, in the courts, and during political debates are not considered libel. The law also moves the burden of proof to the accuser, and places entire companies, rather than individual reporters, as defendants. The authorities did not use libel laws to inhibit journalism in 2004."

Document(s): Open document

08.07.2005 - Source: Civil Georgia

Group of Georgian journalists signed statement on July 7 expressing concern for attempts by government to control media sources' editorial policies ("Journalists Accuse Government of Pressuring Media") [#42690],  [ID 5289]

Document(s): Open document

08.07.2005 - Source: EurasiaNet

Popular political talk show taken off air after authorities criticized the program’s coverage of street protests in Tbilisi ("TV talk show cancellation stirs mediarights debate") [#34953],  [ID 5290]

Document(s): Open document

15.06.2005 - Source: Human Rights Watch

Although government has improved legislative protections for freedom of expression, major television channels are biased in favour of the government ("Georgia and the European Neighbourhood Policy") [#35208],  [ID 5291]

"Since the Rose Revolution, the government has improved legislative protections for freedom of expression, such as the decriminalization of libel. At the same time the media has become more pro-government and less critical than during the Shevardnadze era. Newspapers remain relatively free of government pressure, however, major television channels are biased in favor of the government in their news and current affairs coverage.
Journalists, NGOs, and representatives of international organizations told Human Rights Watch that the government uses its influence with the owners of the major private television channels to control the content of their programs. These owners are either relatives of government officials or keep close ties with the government to secure their business interests. They directly control media content, giving little editorial independence to staff and sometimes censor programs that are critical of the government. In a recent example, on April 3, the owner of Imedi television, Badri Patarkatasishvili, ordered the suspension from broadcast of a story on corruption within the financial police on the weekly television program Droeba (Time). The next day, Patarkatasishvili explained why he suspended the program, saying that “if I want to tell something to the government, I can tell it personally and directly.”
The government has reportedly used financial pressure to control the media, giving a reprieve from tax debts to those outlets it perceives as pro-government and dispatching tax inspectors to those that it perceives as overly critical. In addition, NGOs and representatives of international organizations told Human Rights Watch that the presidential administration sometimes directly contacts chief editors, telling them how to cover certain issues. Journalists, however, are reluctant to speak publicly about interference or pressures to influence the content of their work. There are reportedly few protections against unfair dismissal, and journalists are rarely willing to risk their positions by speaking publicly."

Document(s): Open document

15.06.2005 - Source: Freedom House

Pluralism diminished in the media throughout 2004 ("Nations in Transit 2005") [#32929],  [ID 5292]

For details please refer to the original document

"Summary on independent media
The Georgian Constitution and legislation ensure a liberal environment for the development of independent media. The 2004 Law on Freedom of Speech and Expression took libel off the criminal code and relieved journalists of legal criminal responsibility for revealing state secrets. However, in the first half of 2004 independent TV stations became less daring in criticizing the government, a development that may be based on a combination of alleged behind-the-scenes government pressure and self-censorship. The economic base of the media is weak: independent TV companies are usually unprofitable and serve to promote the agendas of their owners. The professional quality of journalists is insufficient, and there are no strong formal associations to set professional and ethical standards for the industry. Owing to diminished pluralism in the media, the rating for independent media worsens from 4.00 to 4.25."

Document(s): Open document

19.05.2005 - Source: International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights

State of media independence worsened in 2004; not pro-government automatically labeled as supporters of the previous government and faced reprisals ("Human Rights in the OSCE Region: Europe, Central Asia and North America, Report 2005 (Events of 2004)") [#32106],  [ID 5293]

"In 2004, the diversity of the media narrowed alarmingly as most formerly critical media outlets became closely linked to the new government and were loyal to it. Political debate in the media was particularly affected after three television stations simultaneously took off the air their popular evening talk shows that discussed political issues. While political pressure was rumored, the central reasons appeared to be financial.
[...]
The report of the Directorate of Strategic Planning (DSP) of the Council of Europe, published on 28 June, stated that according to public and civil society, the state of media independence had recently worsened. The DSP, too, cited strong links between political forces and media owners and noted their influence on the editorial policy of the media outlets. It stated also that the post-revolution regime was less tolerant towards criticism than the previous one.

Journalists and outlets that were not pro-government were automatically labeled as supporters of the previous government and faced reprisals soon after the Rose Revolution. Pressure on them and independent media was exercised, for example, by threatening owners with tax and other financial controls and in some cases following through with such threats. These superfluous controls appeared to be based on the political loyalty of the outlet.
[...]
In June, the parliament adopted new legislation on freedom of speech, under which the journalist responsible for the offending statement in a libel suit is subject to legal action, but not the owner of the media outlet that published or broadcast it. The new law also absolved journalists from responsibility for publishing information designated as a state secret.

Later in the year, on 23 December, a new law on broadcasting went into force intending to provide the legal framework for the transformation of the first channel of state television into a public broadcaster. It appeared that television stations in general received a preferential treatment from the government in comparison to the print media. For example, only television stations, but not journalists from the print media, were invited to cover President Saakashvili's special press briefing on 23 November, the first anniversary of Shevardnadze's ouster."

Document(s): Open document

19.05.2005 - Source: International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights

Situation of TV channels, other media outlets and journalists in 2004: cases documented ("Human Rights in the OSCE Region: Europe, Central Asia and North America, Report 2005 (Events of 2004)") [#32106],  [ID 5294]

"On 4 February, three popular talk shows broadcast by the independent TV stations Rustavi2 and Mze unexpectedly cancelled their political talk shows “Night Courier” and “Night Mzera.” The Rustavi2 is close to the Sakaashvili government. The fact that they were cancelled on the same day was explained as a simple coincidence. Mze assured that “Night Mzera” would be back on the air after some technical changes, but this had not happened by the end of the year. The “Night Courier” was replaced with another program in which debate is no longer part of the format. Many of the stations’ problems were reportedly linked to financial difficulties, and it was reported in June that President Saakashvili had agreed to help Rustavi2 to find a way to pay off its depts. In addition, on 5 April, the TV company Channel Nine ceased operations.

The independent TV company Omega Group went off the air due to financial reasons that were linked to allegations of smuggling and tax evasion by its owner.
[...]
On 10 May, three assailants attacked Zurab Kachlishvili, editor-in-chef of the local newspaper Objective, which had been writing about mismanagement in the local administration. Unidentified men beat him in his apartment in Kakheti, ordering him to leave the city.

In July, the English-language Georgian Times was harassed by state auditors after publishing an article that criticized Tbilisi City Prosecutor Valerii Grigalashvili.

Also in July, Revaz Okruashvili, editor of the Gori local newspaper Sakhalkho gazeti was arrested after police apparently planted drugs on him during a search. He had written articles criticizing local authorities. Okruashvili was sentenced to three months’ detention but subsequently released after agreeing to pay a fine."

Document(s): Open document

04.2005 - Source: International Freedom of Expression Exchange

Report focused on freedom of information and media ("Freedom of information and the media in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia") [#35561],  [ID 5295]

Document(s): Open document

14.03.2005 - Source: Committee to Protect Journalists

Attacks on the press in 2004: analysis of press conditions ("Attacks on the press in 2004") [#30142],  [ID 5296]

Document(s): Open document

14.03.2005 - Source: Council of Europe - Secretary General

Situation in the media field has been characterised by notable progress as regards elaboration of new legislation and, at the same time, continuous warnings that the pluralism of Georgian broadcasting media was diminishing ("Compliance with commitments and obligations: the situation in Georgia [SG/Inf (2005) 6]") [#31811],  [ID 5297]

"62. Over the period observed, the situation in the media field has been characterised by notable progress as regards elaboration of new legislation and, at the same time, continuous warnings that the pluralism of Georgian broadcasting media was diminishing (see also doc. GR-EDS(2004)32 and PACE doc.10383).

63. The new Law on Freedom of Speech and Press was adopted in late June 2004. The Law introduced a number of very progressive provisions as concerns defamation and protection of journalists’ sources. Furthermore, in December 2004, the Parliament adopted the new Broadcasting Law which provides for the transformation of the state First Channel into a public service broadcaster. Financing of the new public service broadcaster raised vivid discussions. According to the Law, the public service broadcaster will have a mixed financing from the income tax revenues and commercial advertising, as recommended by the CoE experts. The Board of Governors has to be formed within the next months. The CoE stands ready to assist the Georgian authorities in the creation of the new broadcaster.

64. The independent TV station “Iberia” stopped broadcasting in 2004. The second independent TV station, ‘Caucasia’, is encountering serious financial difficulties, while ‘Rustavi-2’, loyal to the government, which was bankrupt in early summer, has been allowed a debt repayment arrangement.

65. Media representatives warn against a reduction in the electronic media’s independence, this allegedly resulting from the closer links between the new authorities and media owners. The loyalty of the owners to the new authorities has reportedly resulted in an increased depolitisation of the electronic media. Journalists acknowledge that they are more inclined to self-censorship.

66. Media professionals allege that access to information is worsening and they have substantial difficulties in obtaining information, notably from the ‘power’ ministries. Furthermore, new rules introduced in the State Chancellery in late February 2005, raised controversy among journalists. According to the new rules, information from the State Chancellery will be available to journalists only through the spokespersons of the Government and the President. The journalists argue that the new rules restrict the possibility to have direct interviews with government members. However, in the opinion of the Georgian authorities, the new regulations aim at introducing a necessary order and rules of behaviour in line with current international standards, without any prejudice to media freedom. The CoE stands ready to give an opinion on the matter if the Georgian authorities so wish."

Document(s): Open document

28.02.2005 - Source: US Department of State

Journalists were able to publish wide-ranging and extremely critical views of officials and their conduct; however, criticism of the Government in the media decreased during the year due to increased self-censorship ("Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2004") [#29503],  [ID 5298]

"The Constitution provides for freedom of speech and of the press; however, there were some incidents of government obstruction. Journalists were able to publish wide-ranging and extremely critical views of officials and their conduct; however, criticism of the Government in the media decreased during the year due to increased self-censorship. A law on broadcasting was passed in December converting the State television channel, Channel 1, into a public television channel. The law allows the new channel state funding for one more year, as well as commercial funding. Competitors complained that their lack of analogous state funding during this period would put them at a disadvantage.

There were approximately 200 independent newspapers in circulation. After the November 2003 "Rose Revolution," the Government privatized the previously state-owned news agency Sakinfo. The press frequently criticized senior government officials; however, few editorially independent newspapers were commercially viable. Typically, newspapers were subsidized by and subject to the influence of patrons in politics and business. Several newspapers were reputable sources of information, although lack of financial resources limited their circulation.

Following privatizations during the year, there were seven independent television stations in Tbilisi, three with national coverage--Channel 1, Rustavi-2, and Imedi. An international NGO estimated that there were more than 45 regional television stations outside of Tbilisi, 17 of which offered daily news. While these stations ostensibly were independent, a lack of advertising revenue often forced them to depend on local government officials for support; however, some regions, such as Samtskhe-Javakheti and Kutaisi, had relatively independent media. After the resignation of Aslan Abashidze, former President of the autonomous region of Ajara, the region ceased jamming the national television stations. There were two independent newspapers in Ajara, and Ajara also received the national independent newspaper 24 hours.

While there were no physical attacks on media representatives during year, state tax authorities occasionally harassed independent newspapers and television stations. Journalists stated that they were vulnerable to pressure from authorities, as well as from business and societal elements. Media outlets complained that commercial firms refused to advertise on certain channels critical of the Government for fear of losing the Government's favor.

Compared to 2003, physical harassment of the media decreased, although self-censorship increased, likely due to a desire to please the new government. There were some reports of legal harassment of media outlets by the financial police.

Although most journalists had regular access to government officials and agencies, a few government officials denied journalists access to public briefings. For example, the Minister of Interior temporarily blocked the television station Kavkasia access to the Ministry and to his public briefings. The mayor of Poti prohibited television cameras from public briefings and effectively blocked interviews of local government officials. In December, the mayor of Poti was arrested on unrelated charges. The Government also used financial pressures to influence media outlets and sometimes sent financial tax investigators to investigate critical journals.

In February, on the eve of parliamentary discussions of constitutional amendments proposed by the President (see section 1.e.), three of the most popular nightly political talk shows were temporarily canceled, reportedly due to "reformatting." Commentators reported government officials exerted pressure on the channels to cancel programming.

Early in the year, Iberia TV ceased news operations following a high-profile raid on the station by the General Prosecutor’s office, which raided all subsidiary media and nonmedia businesses owned by the parent company, Omega Group. The Prosecutor’s office cited financial fraud as grounds for the raid. Omega Group’s owner, then Member of Parliament Zaza Okuashvili, who allegedly had close ties to Aslan Abashidze, fled the country. Omega Group’s other media operations, Media News Agency, the newspaper Akhali Epoka, Omega magazine, and a printing house went out of business.

During the March parliamentary elections, in Ajara, the regional government under Aslan Abashidze did not allow opposition candidates media access or television time. Opposition gatherings were also violently suppressed or attacked, and opposition offices were ransacked. On March 5, unidentified men in masks beat reporter Vakhtang Komakhidze at a border checkpoint and confiscated his tapes, camera and notes. Komakhidze was later hospitalized for several weeks (see Section 3).

On July 15, the Government passed a new law on defamation, which states comments made in Parliament, court cases, and during political debates can no longer be considered libel. The law also moves the burden of proof to the accuser, and places entire companies, rather than individual reporters, as defendants in a court case. In practice, the Government did not use libel laws to inhibit journalism during the year.

In July 2003, head of the Georgian Railway Akaki Chkhaidze won a libel suit against independent television station Rustavi-2 for information broadcast on a program linking him to bribery scandals. The station was ordered to pay $480,000 (1 million GEL) in moral damages. The station appealed the decision to the Supreme Court and the fine was reduced to $50,000 (104,166 GEL).

Stations desiring benefits and better working relations with authorities practiced increased self-censorship. In November, a dispute broke out between the Georgian Orthodox Church (GOC) Patriarchate and reformist seminary students and priests. Media coverage was initially intense. In October, in a press conference, President Saakashvili called on the media to be more responsible in their coverage of this dispute. Immediately, all reporting on this dispute disappeared. However, no direct government harassment was reported.

The Government did not restrict access to the Internet. The Government did not restrict academic freedom.

Media in the separatist regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia remained tightly restricted by their respective de facto governments."

Document(s): Open document

12.2004 - Source: Human Rights Center

Georgia`s ranking fell from 73rd to 94th in Reporters Sans Frontieres index of press freedom; diversity of media was significantly reduced, leaving little space for opposition media ("One Step Forward, Two Steps Back: Human Rights in Georgia after the “Rose Revolution”") [#27594],  [ID 5299]

For a documentation of individual cases please refer to the original document

"Summary on freedom of expression

Likewise, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ratified by Georgia also guarantees freedom of expression in its article 19.
During the Shevardnadze period, the rights to freedom of assembly and expression were more or less respected. Although sporadic attacks on independent journalists did occur and independent media outlets continued to face severe economic pressures under Shevardnadze, the developments regarding freedom of expression under the new government are alarming. In early 2004, there were concerns that the diversity of the media was being significantly reduced since most of the media formerly connected to the opposition now supported the government, leaving very few outlets that did not have a progovernment orientation.
In early February 2004, two television stations, Rustavi-2 and Mze, simultaneously stopped broadcasting popular evening talk shows that discussed political issues.
The First result of Democratic Georgia’s development is that Georgia is ranked 94th in an annual worldwide index of press freedom issued by the Paris-based lobby group for media rights Reporters Sans Frontiers (Reporters Without Borders). The report indicates the state of press freedom in a total of 167 countries. In last year’s similar report, which included a total of 166 countries, Georgia was ranked 73rd. To our regret, this is a fair estimation.
Post-revolutionary Georgia becomes a standard-bearer of oppression on free media. The latter’s existence becomes ever more doubtful on a daily basis. Interesting and important programs and newspapers are shut down. A reform of television and newspaper is underway in the country. Some programs of high rating have ceased to exist; among them “Gamis Kurieri” (Night Courier) led by Eka Khoperia, “Tema” (Theme) – by George Gomiashvili, “Gamis Mzera” (Night View) – by Inga Grigolia. Authorities do not contend themselves with closing programs of high rating and realize their power by putting an end to various independent tv stations through direct or indirect oppression (“9-e Arkhi” (9th Channel), Iberia…); court trials of media representatives do not cease (Zurab Zhvania against “Tavisufali gazeti” Free Newspaper)… All this will lead to an absence of political programs. The government keeps everybody silent in a secret way (of course, the owners of media organizations do not want to cause problems for themselves and would rather reckon with the authorities).
There are disturbing changes in printing media as well. Newspapers like: “Mtavari Gazeti” (Main Newspaper), “Dilis Gazeti” (Morning Newspaper) “Akhali Epoka” (New Epoch), “Tribuna” (Tribune) have closed.
[...]"

Document(s): Open document

07.2004 - Source: Human Rights Center

Georgian-language “Georgian Times” under threat of being closed by the authorities; during the last 2 months, over 7 newspapers have been shut down ("New Victim of the New Power: “Georgian Times” Threatened with Shutdown") [#24327],  [ID 5300]

"On July 14, the Financial Police raided the office of “ The Georgian Times” and stopped the operation of the newspaper for 10 hours. According to the chairpersons of the newspaper, individuals in power are trying to paralyze “Georgian Times” and declare that this is a personal attack on the newspaper, which refuses to tolerate the rampant corruption. The company intends to bring a lawsuit against the Financial Police, as the representatives of the Financial Police without a corresponding court warrant, raided and confiscated the financial documentation of the newspaper. “This is a crime,” stated the lawyer for the newspaper, Eka Beselia. “We are going to file a lawsuit against the Financial Police for humiliation of reputation and honor of the newspaper and demand moral compensation.”

According to the representatives of “The Georgian Times,” the investigation, conducted by the Financial Police, was ordered by Valeri Grigalashvili, the General Procurator of Tbilisi. The incident was preceded by a series of articles published in the newspaper during a month period. The journalistic investigation included compromising materials about Valeri Grigalashvili, revealing him as engaged in anti-constitutional and illegal activities. The last publication before the raid highlighted the professional activity of the Tbilisi Procurator and in an interview, Lordi Lebanidze, the former procurator, blamed Valeri Grigalashvili for corruption and demanded he be held liable for criminal activity. According to the statement of Malkhaz Gulashvili, the leader of Media Holding, Valeri Grigalashvili, the General Prosecutor had threatened to shutdown the paper. The threats were made personally against him and his wife Nana Gagua, who is the editor of “The Georgian Times.” The statements informed them that they would be detained and the newspaper would be closed. “During the former government we had more problems, but there were only threats, that had not been implemented. But, since the new government came to power, 7 newspapers, 2 TV Channels and popular talk-shows have been shutdown. We classify this as a pressure on media and restriction of freedom of speech. But I can’t blame exactly the central government in it - the president or the prime-minister. Responsibility for this situation should be undertaken by the procurator of Tbilisi,” noted the executive of “Georgian Times.”"

Document(s): Open document

23.04.2004 - Source: International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights

In early 2004, there were concerns that the diversity of the media was being significantly reduced since most of the media formerly connected to the opposition now supported the government ("Human Rights in the OSCE Region: Europe, Central Asia and North America, Report 2004 (Events of 2003)") [#21453],  [ID 5301]

"Under the new government, the media continued to operate relatively freely. However, in early 2004, there were concerns that the diversity of the media was being significantly reduced since most of the media formerly connected to the opposition now supported the government, leaving very few outlets that did not have a pro-government orientation. In early February 2004, two television stations, Rustavi-2 and Mze, simultaneously stopped broadcasting popular evening talk shows that discussed political issues. This led to concerns that the government was trying to control the media prior to the parliamentary elections at the end of March 2004."

Document(s): Open document
Open document

23.04.2004 - Source: International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights

In 2003, the television station Rustavi-2 was targeted by a broad government campaign to harass and discredit ("Human Rights in the OSCE Region: Europe, Central Asia and North America, Report 2004 (Events of 2003)") [#21453],  [ID 5302]

"In 2003, the television station Rustavi-2 was targeted by a broad government campaign to harass and discredit it. Rustavi-2 was the main independent television station until it gradually began to support Saakashvili. After the change of government, it openly declared itself to be on the side of the “victors.”

Rustavi-2’s investigative biweekly program, "60 Minutes," was at the center of attacks because it disclosed corruption and other abuses by authorities and powerful business people. Later, it reported extensively on the anti-Shevardnadze demonstrations. On 10 March, the Supreme Court published a statement requesting the prosecutor general to conduct a criminal inquiry into "60 Minutes." The 16 February edition had revealed that government officials, whom the program had previously caught on hidden camera talking about bribes they had taken and engaging in other corruption, had been fired and later rehired. Rustavi-2 also faced a 10-million-Lari (€3.95 million) criminal libel lawsuit in the Supreme Court that was unrelated to the court's request for an investigation into the station. Valeri Asatiani, the former minister of culture, had filed the suit against the station in April 2000 after "60 Minutes" had featured a convicted criminal accusing her of ordering him to murder her business partner. Rustavi-2 had to pay 50,000 Lari (€19,700) in “moral damage” to Asatiani. Other government officials also had filed suits in lower courts against "60 Minutes."

In the lead-up to the November elections, the Shevardnadze government held Rustavi-2 largely responsible for the political crisis and increased intimidation and pressure against it. On 13 November, when the election results had still not been published, the CEC cancelled Rustavi-2's accreditation because the station broadcast a message from the Kmara student movement, which called on the commission to stop falsifying the election results.

On 29 December a rocket attack was carried out against Rustavi-2. It damaged the façade of the Rustavi-2 building but caused no injuries. The station’s transmission was blocked for several weeks in the Adjaria region."

Document(s): Open document
Open document

23.04.2004 - Source: International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights

Saakashvili government suggested introducing lengthier sentences for defamation of public officials; Georgian defamation laws not up to par with international standards ("Human Rights in the OSCE Region: Europe, Central Asia and North America, Report 2004 (Events of 2003)") [#21453],  [ID 5303]

"Defamation legislation was frequently abused to shield those in power from media scrutiny. Both civil and criminal defamation laws provided for harsh sentences of those found guilty. Soon after coming into power, the Saakashvili government suggested introducing lengthier sentences for defamation of public officials.

According to NGO “Article 19,”Georgian defamation laws were not up to par with international standards. In addition to providing for criminal defamation, which is not acceptable under international standards, the Civil Code contained a dangerously broad definition of people who could be sued for defamation. The provisions were not developed in sufficient detail to provide the safeguards necessary to protect freedom of expression. “Article 19” recommended that defamation be decriminalized; that public bodies, including bodies forming part of the legislative, executive or judicial branches of government, be barred from suing for defamation; that statements of opinion as opposed to factual accusations not be actionable in defamation; that Internet service providers and others performing similar functions be shielded from liability; that there be a defense of reasonable publication; that damages awarded always be proportionate to the harm suffered; and that a fixed ceiling be established for non-material harm."

Document(s): Open document
Open document

04.2004 - Source: Human Rights Center

Interview with the editor-in-chief of the Tavisupali Gazeti, Tamuna Lepsveridze regarding the situation of the media in post-revolutionary Georgia ("The Target of the Georgian Government: Freedom of Speech") [#21569],  [ID 5304]

Document(s): Open document

24.02.2004 - Source: Human Rights Watch

Report focused on religious intolerance, freedom of assembly and expression, torture in prisons and the situation of internally displaced, refugees and Meskhetian refugees ("Agenda for Reform: Human Rights Priorities after the Georgian Revolution") [#19671],  [ID 5305]

"During the Shevardnadze period, the rights to freedom of assembly and expression were more or less respected. Public protests were permitted and occurred on a regular basis and, for the most part, the government did not interfere unduly with the media. There were sporadic attacks on independent journalists, and independent media outlets continued to face severe economic pressures. However, the media reflected a wide range of political viewpoints.21

Under the new government, there have been several worrying developments regarding freedom of assembly. In January, the police violently broke up several peaceful protests and no action has been taken against the police. On the contrary, high-level officials have reportedly justified the police response.22 In one case, seven men present23 at a peaceful protest in Terjola against the arrest of a man charged with illegal possession of firearms are now in custody, on remand for three months of pre-trial detention. They are charged with breaching public order by intentionally blocking a road. (See appendix for full details of this case). Commentators agree that this is the first time in many years that people have been imprisoned for attending a peaceful protest in Georgia, including many protests where protesters have blocked roads.24

The media continue to operate relatively freely. However there are concerns that the diversity of the media has been significantly reduced since most of the media formerly connected to the opposition now support the government, leaving very few outlets without a pro-government orientation. In early February two television stations, Rustavi 2 and Mze, simultaneously stopped broadcasting popular evening talk shows that discussed political issues. This has led to concerns that the government may be trying to control the media environment prior to the parliamentary elections at the end of March 2004.25"

Document(s): Open document

20.02.2004 - Source: EurasiaNet

According to critics police violence and media intimidation on the rise despite Saakashvili's strong commitment to democratic standards ("Georgia: Critics Say Police Violence, Media Intimidation On The Rise") [#19612],  [ID 5306]

Document(s): Open document

05.09.2003 - Source: Prima News

Cameraman of Adzharian television, Levan Tabatadze, beaten by an officer from the government security service in front of the State Chancellery in Tbilisi ("Georgian president’s security man beats journalist") [#15785],  [ID 5307]

Document(s): Open document

05.09.2003 - Source: Prima News